Genitive quantifiers in Japanese as reverse partitives

Quantificational determiners in Japanese can be marked with genitive case. Current analyses (for example by Watanabe, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, to appear) treat the genetive case marker in these cases as semantically vacuous, but we show that it has semantic effects. We propose a new analysis as reverse partitives. Following Jackendoff (MIT-Press, 1977), we assume that partitives always contain two NPs one of which is phonologically deleted. We claim that, while in normal partitives the higher noun is deleted, in reverse partitives the lower noun is deleted

A review of Chinese and Japanese animal quantifiers

Through a comparison of Chinese and Japanese quantifiers for counting or weighing animals and the current status of research, this thesis attempts to summarize the basic status of Chinese and Japanese studies of animal quantifiers and the different characteristics of the two languages. The text is divided into three main parts. The first part is the introduction, which briefly introduces the relationship between Chinese and Japanese quantifiers, and analyzes the particularity of quantifiers. Due to the generality and richness of Chinese and Japanese quantifiers, a large number of quantifiers have overlapping objects and scopes of counting. In addition, we believe that the complexity and specificity of the use of quantifiers necessitates a systematic study of quantifiers. The second part of this paper consists of three subsections: Section 2, “Research on Chinese animal quantifiers”, Section 3, “Research on Japanese animal quantifiers” and Section 4, “Comparative research on Chinese and Japanese animal quantifiers”, which is the central part of this paper. This section focuses on a systematic examination of Chinese and Japanese quantifiers studies up to now, and sorting out the basic research status of Chinese and Japanese animal quantifiers and their remarkable characteristics. Through comparison, we find that the two languages share similarities in the use of quantifiers, but also have their own distinctive features. For example, both Chinese and Japanese simplify complex things, and use known and familiar things to recognize and represent unknown things. However, Chinese animal quantifiers tend to extract the physical features of animals to count or them, which is more abstract, while Japanese animal quantifiers, on the contrary, tend to use the specific part of body nouns to count animals, which is more figurative. In addition, the study of Chinese and Japanese quantifiers has evolved from the study of external grammatical expressions and pragmatic features to the analysis of grammatical and pragmatic aspects of specific noun-quantifier collocations, and developed to the present research process to explore the links between the forms of language encoding and cognition. It\u27s fully reflects the cognitive process of Chinese and Japanese quantifiers research from surface to interior, from superficial to deep, and from concrete to abstract. The third part is the conclusion, which systematically summarizes the study of Chinese-Japanese quantifiers in a systematic way. We believe that there is a quite extensive study of quantifiers in both Chinese and Japanese. Whether from the perspective of grammar, pragmatics, or cognitive comparison, there have been very fine observations and analyses. Indeed, many convincing research results have been achieved. With the deepening of the comprehensive comparative study of quantifiers of the two languages, we believe that more promising results will emerge in the field of Chinese and Japanese quantifier research

Universal Numeric Quantifiers in Japanese

This paper examines a subtype of floating quantifiers, in which a universal quantifier along with a numeral appear at a distance from their nominal associate. According to Cirillo (2010), this floating universal numeric quantifier (UNQ) construction is found in some (but not all) Romance and Germanic languages. While Cirillo provides strong evidence for a stranding analysis (cf. Sportiche, 1988; Bošković, 2004) of the floating UNQ rather than an adverbial approach (cf. Bobaljik, 2004; Nakanishi, 2006), his most crucial data could be accommodated under a particular version of the adverbial view, advocated by Doetjes (1997) and Fitzpatrick (2006), which postulates pro inside a base-generated adjunct nominal. Building on Kawashima’s (1994; 1998) observations about Japanese, this paper argues that (i) Japanese also has the adnominal/floating UNQ and (ii) the stranding approach is superior to the pro-based adverbial analysis noted above in handling the floating UNQ. To show this, I will examine in some depth the syntax of adnominal quantification in Japanese (and Chinese) with a special focus on the ways in which numeral classifiers interact with other adnominal elements. Several theoretical consequences of the analysis will be explored, including the nature of quantifier stranding and syntactic locality.Este artículo examina un subtipo de los cuantificadores flotantes, en el que un cuantificador universal junto con un numeral aparece a una cierta distancia de su asociado nominal. De acuerdo con Cirillo (2010), esta construcción de cuantificador numérico universal flotante (CNU) es encontrada en algunas (pero no todas) lenguas románicas y germánicas. Mientras Cirillo facilita evidencia contundente para un análisis de encallamiento (cf. Sportiche, 1988; Bošković, 2004) del CNU flotante en lugar de una aproximación adverbial (cf. Bobaljik, 2004; Nakanishi, 2006), su dato más crucial podría ser acomodado bajo una versión partícular de la visión adverbial, defendida por Doetjes (1997) y Fitzpatrick (2006), quienes postulan que pro se encuentra dentro de un adjunto nominal generado en su posición superficial. Basándome en las observaciones del japonés llevadas a cabo por Kawashima (1994; 1998), este artículo arguye que (i) el japonés también tiene el CNU adnominal/flotante y (ii) la aproximación de encallamiento es superior al análisis adverbial basado-pro observado anteriormente en el manejo del CNU flotante. Con el fin de demostrar esto, examinaré con cierta profundidad la sintaxis de la cuantificación adnominal del japonés (y chino) prestando especial atención a las formas en las que los clasificadores nominales interaccionan con otros elementos adnominales. Varias consecuencias teóricas del análisis serán analizadas, incluida la naturaleza del encallamiento del cuantificador y la localidad sintácticaEste artigo analisa um subtipo de quantificadores flutuantes, em que um quantificador universal e um numeral surgem distantes do nome ao qual estão associados. De acordo com Cirillo (2010), estes 'quantificadores numerais universais' (UNQ) flutuantes surgem em algumas (mas não todas) línguas românicas e germânicas. Apesar de Cirillo apresentar fortes evidências para uma análise de encalhe (e.g., Sportiche 1988, Bošković 2004) para os UNQ flutuantes em vez de uma análise adverbial (Bobaljik 2004, Nakanishi 2006), os dados apresentados devem ser analisados a partir de uma versão da análise adverbial, postulada por Doetjes (1997) e Fitzpatrick (2006), segundo a qual pro está inserido num adjunto adnominal gerado na base. Partindo das observações de Kawashima (1994, 1998) para o Japonês, este artigo defende que: (i) o japonês também tem UNQ adnominais/flutuantes e (ii) a análise de encalhamento é mais adequada do que a análise adverbial, já apresentada, para explicar os UNQ flutuantes. Neste sentido, examinarei a sintaxe dos quantificadores adnominais no japonês (e no chinês) com especial enfoque na forma como os classificadores numerais interagem com outros elementos de natureza adnominal. Diversas consequências teóricas da análise serão exploradas, incluindo a natureza do quantificador encalhado e localidade sintática

Indeterminates in comparatives as free choice items

Japanese indeterminate pronouns have different interpretations depending on a particle that they appear with. Indeterminates may appear “bare” in the yori comparative, which leads to questions of whether they are existential quantifiers, negative polarity items (NPIs), universal quantifiers, or free choice items (FCIs), and of how they are licensed. We examine each possibility and argue that they are FCIs. We then provide novel evidence that the yori comparative has some properties of unconditional clauses, which corroborates our previous claim that indeterminate- based FCIs in Japanese are unconditional clauses

Illusive wide scope of universal quantifiers

It is widely believed that existential quantifiers can bring about the semantic effects of a scope which is wider than their actual syntactic scope (See Fodor & Sag (1982), Cresti (1995), Kratzer (1995), Reinhart (1995) and Winter (1995), among many others.) On the other hand, it is assumed that the syntactic scope of universal quantifiers can be determined unequivocally by the semantics. This paper shows that this second assumption is wrong; universal quantifiers can also bring about scope illusions, though in a very specific environment. In particular, we argue that in the environment of generic tense, universal quantifiers can show the semantic effects of a scope which is wider than the one that is actually realized at LF. Our argument has four steps. First, we show that in generic contexts, universal quantifiers escape standard “scope-islands” (Section 1). Second, we show how the effects of wide scope in generic contexts can be achieved without syntactic wide scope (Section 2.1). Third, we show that this result is actually forced on us, once we take seriously certain independent issues concerning the interpretation of generic tense (Sections 2.2 - 2.4). Finally, the semantics of generic tense and, in particular, its interaction with focus, will yield some intricate new predictions, which, as we show, are borne out (Sections 3 - 5)

On the Acquisition of Universal and Parameterised Goal Accessibility Constraints by Japanese Learners of English

This paper reports on how adult Japanese Learners of English/JLEs acquire universal and parameterised constraints which regulate the accessibility of Goals to Wh-Movement, and which determine whether subordinate or superordinate material is pied-piped or stranded when a wh-word is moved. We present evidence that universal constraints on Goal Accessibility operate in early JLE grammars, and that learners initially transfer setting for parameterised constraints from L1 to L2, concluding that our overall findings are broadly consistent with the Full Transfer Full Access model of L2 acquisition developed in Schwarz and Sprouse (1994, 1996). We show that JLEs are able to reset some parameterised constraints (e.g. the P-Stranding Constraint) but not others (e.g. the Left Branch Condition), and argue that they are only able to re-set learnable parameterised constraints (i.e. those whose setting can be learned solely on the basis of positive evidence from input), not unlearnable parameterised constraints (i.e. those whose settings cannot be learned solely on the basis of positive input)

A permutation Information Theory tour through different interest rate maturities: the Libor case

This paper analyzes Libor interest rates for seven different maturities and referred to operations in British Pounds, Euro, Swiss Francs and Japanese Yen, during the period years 2001 to 2015. The analysis is performed by means of two quantifiers derived from Information Theory: the permutation Shannon entropy and the permutation Fisher information measure. An anomalous behavior in the Libor is detected in all currencies except Euro during the years 2006--2012. The stochastic switch is more severe in 1, 2 and 3 months maturities. Given the special mechanism of Libor setting, we conjecture that the behavior could have been produced by the manipulation that was uncovered by financial authorities. We argue that our methodology is pertinent as a market overseeing instrument.Comment: arXiv admin note: text overlap with arXiv:1304.039