An argument/adjunct asymmetry in wh-questions

Contra previous uniform approaches for wh-phrases, the current paper argues that there is a clear asymmetry between in-situ argument and adjunct wh-phrases with respect to Intervention Effects (IEs) in Korean and Japanese. Based on the categorical (nominal vs. adverbial) dichotomy evidenced by structural case attachment tests and formation of complex wh-expressions, different base locations for wh-arguments (inside vP) and wh-adjuncts (outside vP) are suggested in these languages. Finally, I propose that IE asymmetries be attributed to the inherently different properties of argument and adjunct wh-phrases under scrambling operation

Locality in Movement and Scope Interpretation of In-Situ Wh-Phrases

The dissertation investigates syntactic distributions and interpretations of wh-phrases in Korean and other languages from a minimalist perspective, and reveals patterns of similarities and differences between wh-in-situ languages and wh-movement languages. First, this dissertation examines Korean long distance wh-scrambling with respect to anti-radical reconstruction and semantic effects, arguing that Korean long distance whscrambling is motivated by discourse properties such as contrastive focus; hence long distance scrambling in Korean is not a purely optional movement but follows Scope Economy. This dissertation notes that left periphery movement of a wh-phrase in Korean is not a unitary construction: there is movement of a wh-phrase by an agreeing question morpheme, and movement of a wh-phrase by a non-agreeing question morpheme. This dissertation suggests that both wh-movement and wh-scrambling uniformly are motivated by an optional edge feature (Chomsky 2005) that marks specificity or definiteness when present. Second, this dissertation explores the correlation between superiority effects in whmovement and head movement in head-final languages (e.g. Korean and Japanese), headinitial languages (e.g. English), and V2 languages (e.g. German and Spanish). Based on crosslinguistics data, the dissertation considers that in head-final languages such as Korean and Japanese, head movement may not occur at narrow syntax, whereas in other languages it obligatorily takes place, hence V-to-C is very closely related with the presence or absence of superiority, offering an analysis of the presence and absence of superiority effects in whmovement in Korean (and Japanese): movement from a nonphase-edge to a phase-edge gives rise to superiority effects, but movement from a phase-edge to a phase-edge overrides superiority effects. Third, this disserttaion focuses on wh-scope interpretations between in-situ wh-phrases and the licensing heads (i.e, Q-morpheme) in Korean, proposing a local modeling of a nonlocal dependency that establishes a long distance wh-scope agreement relationship, a mechanism of indirect Agree mediating between a licensing head and wh-elements in an embedded clause. The dissertation argues that, in Korean, both wh- phrasal movement and wh-scope interpretations are constrained by local operations that the Minimalist Program takes to be one of the vital properties of the faculty of language

Wh-questions in Japanese: scrambling, reconstruction, and wh-movement

In this article, I discuss some important properties of wh-questions and wh-scrambling in Japanese. The questions I will address are (i) which instances of (wh-) scrambling involve reconstruction and (ii) how the undoing effects of scrambling can be derived. First I will discuss the claim that (wh-) scrambling is semantically vacuous and is therefore undone at LF (Saito 1989, 1992). Then I consider the data that led Takahashi (1993) to the conclusion that at least some instances of wh-scrambling have to be analyzed as instances of "full wh-movement" i.e., overt movement of the wh-phrase in its scopal position. It will be argued that these examples are not instances of full wh-movement in Japanese, but that they also represent semantically vacuous scrambling. Those instances of scrambling that apprently cannot be undone are best explained with recourse to parsing effects. I conclude that wh-scrambling in Japanese is always triggered by a ([-wh]-) scrambling feature. In addition, long distance scrambling (scrambling out of finite CPs) is analyzed as adjunction movement, whereas short distance scrambling is movement to a specifier position of IP. Turning to the mechanisms of undoing, I will argue that only long distance scrambling is undone. This is shown to follow from Chomsky's (1995) bare phrase structure analysis, according to which multi-segmental categories derived by adjunction movement are not licensed at LF. The article is organized as follows. In section 2, the wh-scrambling phenomenon is described. In section 3, I discuss the reconstruction properties of scrambling. In addition, this section provides some basic assumptions about my analysis of Japanese scrambling in general. In section 4, I turn to the analysis of wh-scrambling as an instance of full wh-movement in Japanese. Section 5 provides discussion of multiple wh-questions in Japanese, and section 6 gives the conclusion

Scrambling in German and Japanese: adjunction versus multiple specifiers

This paper argues that short (clause-internal) scrambling to a pre-subject position has A properties in Japanese but A'-properties in German, while long scrambling (scrambling across sentence boundaries) from finite clauses, which is possible in Japanese but not in German, has A'-properties throughout. It is shown that these differences between German and Japanese can be traced back to parametric variation of phrase structure and the parameterized properties of functional heads. Due to the properties of Agreement, sentences in Japanese may contain multiple (Agro- and Agrs-) specifiers whereas German does not allow for this. In Japanese, a scrambled element may be located in a Spec AgrP, i.e. an A- or L-related position, whereas scrambled NPs in German can only appear in an AgrP-adjoined (broadly-L-related) position, which only has A'-properties. Given our assumption that successive cyclic adjunction is generally impossible, elements in German may not be long scrambled because a scrambled element that is moved to an adjunction site inside an embedded clause may not move further. In Japanese, long distance scrambling out of finite CPs is possible since scrambling may proceed in a successive cyclic manner via embedded Spec- (AgrP) positions. Our analysis of the differences between German and Japanese scrambling provides us with an account of further contrasts between the two languages such as the existence of surprising asymmetries between German and Japanese remnant-movement phenomena, and the fact that unlike German, Japanese freely allows wh-scrambling. Investigation of the properties of Japanese wh-movement also leads us to the formulation of the "Wh-cluster Hypothesis", which implies that Japanese is an LF multiple wh-fronting language

The topic-prominence parameter

This article aims to recast the properties of topic-prominent languages and their differences from subject-prominent languages as documented in the functionalist literature into the framework of the Principle-and-Parameter approach. It provides a configurational definition of the topic construction called Topic Phrase (TP), with the topic marker as its head. The availablity of TP enables topic prominent languages to develop various topic structures with properties such as morphological marking; cross-categorial realization of topics and comments; and mutiple application of topicalization. The article elaborates the notion of topic prominence. A topic prominent language is characterized as one that tends to activate the TP and to make full use of the configuration. Typically, it has a larger number and variety of highly grammaticalized topic markers in the Lexicon and permits a variety of syntactic categories to occur in the specifier position and the complement position of TP

When we fail to question in Japanese

When we pay close attention to the prosody of Wh-questions in Japanese, we discover many novel and interesting empirical puzzles that would require us to devise a much finer syntactic component of grammar. This paper addresses the issues that pose some problems to such an elaborated grammar, and offers solutions, making an appeal to the information structure and sentence processing involved in the interpretation of interrogative and focus constructions

Cyclic phonology–syntax-interaction : movement to first position in German

This paper investigates the nature of the attraction of XPs to clauseinitial position in German (and other languages). It argues that there are two different types of preposing. First, an XP can move when it is attracted by an EPP-like feature of Comp. Comp can, however, also attract elements that bear the formal marker of some semantic or pragmatic (information theoretic) function. This second type of movement is driven by the attraction of a formal property of the moved element. It has often been misanalysed as “operator” movement in the past