Misleading and false information is an issue in the European public sphere. This article analyzes the verified disinformation by fact-checkers during the 2024 European Parliament elections. From the lens of fact-checking, as a journalism practice to fight against disinformation, this research explores the European initiative Elections24Check, a collaborative fact-checking project associated with the European Fact-Checking Standards Network. The research aims: on the one hand, to demonstrate the prevalence of debunking over fact-checking; and on the other, to dissect the thematic nature, format, typology, and deceitful technique of the hoaxes verified during the last European elections. Using content analysis, the sample comprised 487 publications verified by 32 different fact-checkers across a total of 28 countries for one month related to the 2024 European elections. The results present implications regarding the collaborative fact-checking project that made a greater effort to verify other contextual disinformation issues rather than checking disinformation directly involved in the elections and EU politics. Also, this case study revealed the shift in the European fact-checking movement with the prevalence of debunking activity over scrutinizing public statements. Finally, the verified disinformation underscored the continued dominance of text as the primary format for spreading false information and the predominance of content decontextualization. The results of this study aim to deepen the understanding of fact-checking in the European media landscape.This research was supported by the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA), belonging to the European Commission, Jean Monnet (Erasmus) Future of Europe Communication in Times of Pandemic Disinformation (FUTEUDISPAN; No: 101083334‐JMO‐2022‐CHAIR). Nevertheless, the authors bear sole responsibility for the content of this article, and the EACEA assumes no liability for the utilization of the disclosed information. This study also belongs to a Spanish National Project of the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (2022). Project reference: PID2022‐142755OB‐I00. Moreover, this research was also funded by Universidad de La Sabana (No: COMCORP‐3–2023), associated with the research group Centro de Investigaciones de la Comunicación Corporativa Organizacional (CICCO). This research was also supported by a University teacher training grant (FPU22/01905), awarded to one of the co‐authors by the Spanish Ministry of UniversitiesThis article draws on the Elections24Check database, to which the EFCSN has granted us access for our research purposes, and for whose collaboration we express our gratitude
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