Le droit de la mer après trente ans d'existence du Tribunal international du droit de la mer

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Euclid preparation. Non-Gaussianity of 2-point statistics likelihood: Precise analysis of the matter power spectrum distribution

International audienceWe investigate the non-Gaussian features in the distribution of the matter power spectrum multipoles. Using the COVMOS method, we generate 100 000 mock realisations of dark matter density fields in both real and redshift space across multiple redshifts and cosmological models. We derive an analytical framework linking the non-Gaussianity of the power spectrum distribution to higher-order statistics of the density field, including the trispectrum and pentaspectrum. We explore the effect of redshift-space distortions, the geometry of the survey, the Fourier binning, the integral constraint, and the shot noise on the skewness of the distribution of the power spectrum measurements. Our results demonstrate that the likelihood of the estimated matter power spectrum deviates significantly from a Gaussian assumption on nonlinear scales, particularly at low redshift. This departure is primarily driven by the pentaspectrum contribution, which dominates over the trispectrum at intermediate scales. We also examine the impact of the finiteness of the survey geometry in the context of the Euclid mission and find that both the shape of the survey and the integral constraint amplify the skewness

Transition politique et démocratie bloquée

International audienceيحلل هذا المقال الأزمة السياسية الفرنسية لعام 2024 انطلاقاً من قرار إيمانويل ماكرون بحل الجمعية الوطنية. ويطرح المقال فرضية مفادها أن هذه الأزمة هي نتيجة عميقة لمؤسسات الجمهورية الخامسة، التي صممها الجنرال ديغول في سياق محدد وصيغت خصيصاً لتناسبه، لا سيما حول سلطة رئاسية قوية ومنفردة. وينتقد النص التصور شديد التسلط للسلطة الذي يجسده ماكرون، الذي يحكم دون تشاور حقيقي وحيث يُنظر إلى المعارضة على أنها شذوذ. ولا يُعرض حل الجمعية على أنه إجراء دستوري اتُخذ في وقت أزمة موضوعية، بل كعمل تكتيكي، ومغامرة انتخابية تنطوي على خطر إضعاف الديمقراطية والمؤسسات الجمهورية. أدى حل البرلمان في عام 2024 إلى تفاقم عدم الاستقرار السياسي. وأضر عدم التشاور مع الفاعلين المؤسسيين الرئيسيين (رئيس الوزراء، ورؤساء المجالس) بالشرعية الإجرائية. كما عزز إعادة تشكيل البرلمان حيث فقد التحالف الرئاسي أغلبيته النسبية، وحصل اليمين المتطرف على العديد من المقاعد. يمثل حل البرلمان نهاية دورة سياسية اتسمت بفرط الرئاسية المبنية حول شخصية منفردة على قمة الدولة. في الختام، يدين المقال انحراف الجمهورية الخامسة نحو نظام سلطة يزداد شخصية وسلطوية وعزلة، وغير قادر على إدارة التعددية الديمقراطية، مما يعرقل الديمقراطية ويضعف سيادة القانون.Dieser Beitrag analysiert die politische Krise in Frankreich im Jahr 2024 ausgehend von der von Emmanuel Macron beschlossenen Auflösung der Nationalversammlung. Er vertritt die These, dass diese Krise eine tiefgreifende Folge der Institutionen der Fünften Republik ist, die von General de Gaulle in einem spezifischen Kontext konzipiert und maßgeschneidert für ihn waren, insbesondere im Hinblick auf eine starke und alleinige präsidiale Macht. Der Text kritisiert das sehr vertikale Machtverständnis, das Macron verkörpert, der ohne echte Abstimmung regiert und in dessen System Dissens als Anomalie wahrgenommen wird. Die Auflösung wird nicht als verfassungsmäßige Maßnahme in Zeiten einer objektiven Krise dargestellt, sondern als taktischer Schachzug, als Wahlwette, die das Risiko birgt, die Demokratie und die republikanischen Institutionen zu schwächen. Die Auflösung von 2024 hat die politische Instabilität verschärft. Die fehlende Konsultation der wichtigsten institutionellen Akteure (Premierminister, Präsidenten der Kammern) hat die verfahrensrechtliche Legitimität untergraben. Sie hat zudem die Neuzusammensetzung des Parlaments verstärkt, in dem die Koalition des Präsidenten ihre relative Mehrheit verloren hat und die extreme Rechte zahlreiche Sitze hinzugewonnen hat. Die Auflösung markiert das Ende eines politischen Zyklus, der von einer Hyper-Präsidentialisierung geprägt war, die sich um eine einzelne Figur an der Spitze des Staates drehte. Abschließend prangert der Artikel eine Fehlentwicklung der Fünften Republik hin zu einem zunehmend persönlichen, autoritären und isolierten Machtsystem an, das unfähig ist, mit demokratischem Pluralismus umzugehen, was die Demokratie blockiert und den Rechtsstaat schwächt.This article analyses the French political crisis of 2024, focusing on Emmanuel Macron’s decision to dissolve the National Assembly. It argues that this crisis is a profound consequence of the institutions of the Fifth Republic, designed by General de Gaulle in a specific context and tailored to his needs, particularly centring on a strong and solitary presidential power. The text criticises the highly vertical conception of power embodied by Macron, who governs without genuine consultation and where dissent is perceived as an anomaly. The dissolution is presented not as a constitutional measure taken in times of objective crisis but as a tactical manoeuvre, an electoral gamble at the risk of undermining democracy and republican institutions. The 2024 dissolution exacerbated political instability. The failure to consult key institutional figures (the Prime Minister, the presidents of the assemblies) undermined procedural legitimacy. It also reinforced the parliamentary realignment in which the presidential coalition lost its relative majority, and the far right gained numerous seats. The dissolution marks the end of a political cycle characterised by hyper-presidentialisation built around a solitary figure at the head of the state. In conclusion, the article condemns the Fifth Republic’s drift towards an increasingly personal, authoritarian and isolated system of power, incapable of managing pluralismEste artículo analiza la crisis política francesa de 2024 a partir de la disolución de la Asamblea Nacional decidida por Emmanuel Macron. Plantea la tesis de que esta crisis es una consecuencia profunda de las instituciones de la V República, concebidas por el general De Gaulle en un contexto específico y diseñadas a su medida, en particular en torno a un poder presidencial fuerte y solitario. El texto critica la concepción muy vertical del poder encarnada por Macron, que gobierna sin una concertación real y en la que la disidencia se percibe como una anomalía. La disolución se presenta no como una medida constitucional adoptada en tiempos de crisis objetiva, sino como un acto táctico, una apuesta electoral que corre el riesgo de debilitar la democracia y las instituciones republicanas. La disolución de 2024 agravó la inestabilidad política. La falta de consulta a los principales actores institucionales (primer ministro, presidentes de las asambleas) menoscabó la legitimidad procedimental. También reforzó la recomposición parlamentaria, en la que la coalición presidencial perdió su mayoría relativa y la extrema derecha ganó numerosos escaños. La disolución marca el final de un ciclo político caracterizado por una hiperpresidencialización construida en torno a una figura solitaria en la cúspide del Estado. En conclusión, el artículo denuncia una deriva de la V República hacia un sistema de poder cada vez más personal, autoritario y aislado, incapaz de gestionar el pluralismo democrático, lo que bloquea la democracia y debilita el Estado de derecho.Cette contribution analyse la crise politique française de 2024 à partir de la dissolution de l'Assemblée nationale décidée par Emmanuel Macron. Il avance la thèse que cette crise est une conséquence profonde des institutions de la Ve République, conçues par le Général de Gaulle dans un contexte spécifique et taillées sur mesure pour lui, notamment autour d'un pouvoir présidentiel fort et solitaire. Le texte critique la conception très verticale du pouvoir incarnée par Macron, qui gouverne sans réelle concertation et où la dissidence est perçue comme une anomalie. La dissolution est présentée non comme une mesure constitutionnelle prise en temps de crise objective mais comme un acte tactique, un pari électoral au risque de fragiliser la démocratie et les institutions républicaines. La dissolution de 2024 a aggravé l'instabilité politique. L'absence de consultation des principaux acteurs institutionnels (Premier ministre, présidents des assemblées) a porté atteinte à la légitimité procédurale. Elle a aussi renforcé la recomposition parlementaire où la coalition présidentielle a perdu sa majorité relative, et où l'extrême droite a gagné de nombreux sièges. La dissolution marque la fin d'un cycle politique marqué par une hyper-présidentialisation construite autour d'une figure solitaire au sommet de l'État. En conclusion, l'article dénonce une dérive de la Ve République vers un système de pouvoir de plus en plus personnel, autoritaire et isolé, incapable de gérer le pluralisme démocratique, ce qui bloque la démocratie et fragilise l'État de droit.Questo contributo analizza la crisi politica francese del 2024 a partire dallo scioglimento dell'Assemblea nazionale deciso da Emmanuel Macron. Esso sostiene la tesi secondo cui tale crisi è una conseguenza profonda delle istituzioni della V Repubblica, concepite dal generale de Gaulle in un contesto specifico e realizzate su misura per lui, in particolare attorno a un potere presidenziale forte e solitario. Il testo critica la concezione molto verticale del potere incarnata da Macron, che governa senza una reale concertazione e in cui la dissidenza è percepita come un'anomalia. Lo scioglimento è presentato non come una misura costituzionale adottata in un momento di crisi oggettiva, ma come un atto tattico, una scommessa elettorale che rischia di indebolire la democrazia e le istituzioni repubblicane. Lo scioglimento del 2024 ha aggravato l'instabilità politica. La mancata consultazione dei principali attori istituzionali (Primo Ministro, presidenti delle assemblee) ha minato la legittimità procedurale. Ha inoltre rafforzato la ricomposizione parlamentare in cui la coalizione presidenziale ha perso la sua maggioranza relativa e l'estrema destra ha guadagnato numerosi seggi. Lo scioglimento segna la fine di un ciclo politico caratterizzato da un'iper-presidenzializzazione costruita attorno a una figura solitaria al vertice dello Stato. In conclusione, l'articolo denuncia una deriva della V Repubblica verso un sistema di potere sempre più personale, autoritario e isolato, incapace di gestire il pluralismo democratico, il che blocca la democrazia e indebolisce lo Stato di diritto.Este artigo analisa a crise política francesa de 2024 a partir da dissolução da Assembleia Nacional decidida por Emmanuel Macron. Defende a tese de que esta crise é uma consequência profunda das instituições da V. República, concebidas pelo General de Gaulle num contexto específico e feitas à sua medida, nomeadamente em torno de um poder presidencial forte e solitário. O texto critica a conceção muito vertical do poder encarnada por Macron, que governa sem verdadeira concertação e onde a dissidência é vista como uma anomalia. A dissolução é apresentada não como uma medida constitucional tomada em tempos de crise objetiva, mas como um ato tático, uma aposta eleitoral com o risco de fragilizar a democracia e as instituições republicanas. A dissolução de 2024 agravou a instabilidade política. A ausência de consulta aos principais atores institucionais (primeiro-ministro, presidentes das assembleias) prejudicou a legitimidade processual. Reforçou também a recomposição parlamentar, em que a coligação presidencial perdeu a sua maioria relativa e a extrema-direita ganhou numerosos lugares. A dissolução marca o fim de um ciclo político caracterizado por uma hiper-presidencialização construída em torno de uma figura solitária no topo do Estado. Em conclusão, o artigo denuncia uma deriva da V. República para um sistema de poder cada vez mais pessoal, autoritário e isolado, incapaz de gerir o pluralismo democrático, o que bloqueia a democracia e fragiliza o Estado de direito.В данной статье анализируется политический кризис во Франции 2024 года, начавшийся с решения Эммануэля Макрона о роспуске Национальной ассамблеи. Автор выдвигает тезис о том, что этот кризис является глубоким следствием особенностей институтов Пятой Республики, созданных генералом де Голлем в конкретных условиях и специально приспособленных к его личности, в частности, с акцентом на сильную и единоличную президентскую власть.В тексте критикуется крайне вертикальная концепция власти, воплощенная Макроном, который правит без реального согласования и где инакомыслие воспринимается как аномалия. Роспуск представлен не как конституционная мера, принятая в период объективного кризиса, а как тактический ход, предвыборная авантюра, рискующая подорвать демократию и республиканские институты.Роспуск 2024 года усугубил политическую нестабильность. Отсутствие консультаций с основными институциональными игроками (премьер-министром, председателями ассамблей) подорвало процедурную легитимность. Оно также усилило перегруппировку сил в парламенте, где президентская коалиция утратила относительное большинство, а крайне правые завоевали много мест.Роспуск знаменует конец политического цикла, отмеченного гиперпрезидентством, построенным вокруг одинокой фигуры на вершине государства. В заключение в статье осуждается отклонение Пятой Республики в сторону все более персонифицированной, авторитарной и изолированной системы власти, неспособной управлять демократическим плюрализмом, что блокирует демократию и подрывает верховенство закона.本文以埃马纽埃尔·马克龙决定解散国民议会为切入点，分析了2024年的法国政治危机。文章提出，这场危机是第五共和国体制的深刻后果——该体制由戴高乐将军在特定背景下设计，并量身定制以适应其个人需求，尤其围绕着强大而独断的总统权力。本文批判了马克龙所体现的极度垂直化的权力架构——其执政缺乏实质性协商，且将异议视为异常现象。文中将此次解散议会之举，并非视为在客观危机时期采取的宪法措施，而是将其视为一种战术行为，一种不惜以削弱民主和共和体制为代价的选举豪赌。2024年的解散议会之举加剧了政治动荡。未与主要制度参与者（总理、议会主席）进行磋商，损害了程序的合法性。此举还加剧了议会格局的重组：总统领导的联盟失去了相对多数席位，而极右翼则赢得了大量席位。此次解散标志着一个政治周期的终结，该周期以围绕国家最高层孤立人物构建的过度总统制为特征。综上所述，本文谴责第五共和国正滑向一种日益个人化、威权化且孤立的权力体系，这种体系无力应对民主多元化，从而阻碍了民主进程并削弱了法治

H∞ Model Reduction of Continuous-Time Periodic Piecewise Systems over a FiniteFrequency Range

International audienceThis paper presents a novel and effective methodology for designing reduced-order models of continuoustime linear periodic piecewise systems, with a finite-frequency (FF) range of the disturbance input. Theproposed approach is based on Linear Matrix Inequalities (LMIs) and ensures that a stability conditionand a finite-frequency H∞ performance analysis condition are developed. The key contribution lies in thedevelopment of an extended version of the generalized Kalman-Yakubovich-Popov (gKYP) lemma, specifically adapted to the class of periodic piecewise systems. By exploiting the structural properties of thesesystems and applying the projection lemma, new sufficient LMI-based conditions are derived to ensure theasymptotic stability of the estimation error dynamics, while achieving robust H∞ performance within thetargeted frequency band of the exogenous disturbance. Two numerical examples are presented to validatethe proposed method, demonstrating its feasibility and improved accuracy in terms of reduction error

One Step Further: Integrating Evidence-Based Guidelines into Practice to Address Environmental Challenges at the Men’s 2026 FIFA World Cup

International audienceAbstract The Men’s 2026 Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup (Canada, Mexico and the USA) will expose teams to an unprecedented combination of environmental challenges (heat, altitude, air pollution, allergens and travel). Conditions will vary significantly between host cities, creating a significant threat to player health and performance. These unique stressors may require teams to adopt and adapt strategies to best protect player health and performance. A related open access Sports Medicine review outlines these environmental challenges and the evidence-based guidelines to prepare for and mitigate their effects. Motivation for the present review stems from the unique practical and logistical complexities of ‘tournament football’—especially at the expanded 2026 FIFA World Cup—alongside the limitations of previous football-facing reviews, where ‘evidence-informed practice’ is often not underpinned by football-specific research and thus limits external/ecological validity. Building on the recommendations of the main review, this partner review focuses on integrating those guidelines into practice. It aims to provide teams with a practice-compatible framework to implement evidence-based strategies to protect player health and optimise performance at the 2026 FIFA World Cup

"Une représentation générale de l'accord sur les subventions à la pêche. L'inscription dans un paysage"

International audienc

Phytoplankton coastal-offshore monitoring by the Strait of Dover at high spatial resolution : the DYPHYRAD surveys

International audienceLong-term monitoring of phytoplankton communities is essential for understanding the functioning and evolution of marine systems. This paper presents a decadal dataset on phytoplankton observations conducted along a coastal-offshore transect by the Strait of Dover, at fine spatial resolution, using an automated in vivo approach. Nine stations (∼ 1 km apart) were sampled in the sub-surface off the Slack estuary, representing the northern limit of the Marine Protected Area of “Picard Estuaries and Opal Seas” (EPMO). Since 2012, phytoplankton functional groups were characterised in vivo in sub-surface waters using multi-spectral fluorometry (Fluoroprobe, bbe Moldaenke, Gmbh) and single-cell optical analysis with a pulse shape-recording flow cytometer (CytoSense and CytoSub, Cytobuoy b.v., the Netherlands). Total phytoplankton biomass was estimated via chlorophyll a extraction and in vivo fluorescence. Spectral and functional groups were quantified in terms of abundance, size, and estimated chlorophyll a in surface waters. Weekly sampling resolution allowed us to address the community composition in order to disentangle short-term, fine spatial, seasonal, and inter-annual variability. Additionally, biogeochemical and hydrological variables: temperature, salinity, Photosynthetically Active Radiation (PAR), and nutrients (nitrate, nitrite, phosphate, silicate) were systematically measured. Over 11 years, the survey generated 1835 samples from 268 dates, averaging 167 samples per year across 24 cruises. This unique dataset provides valuable insights into phytoplankton dynamics and environmental drivers in a temperate coastal system. Free access to the dataset can be found at https://doi.org/10.17882/104524 (Hubert et al., 2025b)

Regard critique sur l’adoption de la loi de finances pour 2026 : l’usage contestable des procédures d’urgence

International audienc

All star-incompatible measurements can certify steering-based randomness

Certifying that quantum randomness generated by untrusted devices is unpredictable to an attacker (say, Eve) is crucial for device-independent security. Bipartite protocols where only one of the parties is trusted are termed one-sided device-independent (1SDI) or steering-based protocols, where the untrusted party (say, Alice) performs measurements on her part of a bipartite entangled state to steer the subsystem of the trusted party (say, Bob) into different ensembles (collectively, an assemblage) of quantum states. Recent work has shown that an assemblage has certified randomness if and only if it is realizable by a set of measurements that are star-incompatible, i.e., the measurement setting of interest for the guessing probability of Eve is incompatible with at least one of the remaining measurement settings of Alice. However, it remains conceivable that there exist star-incompatible measurements that cannot certify steering-based randomness, just like there exist incompatible measurements that cannot certify bipartite Bell nonlocality. Here we prove that any set of star-incompatible measurements can generate steering-based randomness, thereby establishing an equivalence between the two notions. We further introduce a weight-based measure of star-incompatibility and lower bound the amount required to certify a given randomness, capturing the qualitative and quantitative interplay between the quantum resources of star-incompatibility and steering-based randomness

Réévaluation de la glucotoxicité, initialement pour aborder le paradoxe des phénotypes surpoids et maigreur, et subséquemment pour réexaminer le cadre étiologique des maladies non transmissibles

Un consensus s’est établi quant au rôle déterminant d’une consommation excessive de glucides - notamment de glucides simples - dans l’émergence du surpoids, de l’insulinorésistance et du diabète de type 2. Toutefois, une glucotoxicité comparable est observée chez les individus maigres. Nous proposons que la glucotoxicité puisse favoriser, soit le surpoids, en induisant un hyperinsulinisme hypo-efficace, soit la maigreur, en induisant un hypoinsulinisme hyper-efficace ; ces deux déviations métaboliques (DMTB) engendrent des cercles vicieux spécifiques : dans la DMTB type 2, l’hyperglycémie conduit les cellules à renforcer leur insulinorésistance; dans la DMTB type 1, l’hypoglycémie induit au contraire une hypersensibilité accrue à l’insuline, entrainant une surcharge intracellulaire en glucose aux conséquences toxiques ou pro-consuméristes. Nous interprétons le poids normal comme résultant de l’alternance entre glucotoxicités type 2 et type 1, cette dernière étant la plus délétère, intervenant notamment dans la carcinogenèse non mutagène et les maladies auto- immunes (dont le diabète de type 1). Enfin, nous appliquons ce paradigme pour expliquer notamment l’endométriose, le paradoxe lipidique, le paradoxe de la stéatose hépatique, l’anorexie mentale, et la dualité myopie - hypermétropie. Les 29 principales hypothèses inhérentes à ce paradigme ou en découlant sont présentées au fur et à mesure du texte. Une réévaluation judicieuse de la glucotoxicité pourrait ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives en médecine préventive et curative