The Dragon’s Neocolonial White Elephant Development: China’s Urban Infrastructure in Lusaka, Zambia

Presently, China is the largest donor, trading partner, and investor on the African continent. The current success of Sino-African relations can be traced back to global South-South cooperation beginning in the 1960s and 1970s when China assisted in funding independence movements across the African continent. Since then, China established itself as a reliable friend and alternative aid provider. The country has since transitioned from utilizing aid to foreign direct investment. Since 2013, China has continued to bolster its own global economic positioning by pushing a foreign policy agenda (One Belt One Road) that targets developing countries by providing massive loans to fund urban infrastructure projects that promise development. China utilizes debt-trap diplomacy to leverage Africa’s development of underdevelopment and resulting infrastructure gap to gain political and economic power by fostering economic dependency. Ultimately, China has used opaque foreign policy to evolve into a neo-colonial force on the African continent. In this senior honors thesis, I analyze the contemporary relationship between China and Zambia. I argue that the Sino-Zambian relationship is historically rooted beginning in Zambia’s decolonization process, largely unequal, and demonstrates China’s silent but growing neo-colonial presence on the African continent. Applying an interdisciplinary approach, I utilize historical analysis, media studies, urban studies, international studies and political analysis. I engage with the theoretical framework of neo-colonialism to decipher the complex power imbalance that characterizes Sino-Zambian relations. Highlighting Lusaka as my case study city, I analyze its social fragmentation and growing anti-Chinese sentiment as a result of local perceptions of Chinese hegemony. Anti-Chinese perceptions are exacerbated by local politicians and the media, resulting in violence against Chinese nationals in Lusaka. Employing a research method based in reading secondary sources, policy analysis and a content analysis of media sources, I assert that while China is a neo-colonial force in Lusaka, simultaneously Zambia’s preference in China as a primary lender is an exertion of Zambian national sovereignty and decision-making capabilities despite deep debt distress

TRANSLATING THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE: A Chinese Garden In East Tennessee

Cultural landscapes are valuable representations of humans’ interaction with nature. These world heritage sites should be protected since they are illustrations of the evolution of human society and settlement over time. However, many of the traditional ones are losing their impact under current physical constraints that are presented by their natural environments, or social, economic, and cultural forces. Based on today’s modern context of efficiency and simplicity, the vanishing legacy of these sites should be interpreted by extracting the essence rooted in the culture and translating it into distinctive but concise characteristics that can be used in modern landscape design. The Chinese garden referred to in this paper is an example for analyzing the essence accumulated throughout history. At the The University of Tennessee’s International House, by designing a simplified Chinese garden with translated features base on the identities that are elaborated in this thesis, a place is created for the preservation and spread of culture, as well as benefit and appreciation for all visitors. In this way, these translated cultural landscapes will not only stand as a symbol on their own, but also serve people from all backgrounds and therefore add valuable benefits and diversities to the existing landscape

A ‘Soft’ Balancing Ménage à Trois? China, Iran and Russia Strategic Triangle vis-à-vis US Hegemony

The recent rapprochement among China, Iran and Russia reveals the emergence of a new, unexpected, regional strategic triangle with the potential to balance the United States’ dominant position. By focusing on the evolution of this strategic triangle in the post-Cold War period, this article investigates the driving forces that bring the three states together, namely the US power and unilateralism as materialised in NATO’s eastward expansion, the sanctions on Russia after the annexation of Crimea and the war in Ukraine, the sanctions against Iran, the US trade war with China and the hostile US posture during the coronavirus disease-2019 pandemic. Drawing on soft balancing theory, this article provides an empirical assessment of China–Iran– Russia strategies in countering the US power. Thus, this article aims to fill a gap in the existing literature by investigating this triangular relationship and its balancing potential under the analytic construct of a strategic triangle. Finally, the analysis demonstrates that the three states have employed soft balancing mechanisms, primarily economic strengthening and entangling diplomacy in international institutions. At the same time, territorial denial was sought on various occasions due to the regional importance of this triangular relationship. In conclusion, the article also offers insights into potential hard-balancing behaviour in the long run

Policies for Industrial Learning in China and Mexico: Neo-developmental vs. Neo-liberal approaches

Abstract Previous work has shown that the results of both China and Mexico’s export-led market reforms over the past quarter century have been strikingly different. In contrast to China, Mexico has not managed to increase the value added of its exports of manufactured goods and has subsequently had a difficult time competing with China in world markets. Building on this previous work, in this paper we conduct a comparative analysis of the role of government policies in industrial learning and the development of capabilities of indigenous firms in Mexico and China in order to shed light on why China is so outperforming Mexico. We find that Mexico and China have had starkly different approaches to economic reform in this area. Mexico’s approach to reform has been a “neo-liberal” one, whereas China’s could be described as “neo-developmental.” Mexico’s hands-off approach to learning has resulted in a lack of development of endogenous capacity of domestic firms, little transfer of technology, negligible progress in the upgrading of industrial production, and little increase in value added of exports. By contrast, China has deployed a hands-on approach of targeting and nurturing domestic firms through a gradual and trial and error led set of government policies.International trade, development, competitiveness, value added, government policy, assembly operations

China and India: Globalization with Different Paths

This occasional paper has three essays written by professors from Pace University and Nanjing Normal University that address a host of structural challenges facing China and India in pursuit of sustainable development in the early twenty-first century. Pan Zhen gives a critical overview of China’s economic policies, and finds the top-down development model to be fraught with tensions. Joseph Tse-Hei Lee argues that the ability of China to pursue sustainable growth and social betterment is largely contingent upon many circumstantial factors, especially the negative attributes of globalization and the rise of domestic discontents. Satish K. Kolluri shifts the focus of discussion to the electoral victory of Narendra Modi in India, and examines the implications of the rise of Modi in domestic and regional politics. These essays throw light on the political and socioeconomic trajectories of China and India. Since both countries have significantly liberalized their economies in recent decades, the unprecedented expansion of their capabilities and influences is a complex phenomenon, rooted in the context of particular temporal and spatial settings, and the need to accommodate endogenous and exogenous forces of change

Innovation Capacity and Economic Development: China and India

Both China and India, the emerging giants in Asia, have achieved significant economic development in recent years. China has enjoyed a high annual GDP growth rate of 10 per cent and India has achieved an annual GDP growth rate of 6 per cent since 1981. Decomposing China and India?s GDP growth from 1981 to 2004 into the three factors? contribution reveals that technology has contributed significantly to both countries? GDP growth, especially in the 1990s. R&D outputs (high-tech exports, service exports, and certified patents from USPTO) and inputs (R&D expenditure and human resources) further indicate that both countries have been very committed to R&D and their output is quite efficient. Both governments have played an essential role in transforming their national innovation systems so that they can be more adaptable to economic development. The main focus of their reforms has been to link the science sector with the business sector and to provide incentives for innovation activities. Balancing import of technology and indigenous R&D effort is another major theme. Innovation capability development has become more and more critical to the success of biofirms in India and China. Institutional factors have great influence on choice of innovation at the firm level, i.e., the decision at firm level in terms of indigenous R&D or import of technology. Nevertheless, limited financial resources and insufficiently qualified human resources remain two major challenges for domestic companies in both countries.China, India, innovation capability, domestic companies, ICT, biotech

Health Insurance Reform and Efficiency of Township Hospitals in Rural China: An Analysis from Survey Data

In the rural health-care organization of China, township hospitals ensure the delivery of basic medical services. Particularly damaged by the economic reforms implemented from 1975 to the end of the 1990s, township hospitals efficiency is questioned, mainly with the implementation since 2003 of the reform of health insurance in rural areas. From a database of 24 randomly selected township hospitals observed over the period 2000-2008 in Weifang prefecture (Shandong), the study examines the efficiency of township hospitals through a two-stage approach. As curative and preventive medical services delivered at township hospital level use different production processes, two data envelopment analysis models are estimated with different orientation chosen to compute scores. Results show that technical efficiency declines over time. Factors explaining the technical efficiency are mainly environmental characteristics rather than internal factors, but our results suggest also that in the context of China, the efficiency of township hospitals is influenced by unobservable factors.China, New Rural Cooperative Medical Scheme, Technical efficiency, data envelopment analysis, Township Hospitals.

Costly Signaling and China's Strategic Engagement in Arctic Regional Governance

In recent years, China has become an increasingly important actor in Arctic regional governance. While Beijing consistently frames its engagement in the region as a strategy of mutually-beneficial cooperation, some Arctic countries have raised significant concerns about its growing economic presence, warning that China may leverage its geopolitical influence to change the existing norms and rules in the polar region. Facing the mounting “China threat” skepticism, what are Beijing's coping strategies to belie concerns? Based on a review of the existing research and government documents, particularly Chinese-language scholarly works and official reports, this article specifically identifies two types of costly signaling approaches employed by China to reduce Arctic countries' distrust. First, China has started to curtail its Arctic investment in oil, gas, and mining while engaging more in sectors that chime well with Western societies' global environmental values, including clean and renewable energy, ecological research that addresses further climatic change associated with global warming, and other environmentally sustainable industries. Second, Beijing has increasingly involved in regional international organizations, such as the Arctic Council, to signal its willingness to exercise state power under institutional constraints. These approaches aim to send a series of costly signals to conventional Arctic states, reassuring them that China is not a revisionist power that pursues hegemony in the region. Taken together, our findings have both scholarly and policymaking implications to understand China's participation in Arctic regional governance