8 research outputs found

    Making war and peace with emotion: examining the Iraq and Iran cases via presidential speech and media coverage

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    This study investigates emotions conveyed in US presidential speeches and media coverage regarding the Iraq War and the Iran nuclear deal during 2003 and 2015. The researchers gathered and examined news stories about the two policies, all official speeches delivered by George W Bush and Barack Obama, and opinion polls conducted during the respective six-month period in those two years. Nine discrete emotions were coded to capture the valence and volume in the speeches and news media content. The study finds that emotions appear more frequently in the Iraq discourse than in the Iran counterpart. President Bush used more negative emotions while President Obama employed more positive emotions. Emotion in the media coverage is constant and stable across the two policy periods; yet negative emotions are more prevalent than positive counterparts in the media despite distinct foreign policies. The study also examines public opinion trends toward the two policies for inferring potential linkage. This article contributes to the conceptual nexus among emotional persuasion, journalism pattern, and foreign policy-making process.Accepted manuscrip

    Graveyard of Republics: An Analysis of Torture in Counterinsurgency

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    Counterinsurgency relies on the dual instruments of propaganda and coercion. If well balanced, these instruments may convince the civilian populace that the rebels cannot win; furthermore, the agenda of counterinsurgents seems to be morally superior to that of the rebels. To attain this balance, counterinsurgents must have a steady flow of intelligence. This is a key to victory, but intelligence gathering is a complex and time-consuming process. In times of great pressure, counterinsurgents tend to fall back on brutality, including torture, to compensate for a lack of information. Although torture provides a great volume of information, the cost of its acquisition is enormous: torture cripples pacification efforts, as it alienates the civilian populace and boosts insurgency. Furthermore, the credibility of information gained via torture is uncertain. The French campaign in Algeria and the American Global War on Terror were lost in part because security agencies resorted to torture in order to gain vital intelligence. The poison pill of torture is inimical to rational counterinsurgency operations

    A Comparison of Marketing Techniques Among Military Recruiters

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    The U.S. Department of Defense spent $11 billion in enlistment and retention bonuses from 2006 to 2010, which had only a marginally positive effect on the enlistment rate for the Army. The case study addressed this business problem of recruiting by exploring marketing strategies successful recruiting professionals used to motivate individuals to join the military. The purpose of this study was to determine effective recruiting strategies. Therefore, it incorporated the conceptual framework of emergent strategy theory, which postulated the best strategies are neither completely planned nor completely random, but are rather an adaptation to changing dynamics and circumstances. The population consisted of 2 former recruiters, 1 from the Army and another from the Marine Corps, as well as 38 college students located in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. Data for the study morphed from face-to-face interviews and 3 focus groups comprised of 10 to 15 students each, for the purpose of addressing the research question. Data analysis occurred through a process of coding and theming. The 9 themes identified included tell the story, advertising strategies, and fit for duty. A lesson learned from these themes was that the key for successful recruiting strategies lies in aligning with the wants and needs of individuals in the target demographic. If senior leaders in the Department of Defense followed the recommendations provided, each of the branches of the military service could potentially achieve higher recruiting rates at a lower cost. The study could result in social change whereby eligible recruits could view the Army and Marine Corps as professions of arms in which individuals can live out their ideals of patriotism but also have a good quality of life due to the benefits of military service

    A Comparison of Marketing Techniques Among Military Recruiters

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    The U.S. Department of Defense spent $11 billion in enlistment and retention bonuses from 2006 to 2010, which had only a marginally positive effect on the enlistment rate for the Army. The case study addressed this business problem of recruiting by exploring marketing strategies successful recruiting professionals used to motivate individuals to join the military. The purpose of this study was to determine effective recruiting strategies. Therefore, it incorporated the conceptual framework of emergent strategy theory, which postulated the best strategies are neither completely planned nor completely random, but are rather an adaptation to changing dynamics and circumstances. The population consisted of 2 former recruiters, 1 from the Army and another from the Marine Corps, as well as 38 college students located in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. Data for the study morphed from face-to-face interviews and 3 focus groups comprised of 10 to 15 students each, for the purpose of addressing the research question. Data analysis occurred through a process of coding and theming. The 9 themes identified included tell the story, advertising strategies, and fit for duty. A lesson learned from these themes was that the key for successful recruiting strategies lies in aligning with the wants and needs of individuals in the target demographic. If senior leaders in the Department of Defense followed the recommendations provided, each of the branches of the military service could potentially achieve higher recruiting rates at a lower cost. The study could result in social change whereby eligible recruits could view the Army and Marine Corps as professions of arms in which individuals can live out their ideals of patriotism but also have a good quality of life due to the benefits of military service

    a content analysis of US presidential rhetoric (2001-2009)

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    ํ•™์œ„๋…ผ๋ฌธ(์„์‚ฌ)--์„œ์šธ๋Œ€ํ•™๊ต ๋Œ€ํ•™์› :๊ตญ์ œ๋Œ€ํ•™์› ๊ตญ์ œํ•™๊ณผ(๊ตญ์ œํ˜‘๋ ฅ์ „๊ณต),2019. 8. Sheen, Seong-ho.์ด ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ์ด๋ผํฌ ์ „์Ÿ ์œ ์ง€์™€ ์ง€์ง€๋ฅผ ์ด๋Œ๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•œ ์ „๋žต์œผ๋กœ์„œ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น ๋ฐœ์–ธ์—์„œ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚˜๋Š” '๋‘๋ ค์›€'์˜ ์‚ฌ์šฉ์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น ๋ฐœ์–ธ์˜ ์ „๋žต์„ ์—ฐ๊ตฌํ•˜๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•ด 2001๋…„ 1์›”๋ถ€ํ„ฐ 2009๋…„ 1์›” ์‚ฌ์ด์— ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น ๋ผ๋””์˜ค ๋ฐฉ์†ก์—์„œ ๋‚˜์˜จ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น ๋ฏธ์‚ฌ์—ฌ๊ตฌ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์ •๋Ÿ‰์  ์ฝ˜ํ…์ธ  ๋ถ„์„์„ ํ–ˆ๋‹ค. ์ด ๋ถ„์„์€ 'ํ…Œ๋Ÿฌ'์™€ ๋Œ€๋Ÿ‰์‚ด์ƒ๋ฌด๊ธฐ์˜ ์œ„ํ˜‘์ด ๊ณตํฌ์˜ ๋ฏธ์‚ฌ์—ฌ๊ตฌ๋ฅผ ์กฐ์„ฑํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ ์žˆ์–ด์„œ ์ค‘์‹ฌ ์š”์†Œ์˜€๋‹ค๋Š” ์ ์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ค€๋‹ค. ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น ๋ผ๋””์˜ค ๋ฐฉ์†ก ๋‚ด์—์„œ ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ์š”์†Œ๋“ค์€ ์ค‘๋™์˜ ํ‰ํ™”์™€ ์•ˆ๋ณด๋ฅผ ์ฆ์ง„์‹œํ‚ค๋Š” ๋ฏธ๊ตญ์˜ ์—ญํ• ๊ณผ๋„ ๋ณ‘ํ–‰๋˜์—ˆ๋‹ค. ์ด ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ๋‹ค์Œ๊ณผ ๊ฐ™์€ ์‚ฌ์‹ค์„ ๋ฐœ๊ฒฌํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. 2001๋…„ 9์›” 11์ผ ํ…Œ๋Ÿฌ ๊ณต๊ฒฉ ์ดํ›„ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ๋‚ด์—์„œ ์กฐ์„ฑ๋œ ๋งค์šฐ ๋ฏผ๊ฐํ•ด์ง„ ํ™˜๊ฒฝ์—์„œ '๊ณตํฌ'๋Š” ๋‹จ๊ธฐ ์ •์ฑ…์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๋Œ€์ค‘์˜ ์ง€์ง€๋ฅผ ๋™์›ํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ ๋งค์šฐ ํšจ๊ณผ์ ์ธ ๋„๊ตฌ์˜€๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ๋‚˜ ์œ ์—ฐ์„ฑ๊ณผ ์ ์‘๋ ฅ์ด ๋–จ์–ด์ ธ ๋ถ€์‹œ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น์ด ๊ฒช์—ˆ๋˜ ์‹ ๋ขฐ์„ฑ๊ณผ ์ •ํ†ต์„ฑ์˜ ์†์‹ค์„ ๊ทน๋ณตํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ๋Š” ํšจ๊ณผ๊ฐ€ ์—†์—ˆ๋‹ค. ๋”ฐ๋ผ์„œ ์žฅ๊ธฐ์ ์ธ ์ง€์ง€๋ฅผ ์œ ์ง€ํ•˜๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•œ ์ „๋žต์œผ๋กœ ํšจ๊ณผ๋ฅผ ๋ณด์ง€ ๋ชปํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. ์ด ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์—์„œ ๋ฏธ์‚ฌ์—ฌ๊ตฌ ์ „๋žต์€ ๋‹จ๊ธฐ ์ง€์ง€๋ฅผ ๋ฐ›๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•ด์„œ๋Š” ์ ์‘๊ณผ ๊ฒ€์ฆ์€ ํ•„์š”ํ•˜์ง€ ์•Š์ง€๋งŒ ์žฅ๊ธฐ์ ์ธ ์ง€์ง€๋ฅผ ์„ฑ๊ณต์ ์œผ๋กœ ์œ ์ง€ํ•˜๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•ด์„œ๋Š” ์ ์‘๊ณผ ๊ฒ€์ฆ์ด ํ•„์š”ํ•˜๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์„ ๋ฐํ˜€๋ƒˆ๋‹ค.This study analyses the use of fear in US presidential rhetoric as an active soft power strategy designed to achieve support mobilisation and maintenance for the Iraq War. A quantitative content analysis of the Weekly Radio Broadcasts of the President of the United States between January 2001 and January 2009 is conducted in order to study presidential rhetoric in isolation from the broader media framing of war discourse. Such analysis shows that terror and the threat of WMDs were central elements in the creation of a rhetoric of fear, and that such elements were often juxtaposed with reference to a US role of promoting peace and security in the region within presidential rhetoric. This study finds that in the highly sensitised environment the US found itself in following the September 11, 2001, terror attacks, fear proved to be a highly effective tool for mobilising public support for short-term policy initiatives. However, due to a lack of flexibility and adaptability, the rhetoric of fear as employed by President Bush was ineffective in overcoming a loss of credibility and legitimacy, therefore proving ineffective as a mechanism for achieving long-term support maintenance amongst the US population. Thus, this study suggests that rhetoric strategies for successful for long-term support maintenance require elements of adaptability and verifiability, which are not essential in achieving initial support mobilisation.Abstract I. Introduction II. Literature Review III. Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks IV. Research Design V Word Frequency Counts of 'Fear' & its Composite Elements in Presidential Radio Addresses (2001-2009) VI. Implications of the Rhetoric of Fear VII. Conclusion Bibliography Appendix ๊ตญ๋ฌธ ์š”์•ฝMaste

    Procuring the Cross of Iron: The Effect of Congressional Approval on the U.S. Defense Budget

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    Understanding why we spend is an essential step in controlling and justifying the U.S. defense budget. Renewed study may grant perspective on the journey U.S. defense spending has taken over the last 40 years, and provide clues to what lies ahead. This dissertation examines the impact of congressional approval on U.S. defense spending through time series analysis of the period 1970 - 2015. The interaction between public approval and congressional action is viewed through the lens of Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (Jones, 2001) and is a departure from classical incrementalism (Key, 1940; Wildavsky, 1964, 1975, 2004) traditionally associated with budgets. Other key drivers, such as public opinion on the sufficiency of the defense budget, the presence of war and economic health are included in the model to isolate causation and interaction, but the focus is on the significant impact of congressional approval to punctuations in defense spending both during and outside periods of war and severe economic turmoil. The defense budget represents over half of all discretionary spending, and produces economic impacts in every state and virtually every congressional district. The scale, salience and extensibility of the defense budget offer a tempting target for Congress to provide quick stimulus to the electorate on a scale impossible with any other single appropriation. Whether motivated by fear of potential foreign enemies, nationalistic pride, concern for service members, or economic advantage, the defense budget is as close to a bipartisan priority as can be found in U.S. society. The defense budget is a useful tool for Members of Congress to influence individual and institutional public approval and one that is regularly utilized both within and without time of war or economic extremis to garner constituency support
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