A concrete proposal to upgrade the Dayton Peace Agreement

Većina promatrača političke situacije u Bosni i Hercegovini fokusirala se samo na probleme koje je Dejtonski mirovni sporazum stvorio za normalno funkcioniranje ove jugoistočno-evropske države, ali još uvijek je potrebno predložiti izvodljivo rješenje tih problema. Dejtonski sporazum je postigao mir umanjujući kapacitet države, blokirajući svaku sposobnost za efikasno upravljanje BiH pretjeranim raspršivanjem moći, s neuobičajenim ustavnim fokusom na internacionalizam i forsiranjem pogrešne vrste pluralizma koji podriva normalno funkcioniranje demokratije. Rješenje za te probleme treba naći u prilagođavanju procedure odabira Visokog predstavnika UN-a, koji je direktno odgovoran za provedbu Sporazuma, kako u pogledu slova tako i namjere tog dokumenta, a ovaj tekst objašnjava kako se ta promjena može izvršiti i koje probleme će takva promjena moći riješiti.Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed.  The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve

The Gift of Qurbani Meat: Ethnological Reflections

Članak razmatra dva običaja koja muslimani Bosne i Hercegovine tradicionalno vrše tokom Kurban bajrama. To su, prvo, davanje nešto malo novca, tzv. bajramluka, djeci kao nagradu ili uzvratni dar za to što nose kurbansko meso susjedima, te, kao drugo, davanje ovog mesa susjedima koji nisu muslimani. Ova će tema biti istražena u svjetlu Marcel Maussovog utjecajnog ogleda o daru, budući da se kurban pojavljuje kao dar koji ustanovljuje, obilježava i obnavlja društvene veze ne samo bliskih srodnika, nego i prijatelja i susjeda. U ovom kontekstu ćemo se također susresti i s onim što je Jacques Derrida nazvao aporijom dara. Klanje kurbana je istinski dar, upravo zato što je nemoguć dar. Može se razmatrati kao darivanje bez dara: iako je žrtvovanje nezamislivo bez zaklane životinje, ona ne može biti dar Bogu. Međutim, nakon što je ljudski akt žrtvovanja obavljen, Bog je onaj koji čini dar ljudima - zato što nalaže da žrtvino meso mora biti podijeljeno. Ono onda ne treba biti shvaćeno kao vraćeni dar, nego kao akt Božjeg gostoprimstva, koji ljudima daruje samo mogućnost darivanja darova. Iznesene su tvrdnje da dva bosanska običaja crpe svoj posljednji smisao iz božanskog gostoprimstva koje se živo iskušava u ovom ritualu žrtvovanja.The article considers two customs traditionally followed by Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina during Eid Al-Aḍḥā (‘Festival of Sacrifice’ or Kurban Bayram). These are, first, giving a small amount of money, so-called bayramlık, to children as a reward or gift in return for handing out Qurbani meat to neighbors, and, second, giving the meat to non-Muslims. The topic will be explored in the light of Marcel Mauss’s seminal essay on the gift, since Qurbani appears as a gift that identifies, marks and renews the social bonds not only of close relatives, but also of friends and neighbors. In this context too, we will meet what Jacques Derrida calls the aporia of the gift. The slaughtering of Qurbani animal is a true gift, precisely because it is an impossible gift. It may be considered as a giftless giving: although the sacrifice is unthinkable without the slaughtered animal, it cannot be a gift to God. However, after the human act of sacrifice is performed, it is God Who makes the gift to men - because He commands that the victim’s meat must be shared. It is then to be understood not as a returned gift, but as an act of God’s hospitality, which gives to men the very possibility of gift giving. It is argued that the two Bosnian customs draw their ultimate meaning from the divine hospitality vividly experienced in the ritual of sacrifice

Muslim Influence on the Legal Reform of King Henry II in England in the XII Century

Poduzimanje pravne reforme postaje nužno onda kada pravni sistem ne odgovara na potrebe društva u promijenjenim društvenim okolnostima. Reformu pravnog sistema moguće je provesti na temelju postojećih izvora, unutar pravnog sistema koji se želi reformirati ili putem pozajmljivanja pravnih instituta iz naprednijih pravnih sistema, koji su od ranije poznati. Oživljavanjem funkcije države u Evropi od XI stoljeća sve više vladara poseže za reformom pravnog sistema kao odgovorom na narastajuće probleme s kojima se društvo suočava. Ova reforma započeta je na Siciliji 1140. godine, donošenjem Assize iz Ariana, a nastavljena je u Engleskoj donošenjem više assiza od strane kralja Henryja II. U pokušaju da ukažemo na mogući utjecaj koji se odvijao putem preuzimanja gotovih rješenja iz jedne pravne tradicije u drugu, koristili smo se historijskom i uporednom metodom. Pojedini pravni instituti u okviru ove reforme ukazuju na to da se radilo o pravnim transplantima koje anglosaksonska i normanska pravna tradicija nisu poznavale. Rješenja koja su usvojena ukazuju na sličnosti sa šerijatskom pravnom tradicijom a njihovo prenošenje u engleski pravni sistem moglo je doći posredstvom ljudi koji su bili u službi normanskih vladara na Siciliji (Rogera II) a koji su kasnije ušli u službu engleskog kralja Henryja II.Undertaking legislative reform becomes necessary when the legal system does not respond to the needs of society in changed social circumstances. The reform can be carried out on the basis of existing sources, within the legal system to be reformed, or by borrowing institutions from more advanced systems, which are already known. After the 11th century, following the revival of the function of the state in Europe, more and more rulers resorted to the reform of the legal system, as a response to the growing problems that society was facing. This reform began in Sicily in 1140, with the enactment of Assizes from Ariano and continued in England with the enactment of The Assize of Clarendon ? (1166) by King Henry II. In an attempt to point out the possible influence that took place by taking ready-made solutions from one legal tradition to another, the historical and comparative method is used. Some legal institutions that were part of this reform indicate that these were transplants that the Anglo-Saxon and Norman traditions did not know. The solutions adopted point to similarities with the Sharia legal tradition, and their transposition into the English legal system could have come through people who were in the service of the Norman rulers in Sicily (Roger II) and who later entered the service of King Henry II

Reform, by no Means Revolution

Djelo Budućnost islama, prema autoru, nastalo je iz pobude i pokušaja ponovne izgradnje odnosa Zapada s muslimanskim svijetom, posebno u svjetlu politike tadašnjeg američkog predsjednika Baracka Obame i njegove politike za „novim putem naprijed“ (str. 6) nakon njegovog „historijskog govora“ u Kairu - kako su to prenijeli zapadni mediji. Djelo je koncizno i unutar svoja četiri osnovna poglavlja nastoji odgovoriti na nekoliko ključnih pitanja: Kakva je budućnost islama - reformacijska ili revolucijska? Da li su islam i modernost kompatibilni? Koliko je rasprostranjen islamski fundamentalizam i da li je on prijetnja muslimanskim društvima i Zapadu?According to the author, the text The Future of Islam was produced as an incentive and attempt to re-build relations between the West and the Muslim world, particularly in the light of the policy of “a new way forward” (p.6) of the then U.S. president Barack Obama, after his ‘historic speech’ in Cairo – as reported by Western media. The book is concise, and its four basic chapters strive to answer several key questions: What is the future of Islam – reformation or revolution? Are Islam and modernity compatible? How widespread is Islamic fundamentalism and is it a threat to Muslim societies and the West

Qadar/ṣināʿat – a product of the classical-traditional attitude toward the Qur'an, Sunnah and Hadith

Namjera ove analize je nastaviti započetu raspravu (iz prethodnih brojeva) o nekim dijelovima povijesti onog što se deklarira ili titulira kao „islamska umjetnost“ u kritičnom okviru kako okcidentalnovesterniziranih tako i nekih muslìmānskīh teorijskih pogleda. Analizom i postavljanjem granica u skladu s prevladavajućim autoritetima, pridonijet će se vitalnim modalitetima diskursâ qadar/ṣināʿata, koji su rezolutno ìslāmskī i u skladu s izvorištem (ar. al-mardžaʿili al-maṣdar). Posebno se želi skrenutipažnja na zalaganje za različitost, upravo zbog okcidentalno-vesterniziranog akademskog nastojanja da se zanemari duh jedinstva i autorefleksivnih islamskih konstanti karakterističnih diskursâ qadar/ṣināʿata uz nametanje umjetne dihotomije sakralnog i profanog, te paradigmatskih pogleda na vrednovanje kreativnog (estetiziranog) postignuća začetnika/dizajnera reprezentacije, odnosno homo islamicusa, kao apsolutnog zapadnjačkog vlasništva (western ownership).S druge strane, estetizirano djelanje homo islamicusa u okviru svjesne rekognitivne i kognitivne produktivno-refleksivne orijentacije ima vrlo konkretno povijesno postojanje. Ako za titulaciju „islamska umjetnost“ možemo upotrijebiti poznati Derridaov moto ili grif ‘il n’y a pas de hors-texte’ („ništa ne postoji izvan teksta“), za estetizirano djelanje homo islamicusa ne možemo pitati postoji li ili ne postoji. Čini se da bi pravilno pitanje u vezi s modalitetima diskursâ qadar/ṣināʿata glasilo ‘qu’est-cequ’il y a de hors-texte’? („što se nalazi izvan teksta?“).The intention of this analysis is to continue the discussion (from the previous issuees) of some parts of the history of what is declared or titled „Islamic art”, within the critical and theoretical framework of both Occidental-Western and (some) Muslim perspectives. The analysis and establishments of limits in line with the prevailing authorities will contribute to the vital modalities of qadar/ṣināʿat discourse which are resolutely Islamic and in line with their source (ar. al-marjaʿ or al-maṣdar). Particular attention is drawn to advocating differences, due to Occidental-westernized academic efforts to ignore the spirit of unity and the self-reflective Islamic constants of qadar/ṣināʿat discourses and impose the artificial dichotomy of the sacral and profane, and due to paradigmatic views on the evaluation of the creative (aestheticized) achievement of the originator/designer of representation, (i.e. homo islamicus) as absolute western ownership. On the other hand, the aestheticized activity of homo islamicus within the conscious recognitive and cognitive productive-reflective orientation has a very specific historical existence. If the well-known saying of Jacques Derrida – the well known Postmodernist, ‘il n’y a pas de hors-texte’ („there is nothing outside the text”) can be applied to the title „Islamic art”, we can raise the question as to whether the aestheticized activity of homo islamicus exists or not. It seems that the proper question related to the modalities of qadar/ṣināʿat discourse should be ‘qu'est-ce qu'ily a de hors-texte’ („what is there outside the text?”)

The Importance of Interreligious Dialogues on Ethics and Law: A Global Percpective

Ovaj se članak zalaže za oživljavanje međureligijskog dijaloga o etici i zakonu kao instrumentu mira i pomirenja. Dok je prvu fazu IRD obilježila značajnu istaknutost ovih tema, one su u drugoj fazi postale manje važne. Ovo treba ispraviti iz dva razloga. Teoretski je racionalnost dogmatskih ili sistematskih uvida (kakva se nalazi u svim vjerskim tradicijama) uglavnom isključiva, dok je racionalnost etike, također religijski utemeljena etika, u osnovi inkluzivna. Stoga je otvoren za dijalog. Postoje značajne zajedničke točke oko normi, pravila i vrijednosti između vjerskih tradicija, koje trebaju služiti ljudima, društvu i političkoj zajednici. To je od posebne važnosti u današnjim multireligijskim društvima, kao i u svijetu koji je više nego ikad povezan globalizacijom. Članak završava analizom dokumenta o ljudskom bratstvu pape Franje i velikog imama Ahmada al-Tayyeba i njegovog etičkog pristupa dijalogu.The present article pleads for the revival of an interreligious dialogue on ethics and law as an instrument of peace and reconciliation. Whereas the first phase of IRD was marked by a considerable prominence of these topics, the have become of less importance in the second phase. This needs correction for two reasons. Theoretically the rationality of dogmatic or systematic insights (as found in all faith traditions) is largely exclusive, whereas the rationality of ethics, also religiously founded ethics, is basically inclusive. It is therefore open to dialogue. There exists considerable common ground on norms, rules and values between religious traditions, which are to serve humans, the society and the political community. This is of particular importance in today’s multi-religious societies as well as in a world more than ever interconnected by globalization. The article concludes with an analysis of the document on Human Fraternity of Pope Francis and Grand Imam Ahmad al-Tayyeb and its ethical approach to dialogue

Muhammad Between East and West

Na bosanskom jeziku je početkom oktobra, ove godine, objavljen moj prijevod knjige Muhammed poslanik mira usred sukoba imperija, američkog historičara Juana Colea, profesora historije na Univerzitetu Michigan, urednika i pokretača portala Informed Comment, autora znatnog broja studija koje tretiraju historiju i civilizaciju Bliskog Istoka. Kako stoji u uredničkom podnaslovu izdavača, sarajevske izdavačke kuće Kupola, koja je ovu knjigu objavila u sklopu svoje edicije “Stubovi vremena”, radi se o “biografiji Poslanika, a.s., kao vjesnika tolerancije i mira u jeku vizantijsko- perzijskih ratova.”Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed.  The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve

About Bosniaks, Islam and Socialims

Naslijeđe jugoslavenskog socijalizma još je djelotvorno na identitarnu ravan država i naroda sljednika te bivše zajedničke države. Odnos komunističke doktrine i religije, u našem ispitivanom slučaju islama, posebno zaokuplja pažnju istraživača. Na marginama iščitavanja dvije recentne knjige o odnosu islama, Bošnjaka i socijalizma nastao je ovaj tekst. On kritički propituje mjesto i ulogu islama i institucije Islamske zajednice u savremenom i nacionalnom i političkom razvoju Bošnjaka s akcentom na recentna društvena zbivanja.The legacy of Yugoslav socialism is still viable in the successor states and the nations of that former common state as a form of identity. The relationship between communist doctrine and religion, specifically Islam, is of particular interest to researchers. This paper was written under the impression of two recent books recognizing the relationship between Islam, Bosniaks and socialism. The author critically questions the place and role of Islam and the institution of the Islamic Community in the contemporary national and political development of Bosniaks, with an emphasis on recent social events