9,437 research outputs found
How the Philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche can be succinctly encapsulated within his Apollonian-Dionysian dichotomy
This thesis aims to illustrate that the broad philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche can be subordinated to his conceptual dichotomy: the Apollonian-Dionysian dichotomy. Through an analysis of the Birth of Tragedy, Beyond Good and Evil, Twilight of the Idols, as well as a brief analysis of the Will to Power, I will make the case that the dichotomy is the umbrella under which all Nietzschean concepts are to be read and understood. The texts that were chosen represent key stages in Nietzsche’s intellectual development – from the Birth of Tragedy, which marks the beginning of Nietzschean philosophy; to Twilight of the Idols, which represents the end. The constituent parts of the dichotomy are to be understood in two contexts: firstly, the terms (Apollonian/Dionysian) are used to denote the forces required for the creation of art; secondly, the terms come to signify the type of individual who makes use of those forces as it is the case that different types of art can be created by different types of men. Nietzschean philosophy is to be understood through art as it is explicitly stated that the essence of existence is one of a perpetual Becoming wherein there exists only that which is created by man, for man, in service of man’s own will to power. All attempts to discern a fixed Being in-itself existing outside of this will to power are false and are indicative of a weak and sickly disposition, the symptoms of which are found in the progenitors’ art (be it a morality, table of categories, or a transcendent deity). Through the positing of the thing-in-itself as the will to power Nietzsche conceptualises the world of Becoming as a canvas onto which two different types of men imprint a Being which reveals, physiologically, their endowment as either Apollonian or Dionysian
Consent and the Construction of the Volunteer: Institutional Settings of Experimental Research on Human Beings in Britain during the Cold War
This study challenges the primacy of consent in the history of human experimentation and argues that privileging the cultural frameworks adds nuance to our understanding of the construction of the volunteer in the period 1945 to 1970. Historians and bio-ethicists have argued that medical ethics codes have marked out the parameters of using people as subjects in medical scientific research and that the consent of the subjects was fundamental to their status as volunteers. However, the temporality of the creation of medical ethics codes means that they need to be understood within their historical context. That medical ethics codes arose from a specific historical context rather than a concerted and conscious determination to safeguard the well-being of subjects needs to be acknowledged. The British context of human experimentation is under-researched and there has been even less focus on the cultural frameworks within which experiments took place. This study demonstrates, through a close analysis of the Medical Research Council's Common Cold Research Unit (CCRU) and the government's military research facility, the Chemical Defence Experimental Establishment, Porton Down (Porton), that the `volunteer' in human experiments was a subjective entity whose identity was specific to the institution which recruited and made use of the subject. By examining representations of volunteers in the British press, the rhetoric of the government's collectivist agenda becomes evident and this fed into the institutional construction of the volunteer at the CCRU. In contrast, discussions between Porton scientists, staff members, and government officials demonstrate that the use of military personnel in secret chemical warfare experiments was far more complex. Conflicting interests of the military, the government and the scientific imperative affected how the military volunteer was perceived
Plato’s Later Moral Epistemology
This Ph.D. thesis aims to provide a comprehensive account of the relationship between ethics and epistemology in Plato’s late dialogues (specifically, Sophist, Statesman, Philebus, and Laws).
While scholars have been concerned with understanding the extent to which Plato’s middle dialogues resonate with his early theory of ethical intellectualism (according to which knowledge is a necessary and sufficient condition for virtue), Plato’s later moral epistemology has received much less attention. The few scholars who have worked on the subject have argued that Plato’s late dialogues present a radical transformation of the epistemological and ethical ideas displayed in Plato’s earlier works. The scholarly debate has almost unanimously concluded that Plato’s late dialogues heavily revise the theory of ethical intellectualism that, arguably, features in the earlier works.
Through an in-depth analysis of the late dialogues’ textual evidence, this thesis will show that the so-called Socratic theory of ethical intellectualism has not been abandoned by Plato in his late works. To this end, I will contend that the Sophist, the Statesman, the Philebus, and the Laws suggest that (philosophical) knowledge is the ultimate condition that a moral agent has to meet to be fully virtuous. In addition, taking for granted that philosophers alone can achieve a full and philosophical virtue, I will also show that Plato’s later moral epistemology extends beyond philosophers. For, while achieving philosophical knowledge is presented as a necessary and sufficient condition for being virtuous, I will argue that Plato’s late dialogues establish that opinion, if true, is sufficient for acting virtuously
Rethinking the notion of oracle: A link between synthetic descriptive set theory and effective topos theory
We present three different perspectives of oracle. First, an oracle is a
blackbox; second, an oracle is an endofunctor on the category of represented
spaces; and third, an oracle is an operation on the object of truth-values.
These three perspectives create a link between the three fields, computability
theory, synthetic descriptive set theory, and effective topos theory
Conscience and Consciousness: British Theatre and Human Rights.
This research project investigates a paradigm of human rights theatre. Through the lens of performance and theatre-making, this thesis explores how we came to represent, speak about, discuss, and own human rights in Britain. My framework of ‘human rights theatre’ proposes three distinctive features: firstly, such works dramatise real-world issues and highlights the role of the state in endangering its citizens; secondly, ethical ruptures are encountered within and without the drama, and finally, these performances characteristically aspire to produce an activist effect on the collective behaviours of the audience.
This thesis interrogates the strategies theatre-makers use to articulate human rights concerns or to animate human rights intent. The selected case-studies for this investigation are ice&fire’s testimonial project, Actors for Human Rights; Badac Theatre; Jonathan Holmes’ work as director of Jericho House; Cardboard Citizens’ youth participation programme, ACT NOW; and Tony Cealy’s Black Men’s Consortium. Deliberately selecting companies and performance events that have received limited critical attention, my methodology constellates case-studies through original interviews, durational observation of creative working methods and proximate descriptions of practice.
The thesis is interested in the experience of coming to ‘consciousness’ through human rights theatre, an awakening to the impacts of rights infringements and rights claiming. I explore consciousness as a processual, procedural, and durational happening in these performance events. I explore the ‘æffect’ of activist art and examine the ways in which makers of human rights theatre aim to amplify both affective and effective qualities in their work. My thesis also considers the articulation of activist purpose and the campaigning intent of the selected theatre-makers and explores how their activism is animated in their productions. Through the rich seam of discussion generated by the identification and exploration of the traits of a distinctive human rights theatre, I affirm the generative value of this typological enquiry
Theorising Christian Anarchism A Political Commentary on the Gospel
This thesis argues that there is a tradition in political theology and in political theory that deserves to be called "Christian anarchism." The various thinkers that contribute to this tradition have never before been considered to be part of a theoretical movement or tradition, and the originality of this thesis is to weave these thinkers together and present a generic theory of Christian anarchism. . Taken together, thinkers like Tolstoy, Ellul, Elliott and Andrews put forward a comprehensive exegesis of Jesus' teaching and example as implying a critique of the state and a vision of a stateless society. Based on this understanding of the Gospel, they accuse both the state and the church of contradicting, betraying and corrupting the essence of Christianity. Some Christian anarchists - Eller in particular - even see Romans 13 and the "render unto Caesar" passage as not discrediting but indeed confirming their interpretation, and although more activist Christian anarchists sometimes disagree on the potential role of civil disobedience, they do all stress that what matters above all is obedience to God Moreover, they all call for the "true" church to lead the Christian anarchist revolution by example, despite the very demanding sacrifices which this involves. They point to numerous examples of similar witness ever since the early church, and themselves strive to emulate such examples in their own lives - the Catholic Worker movement being perhaps the most notable example in this regard Thus, Christian anarchist thinkers' critique of the current order and appeal to follow God's radical commandments echoes the voices of the prophets of old, calling society to return to God's covenant. By weaving their scattered voices together - by theorising Christian anarchism - this thesis provides a political commentary on the Gospel which contributes as much to political theory as it does to political theology
A Cross-cultural Comparative Study of Dark Triad and Five-Factor Personality Models in Relation to Prejudice and Aggression
When examining socially malevolent outcomes in the form of prejudice and aggression, previous research on the Dark Triad and five-factor personality models has failed to consider potential cross-cultural differences. A deeper understanding of cross-cultural variations is necessary because these factors represent important social problems and risks. Prior investigation has so far only established preliminary relationships between the Dark Triad and the Big Five model and these outlined associations influence prejudice and aggression. Accordingly, this thesis consisted of two phases. The first examined interrelationships between Dark Triad traits (psychopathy, narcissism, and Machiavellianism) and Big Five personality dimensions (extraversion, neuroticism, agreeableness, openness, conscientiousness) in UK and Russian samples. The second used the results from the initial phase to inform the baseline of a predictive model, which was extended. Both phases used cross-sectional designs, correlation-based methods of analysis (e.g., confirmatory factor analysis, structural equation modelling with mediation, path analysis and invariance analysis), and large samples, comprising a range of backgrounds and ages. The analysis identified the strongest and weakest relationships between personality traits and prejudice and aggression. This research made an original contribution to existing literature by identifying novel relationships
Balancing the urban stomach: public health, food selling and consumption in London, c. 1558-1640
Until recently, public health histories have been predominantly shaped by medical and scientific perspectives, to the neglect of their wider social, economic and political contexts. These medically-minded studies have tended to present broad, sweeping narratives of health policy's explicit successes or failures, often focusing on extraordinary periods of epidemic disease viewed from a national context. This approach is problematic, particularly in studies of public health practice prior to 1800. Before the rise of modern scientific medicine, public health policies were more often influenced by shared social, cultural, economic and religious values which favoured maintaining hierarchy, stability and concern for 'the common good'. These values have frequently been overlooked by modern researchers. This has yielded pessimistic assessments of contemporary sanitation, implying that local authorities did not care about or prioritise the health of populations. Overly medicalised perspectives have further restricted historians' investigation and use of source material, their interpretation of multifaceted and sometimes contested cultural practices such as fasting, and their examination of habitual - and not just extraordinary - health actions. These perspectives have encouraged a focus on reactive - rather than preventative - measures.
This thesis contributes to a growing body of research that expands our restrictive understandings of pre-modern public health. It focuses on how public health practices were regulated, monitored and expanded in later Tudor and early Stuart London, with a particular focus on consumption and food-selling. Acknowledging the fundamental public health value of maintaining urban foodways, it investigates how contemporaries sought to manage consumption, food production waste, and vending practices in the early modern City's wards and parishes. It delineates the practical and political distinctions between food and medicine, broadly investigates the activities, reputations of and correlations between London's guild and itinerant food vendors and licensed and irregular medical practitioners, traces the directions in which different kinds of public health policy filtered up or down, and explores how policies were enacted at a national and local level. Finally, it compares and contrasts habitual and extraordinary public health regulations, with a particular focus on how perceptions of and actual food shortages, paired with the omnipresent threat of disease, impacted broader aspects of civic life
Political thought of Friedrich von Gentz, 1800-1812
This thesis focuses on the political writings of Friedrich von Gentz, a German
writer and political advisor, between the years 1800 and 1812. Scholarship has
tended to focus on the years 1791Â1801 and Gentz’s political conversion from
support of to opposition to the French Revolution, his translation of Edmund
Burke’s work, and his contribution to debates over international relations in
the years 1800 and 1801. This thesis both reassesses his stance on
international relations, presenting him as a complex thinker rather than a
crude realist, and unpacks three relatively unexplored areas of his thought,
those of international law, civil society and censorship. The first chapter
explores Gentz’s defence of the balance of power against the theoretical
objections of philosophers like Immanuel Kant and the practical threats of
diplomats like Alexandre D’Hauterive. It shows that Gentz was not purely
concerned with power but included a subtle and high regard for the role of
domestic constitutions, culture, commerce and moral formation. The second
chapter considers Gentz’s understanding of international law and, as an
illustration of this, his views on the issue of neutral rights at sea. Gentz held to a
dualist conception of international law that blended both natural and positive
law, and he defended it against attacks from both sides. The third chapter
unpacks Gentz’s changing thought on commerce and civil society amidst the
instability of Napoleonic expansion. He believed that there was a causal chain
that led from the rise of commerce, to the decline of civil society and on to a
universal monarchy of a Montesquieuian mould. The fourth chapter considers
Gentz’s writings on the press at the time of Napoleon in order to assess the
claim he betrayed his 1797 defence of a free press when he supported the 1819
Karlsbad Decrees. It is shown that Gentz developed his views in light of the
Napoleonic experience and did not simply sell out to the powers that be.
Overall, this thesis argues for the greater richness and complexity of Gentz’s
thought than hitherto realised and for the manyÂsided character to his
conservatism, which in turns points to the manyÂsided nature of conservatism
in general
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