Towards reconstructing the numeral classifier system of Proto-Tivoid

The Tivoid subgroup of Bantoid presents an evolving numeral classifier system with restricted lexical coverage, as attested for a number of various subgroups of the Benue Congo languages of Nigeria and Cameroon (Kießling 2018). Semantically, these classifiers categorise counted items for their shape and texture (e.g., oblong and rigid vs. flat vs. small and globular) as well as for their aggregation type (bundle vs. heap) and partition (half, piece) with an occasional conflation with the notion of counterexpectual scantiness. On the morphosyntactic and etymological level, they can be seen to develop from full-fledged generic nouns denoting concepts such as LEAF, SEED, FRUIT and HEAP used as head nouns in associative constructions. Eventual loss of nominal properties indexes an incipient functional split of the lexical source item and the newly emergent word class of numeral classifier. A comparison of numeral classifier systems in two Tivoid varieties, i.e. Tiv (Angitso 2020) and Ugare (Angitso & Kießling 2021), reveals both substantial overlap and variation. For example, cognate classifiers such as Tiv ítíné (5/6) and Ugare íʧín (5/6), both used for counting longish outgrowths from a base and applicable to items like plantains and hair, allow for a Proto-Tivoid reconstruction, whereas non-cognates such as Tiv ì-ké (9/6) ‘testicle’ vs. Ugare kù-kwà (9/10) ‘palm nut’, both used for counting items such as mangos and cashews, attest to the application of different cognitive models. Based on a comparison of the Tiv classifier system and its Ugare counterpart, the contribution explores the extent to which a numeral classifier system can be reconstructed for the Proto-Tivoid stage

On the conceptual nature of hybrid adverbials in Isu

We review Kießling’s (2011) assessment of the emergence of hybrid adverbials from serial verb constructions in Isu of Bantoid and the Narrow Grassfield group of East Benue Congo. He posits two paths, preverbal and postverbal, that coverb elements follow as they abandon verbal properties pertaining to syntax, morphology, and tone. Our focus rests on whether this impressive array of grammatical change might reflect a particular system of semantic concepts. We contend that one lens through which to view such a system consists of a merger of Dixon’s secondary concept types and Nuyts’ hierarchy of categories conveying clausal modification. To support our contention, we apply the resulting system of semantic concepts to Isu preverbal hybrid adverbials, finding eight conceptual types oriented toward characterization of grammatical subject. Despite the highly tentative nature of this effort, results align with a similar range of conceptual types that occur as preverbs in West Benue Congo Yoruboid and Edoid, which have also grammaticalized from verbs

Dependent clauses with the conjunction kṳ̀ ‘and’ in Dinka: Clause chaining in a non-SOV language

Dinka, a Western Nilotic language, has a construction in which a clause with dependent syntactic status is combined with a preceding clause of any type by means of the conjunction kṳ̀ ‘and’, which is also used for coordinating both noun phrases and independent clauses. Dependent kṳ̀-clauses, which all have the same syntactic structure, do not express any particular semantic function and normally have fewer markers of tense, aspect and mood than the clause with which they are combined. But they are interpreted as having the same semantic function and generally also the same tense, aspect and mood as that clause

Contact influence in the Tjhauba variety of Kgalagadi

Tjhauba, spoken in northwestern Botswana, is a regional variety of the Bantu language Kgalagadi. Tjhauba exhibits a number of striking linguistic differences with respect to other, previously described Kgalagadi varieties, some the result of language-internal changes, but mostly due to contact with different surrounding Khoisan and Bantu languages. Making use of newly collected field data, this paper shows that Tjhauba has an extensive inventory of click phonemes, contrasting different click accompaniments and, in the speech of elderly speakers, also different click types. Tracing the sources of Tjhauba click words shows that these originate in different Khoisan languages, but also in the Bantu click language Yeyi. Semantically, click words, but also loanwords that do not contain clicks, cluster in the domain of flora and fauna, particularly species found in or close to water. These linguistic findings also shed light on the history of Tjhauba speakers. The adoption of a large number of click phonemes suggests intensive language contact, as still evidenced by ongoing Tjhauba/Khwe bilingualism. A number of the likely source languages for Tjhauba click words are no longer spoken in the area, suggesting contact situations that are no longer ongoing. Furthermore, clicks occur in loanwords, but unlike in neighbouring Bantu click languages, there is no evidence that clicks were also extended to inherited Tjhauba words. This suggests that the sound symbolic or identity marking functions of clicks as posited for other Bantu click languages do not play a role in Tjhauba

Gehrmann, Susanne. 2021. Autobiographik in Afrika. Literaturgeschichte und Genrevielfalt. (Literaturen und Kunst Afrikas, Band 14). Trier: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier.

Review of Susanne Gehrmann\u27s "Autobiographik in Afrika. Literaturgeschichte und Genrevielfalt.

The Ngəmba interrogative verb ghě ‘to what?’

While interrogative pronouns, adverbials, and determiners seem to constitute universal word categories (Ultan 1978), interrogative verbs are rather rare worldwide (Hagège 2008). One of the languages to attest this rare category is Ngəmba, a Ghomala’ variety of the Eastern Grassfields Bantu group in Cameroon. This article provides a first descriptive outline of the semantic and morphosyntactic properties of the Ngəmba interrogative verb ghě ‘do what?’. Based on comparative evidence from micro-variation across closely related neighbouring Ghomala’ varieties, it fleshes out a historical model that traces the Ngəmba interrogative verb back to a fusion of a prior verb meaning ‘do’ with an interrogative element

Jürgen Zwernemann (1929–2022)

no abstractObituary for Jürgen Zwernemann

In memoriam Alexander Neil Skinner 13. November 1921 – 7. März 2015

Obituary for Alexander Neil Skinner

Two more contexts for Ge‘ez *u > u and three for *a > ǝ

The main Ge‘ez (Classical Ethiopic) verbal adjective is characterized by an ǝ-u vowel melody. Based on cognate evidence, the most basic form of this adjective, 01-stem 1ǝ2u3, derives from a *1a2uː3- pattern and thus shows assimilation of *aCuː > ǝCu. This assimilation does not operate in a set of specialized numerals shaped like 1ä2u3, which should be reconstructed as *1a2u3- with short *u. Short *u also yields Ge‘ez u in the nonaccusative case of the masculine cardinal numerals, like *ɬalaːθtu > śälästu ‘three’; this ending goes back to the Proto-Semitic diptotic nominative. The assimilation of *aCuː > ǝCu, on the other hand, also affected the personal pronoun *huːʔa-tuː > wǝʾǝtu, the perfect of fientive verbs like *gabaruː > gäbru ‘they did’, and the jussive of stative verbs like *yitrapuː > yǝtrǝfu ‘may they remain’. Ə was leveled to other parts of these paradigms, solving several longstanding problems of Ge‘ez morphology

Did Proto-Chadic have velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents?

Ever since the Afroasiatic affiliation of Chadic as a whole was suggested by Joseph H. Greenberg in his seminal re-classification of African languages since the 1950s and has been generally accepted, i.e. encompassing both ‘Chado-Hamitic’ and ‘Chadic’ languages of influential pre-Greenbergian genetic classifications, the issue of whether Proto-Chadic possessed prenasalised obstruents and velar nasals has been repeatedly raised and debated in the literature, yet without final consent. All of the 196 presently known Chadic languages would appear to possess these consonants in their synchronic phonemic inventories. The present article reviews the debate in view of recently available new insights on the historical phonology and lexical reconstruction based on data from 66 of the 79 known Central Chadic languages, i.e. the most numerous and most diverse branch of Chadic. According to these recent comparative studies of Central Chadic that allow to reconstruct Proto-Central Chadic phonology and lexicon, there is massive evidence to show that both velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents emerged as results of natural phonological processes probably already on the proto-language level, but need not be reconstructed for the proto-language’s phonemic inventory. And if Proto-Central Chadic did not have these consonants as inherited phonemes, then this would also be true for its predecessor, Proto-Chadic. The major processes leading to the emergence of velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents were segmental fusion and the emergence of prensalisation prosody that arose from the de-segmentalisation and prosodification of reconstructed nasals. The article summarises the evidence and gives illustrative examples for the reconstructed phonological processes, which created conditioned allophones that eventually became phonologised yielding synchronic phonemes in the modern Central Chadic languages.Ever since the Afroasiatic affiliation of Chadic as a whole was suggested by Joseph H. Greenberg in his seminal re-classification of African languages since the 1950s and has been generally accepted, i.e. encompassing both ‘Chado-Hamitic’ and ‘Chadic’ languages of influential pre-Greenbergian genetic classifications, the issue of whether Proto-Chadic possessed prenasalised obstruents and velar nasals has been repeatedly raised and debated in the literature, yet without final consent. All of the 196 presently known Chadic languages would appear to possess these consonants in their synchronic phonemic inventories. The present article reviews the debate in view of recently available new insights on the historical phonology and lexical reconstruction based on data from 66 of the 79 known Central Chadic languages, i.e. the most numerous and most diverse branch of Chadic. According to these recent comparative studies of Central Chadic that allow to reconstruct Proto-Central Chadic phonology and lexicon, there is massive evidence to show that both velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents emerged as results of natural phonological processes probably already on the proto-language level, but need not be reconstructed for the proto-language’s phonemic inventory. And if Proto-Central Chadic did not have these consonants as inherited phonemes, then this would also be true for its predecessor, Proto-Chadic. The major processes leading to the emergence of velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents were segmental fusion and the emergence of prensalisation prosody that arose from the de-segmentalisation and prosodification of reconstructed nasals. The article summarises the evidence and gives illustrative examples for the reconstructed phonological processes, which created conditioned allophones that eventually became phonologised yielding synchronic phonemes in the modern Central Chadic languages.Ever since the Afroasiatic affiliation of Chadic as a whole was suggested by Joseph H. Greenberg in his seminal re-classification of African languages since the 1950s and has been generally accepted, i.e. encompassing both ‘Chado-Hamitic’ and ‘Chadic’ languages of influential pre-Greenbergian genetic classifications, the issue of whether Proto-Chadic possessed prenasalised obstruents and velar nasals has been repeatedly raised and debated in the literature, yet without final consent. All of the 196 presently known Chadic languages would appear to possess these consonants in their synchronic phonemic inventories. The present article reviews the debate in view of recently available new insights on the historical phonology and lexical reconstruction based on data from 66 of the 79 known Central Chadic languages, i.e. the most numerous and most diverse branch of Chadic. According to these recent comparative studies of Central Chadic that allow to reconstruct Proto-Central Chadic phonology and lexicon, there is massive evidence to show that both velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents emerged as results of natural phonological processes probably already on the proto-language level, but need not be reconstructed for the proto-language’s phonemic inventory. And if Proto-Central Chadic did not have these consonants as inherited phonemes, then this would also be true for its predecessor, Proto-Chadic. The major processes leading to the emergence of velar nasals and prenasalised obstruents were segmental fusion and the emergence of prensalisation prosody that arose from the de-segmentalisation and prosodification of reconstructed nasals. The article summarises the evidence and gives illustrative examples for the reconstructed phonological processes, which created conditioned allophones that eventually became phonologised yielding synchronic phonemes in the modern Central Chadic languages