Reaction to New Security Threat Class

Each new identified security threat class triggers new research and development efforts by the scientific and professional communities. In this study, we investigate the rate at which the scientific and professional communities react to new identified threat classes as it is reflected in the number of patents, scientific articles and professional publications over a long period of time. The following threat classes were studied: Phishing; SQL Injection; BotNet; Distributed Denial of Service; and Advanced Persistent Threat. Our findings suggest that in most cases it takes a year for the scientific community and more than two years for industry to react to a new threat class with patents. Since new products follow patents, it is reasonable to expect that there will be a window of approximately two to three years in which no effective product is available to cope with the new threat class

Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) students’ perception on national security policy: The case of Internal Security Act (ISA) of Malaysia

This study aims to examine the perception of the Internal Security Act (ISA) of Malaysia, focusing on the perceptions of students of Universiti Utara Malaysia. This study tries to determine the student’s perceptions first on the students’ comprehension of Malaysia’s national security policy in which constituted in the Malaysian Constitution and consequently understand its effect on the student’s reaction or attitude. The study is conducted using a questionnaire survey, consisting of statements in which the students were required to rate their response on a 5-point Likert scale. The questionnaire also consists of four main sections in which the demography of students, the evaluation of students perception on current national security threats in Malaysia, sets of statements in which testing the students’ basic comprehension of the ISA of Malaysia and fi nally their reactions towards the ISA itself. The finding indicates that the students are prone to social issues in which they determine it could be the major threat to Malaysia. Yet, there is no connection between comprehensions of the ISA and the reactions on the enforcement of the policy. Nevertheless, findings reveal their reactions differ between programmes of study and more inclined towards supporting the ISA and they also agree that government should take into consideration critics by the non-governmental organizations as well as societal grievances

The impact of Singapore’s military development on Malaysia’s security

In this intense era of military and defense development in South East Asia, Singapore has emergence as the fastest country in the development of military capabilities.The rapid military development that started in 1965 has made Singapore become the strongest and finest in military and defense compared to other Southeast Asia nations. Singapore’s decision to be independent from Malaysia has forced it to be self-reliant, especially in terms of security and defense.Singapore adopted the approach to develop and strengthen its defense and military system after achieving independence in 1965.Its increasing economic development in1990 has influenced the military development process and defense system.This rapid expansion has made Singapore emergence as the strongest and most advanced in military capabilities country in the Southeast Asian region.The offensive defense doctrine practiced such as forward defense, poison shrimp, pre-emptive strike and strategic weaponry ownership had raised concerns among leaders in the Southeast Asian countries.At the same time, Malaysia has also taken action to speed up its military development, diversifying the defense doctrine including total defense, complete military with modern and sophisticated defense equipment.It is speculated as a result of the security impact that Malaysia face from Singapore’s military development.Hence, this study tries to elaborate the impact or security implications on Malaysia resulting from Singapore’s military development from the Malaysian military perspective

Rail Passenger Selective Screening Summit, MTI S-09-01

This publication is an edited transcript of the Rail Passenger Selective Screening Summit, which was co-sponsored by MTI and the American Public Transportation Association (APTA) in Chicago, Illinois on June 18, 2009, during APTA´s annual Rail Conference. The workshop was moderated by Brian Michael Jenkins, director, Mineta Transportation Institute\u27s National Transportation Security Center of Excellence (NTSCOE). Speakers included Bruce R. Butterworth, co-author, Selective Screening of Rail Passengers; Greg Hull, president, American Public Transportation Association (APTA); Paul MacMillan, chief of police, Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority, Transit Police Department; Ron Masciana, deputy chief, Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA), New York; Jesus Ojeda, security coordinator, Southern California Regional Rail Authority; Ed Phillips, operations deputy, Office of Security, Amtrak; and John P. Sammon, assistant administrator, Transportation Sector Network Management, Transportation Security Administration (TSA

Crowded waters: naval competition in the Asia–Pacific

Overview: This report analyses the regional trend of key nations investing in more capable naval and air platforms. In Northeast Asia, countries include China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. In Southeast Asia, the paper looks at Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Thailand. This analysis is used to determine potential implications for Australia’s strategic position in the region and for the ADF. Australia’s future force structure decisions have to account in particular for a changing military balance in Southeast Asia

Understanding al-Shabaab : clan, Islam and insurgency in Kenya

Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen has proven itself to be a highly adaptable organisation. Their most recent evolution has seen them transform from an overt, military and governmental force in southern Somalia to a covert, insurgent and anarchic force in Kenya. This article indicates how al-Shabaab has reinvented itself in Kenya. Both ‘clan’ and ‘Islam’ are often thought of as immutable factors in al-Shabaab's make-up, but here we show that the organisation is pragmatic in its handling of clan relations and of Islamic theology. The movement is now able to exploit the social and economic exclusion of Kenyan Muslim communities in order to draw them into insurgency, recruiting Kenyans to its banner. Recent al-Shabaab attacks in Kenya, launched since June 2014, indicate how potent and dangerous their insurgency has become in the borderlands and coastal districts where Kenya's Islamic population predominates

“We are against Islam!”: The Lega Nord and the Islamic folk devil

© 2012 the Author(s). This article has been published under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License. Without requesting permission from the Author or SAGE, you may further copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt the article, with the condition that the Author and SAGE Open are in each case credited as the source of the article.Since 1995, the Italian Lega Nord (LN) political party has depicted itself as the defender of Padania, a territory that covers the mainly affluent regions of Northern Italy. Around this politico-spatial territory, the LN has shaped an identity based on the notion of Popolo Padano (the Padanian People). Since the new millennium, LN rhetoric has increasingly focused—stemming more from the demands of realpolitik than those of conviction—on opposing irregular immigration per se and, more specifically, Islam and Muslim immigration. In the eyes of the LN propagandists and their media, the theology of Islam and its practitioners represent a growing threat to the modern Italian and Padanian identity (and tradition). The LN has not been alone in using the media to oppose Islam; the Italian media has reinforced LN messages; Muslims are generally depicted as dangerous and compared with terrorists and their religion and culture are described as the opposite of Italian/West values. Something approximating to a “moral panic” around this issue has ensued. Integral to this are notions of morality combined with practices of moral entrepreneurship. What follows seeks to highlight the LN’s stereotypical depictions of Islam. This evaluation is important because the LN was a major player in former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s government (2008-2011) and is still a significant party among the Italian political spectrum. Integral to what follows are the following questions: “Is contemporary Islamic immigration a threat to the Italian (and Padanian) way of life?” and “Are the perceived threats to be found in the periodic uncertainties that societies suffer or might we need to search for wider processes?