Distributed Representations for Compositional Semantics

The mathematical representation of semantics is a key issue for Natural Language Processing (NLP). A lot of research has been devoted to finding ways of representing the semantics of individual words in vector spaces. Distributional approaches --- meaning distributed representations that exploit co-occurrence statistics of large corpora --- have proved popular and successful across a number of tasks. However, natural language usually comes in structures beyond the word level, with meaning arising not only from the individual words but also the structure they are contained in at the phrasal or sentential level. Modelling the compositional process by which the meaning of an utterance arises from the meaning of its parts is an equally fundamental task of NLP. This dissertation explores methods for learning distributed semantic representations and models for composing these into representations for larger linguistic units. Our underlying hypothesis is that neural models are a suitable vehicle for learning semantically rich representations and that such representations in turn are suitable vehicles for solving important tasks in natural language processing. The contribution of this thesis is a thorough evaluation of our hypothesis, as part of which we introduce several new approaches to representation learning and compositional semantics, as well as multiple state-of-the-art models which apply distributed semantic representations to various tasks in NLP.Comment: DPhil Thesis, University of Oxford, Submitted and accepted in 201

A framework for Distributional Formal Semantics

Formal semantics and distributional semantics offer complementary strengths in capturing the meaning of natural language. As such, a considerable amount of research has sought to unify them, either by augmenting formal semantic systems with a distributional component, or by defining a formal system on top of distributed representations. Arriving at such a unified framework has, however, proven extremely challenging. One reason for this is that formal and distributional semantics operate on a fundamentally different `representational currency': formal semantics defines meaning in terms of models of the world, whereas distributional semantics defines meaning in terms of linguistic co-occurrence. Here, we pursue an alternative approach by deriving a vector space model that defines meaning in a distributed manner relative to formal models of the world. We will show that the resulting Distributional Formal Semantics offers probabilistic distributed representations that are also inherently compositional, and that naturally capture quantification and entailment. We moreover show that, when used as part of a neural network model, these representations allow for capturing incremental meaning construction and probabilistic inferencing. This framework thus lays the groundwork for an integrated distributional and formal approach to meaning

Multilingual Models for Compositional Distributed Semantics

We present a novel technique for learning semantic representations, which extends the distributional hypothesis to multilingual data and joint-space embeddings. Our models leverage parallel data and learn to strongly align the embeddings of semantically equivalent sentences, while maintaining sufficient distance between those of dissimilar sentences. The models do not rely on word alignments or any syntactic information and are successfully applied to a number of diverse languages. We extend our approach to learn semantic representations at the document level, too. We evaluate these models on two cross-lingual document classification tasks, outperforming the prior state of the art. Through qualitative analysis and the study of pivoting effects we demonstrate that our representations are semantically plausible and can capture semantic relationships across languages without parallel data.Comment: Proceedings of ACL 2014 (Long papers

Recursive Neural Networks Can Learn Logical Semantics

Tree-structured recursive neural networks (TreeRNNs) for sentence meaning have been successful for many applications, but it remains an open question whether the fixed-length representations that they learn can support tasks as demanding as logical deduction. We pursue this question by evaluating whether two such models---plain TreeRNNs and tree-structured neural tensor networks (TreeRNTNs)---can correctly learn to identify logical relationships such as entailment and contradiction using these representations. In our first set of experiments, we generate artificial data from a logical grammar and use it to evaluate the models' ability to learn to handle basic relational reasoning, recursive structures, and quantification. We then evaluate the models on the more natural SICK challenge data. Both models perform competitively on the SICK data and generalize well in all three experiments on simulated data, suggesting that they can learn suitable representations for logical inference in natural language

Don't Blame Distributional Semantics if it can't do Entailment

Distributional semantics has had enormous empirical success in Computational Linguistics and Cognitive Science in modeling various semantic phenomena, such as semantic similarity, and distributional models are widely used in state-of-the-art Natural Language Processing systems. However, the theoretical status of distributional semantics within a broader theory of language and cognition is still unclear: What does distributional semantics model? Can it be, on its own, a fully adequate model of the meanings of linguistic expressions? The standard answer is that distributional semantics is not fully adequate in this regard, because it falls short on some of the central aspects of formal semantic approaches: truth conditions, entailment, reference, and certain aspects of compositionality. We argue that this standard answer rests on a misconception: These aspects do not belong in a theory of expression meaning, they are instead aspects of speaker meaning, i.e., communicative intentions in a particular context. In a slogan: words do not refer, speakers do. Clearing this up enables us to argue that distributional semantics on its own is an adequate model of expression meaning. Our proposal sheds light on the role of distributional semantics in a broader theory of language and cognition, its relationship to formal semantics, and its place in computational models.Comment: To appear in Proceedings of the 13th International Conference on Computational Semantics (IWCS 2019), Gothenburg, Swede