An Assessment of Good Governance and Development in Nigeria: A Study of Bayelsa State 2012-2019

Good governance and development are dimensions of democracy for fostering equity and inclusiveness, accountability, rule of law, transparency, and the attainment of national development among others. The major purpose of the research is to examine good governance and development were institutionalized and achieved by the Bayelsa State government under Henry Seriake Dickson from 2012-2019. The study adopted structural-functional theory, descriptive research design, secondary sources of data collection and content analysis. The study among others discovered that from 2012-2019, the fundamental liberal politico-administrative values of good governance and development such as equity and inclusiveness, rule of law, accountability, vis-à-vis socio-economic and political development were not adequately addressed by the Bayelsa State government. Based on this, the study recommended that, Bayelsa State government should pursue an inclusive, people-oriented and participatory democracy to address the challenges inhibiting good governance and open up opportunities for developmen

Public Influence on US-Afghan Policy After 9/11 G. Almond’s Structural Functionalist Approach

The war in Afghanistan had been examined and analyzed through multiple theoretical frameworks, most of which belong to the field of international relations. However, this paper provides an explanation from a functionalist theoretical prism and employ Gabriel Almond’s structural functionalist approach in the field of political science, which is focused on political system and policy elaboration process within the system. In this manner, theory attempts to bring clarification to US foreign policy decision-making process on war in Afghanistan while underlining the US public influence. The paper aims to dissect Gabriel Almond’s theory through the political system and provide understanding how the integral components of the system interact with each other and how this interaction affects the results of foreign policy on US-Afghanistan example. According to the given research public mood had an important potential in affecting the US foreign policy decision-making process towards Afghanistan

Double-Headed Eagle Symbol, The Russian Imperial Emblem and Local Replica in The Kingdom of Georgia

The article focuses on iconic symbols of “Eagles” in the Georgian context from the early Antiquity to the Medieval and Modern periods. It explores the implication of the symbol and its functions to establish meaning in the society. The paper explains the process of interaction among meaning, style, content, and receivers, as well as provides a framework to understand how historical memory can serve as a constitutive, relational, and purposive content for collective and state identities. Acknowledging that heritage is a highly political process, susceptible to the needs of power, the research draws on a number of examples to underline that the symbols of the past portrayed in various media legitimate political symbolism in fact represent political standpoint. Keywords: eagle, memory, national identity, imperial symbols, symbols of powe

The Global North-Global South Relations and their reflection on the World Politics and International Economy

The concept of Global North and Global South (or North-South relations in a global context) is used to analyze a grouping of states along with socio-economic development and political parameters. The Global South represents a term frequently used to identify the regions of Latin America, Asia, Africa, and Oceania. It is one of a family of names, including “Third World” and “Periphery”, that determine territories outside Europe and North America, in most cases (though not all) low-income and often politically or culturally marginalized countries on one side of the so-called divide, the other side being the countries of the Global North (often equated with developed countries). As such, the term does not inherently refer to geographical south; for example, most of the Global South is geographically located within the Northern Hemisphere, and on the contrary, some countries from the Global North – particularly Australia, New Zealand, and the South African Republic are located in the Sothern Hemisphere. The determination as used by governmental and developmental institutions was first introduced as relatively open and value-free alternative to “Third World” and similarly, potentially “valuing” terms like developing countries. The States of the Global South have been described as newly industrialized or in the process of industrializing, and most of them appeared on the world political map as independent states as a result of the process of decolonization, which occured during the cold war period in the second half of the XX Century.In its turn, Global North correlates with the Western world—excluding Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Israel (among others)—while the South is largely associated with the developing countries (previously called «Third World”) and the Eastern world. The two groups are often defined in terms of their differing levels of wealth, economic development, income inequality, democracy, political and economic freedom, as defined by freedom indices. Countries, that are generally considered as part of the Global North tend to be wealthier and less unequal; they have developed states, with strong democratic institutes, which export technologically advanced manufactured products and where the biggest part of the economically active population is employed in the service sector. Southern states are generally law-income developing countries with younger, more fragile democracies heavily dependent on primary sector exports and generally, they share a history of colonialism imposed on them by Northern states. In most of those countries, the biggest part of the economically active population is involved in the sector of agriculture. Nevertheless, the divide between the North and the South is at times challenged. Based on the socio-economic parameters, as of the two decades of the 21st century, the share of the North—with one-quarter of the world population— comes four-fifths of the income earned anywhere in the world. 90% of the manufacturing industries are owned by the companies that are located in the North. Inversely, the South—with three-quarters of the world population—has access to one-fifth of the world’s income. As nations become economically developed, most probably they will be associated with the concept of “North”, regardless of geographical location; similarly, nations that do not qualify for “developed” status are in effect deemed to be part of the “South”

Dysfunctionality of Master Signifiers in the Georgian (Political) Discourse

The aim of this paper is to identify, compare and analyze the basic master signifiers within the Georgian political discourse. We will try to construct some kind of a typology of master signifiers in relation with the concept of ideology/discourse, fitting them in the main political parties’ ideological grounds. We will also try to show that the concept of the Master Signifier can be employed while analyzing any type of political realm for practical purposes. Our main task will be the general typology of Master Signifiers, with a particular focus on the Georgian political-ideological realm. Together with the master signifier, the concept of empty signifier is also given in the literature. Accordingly, there are dysfunctional master signifiers, as well. Our goal is to focus on the dysfunctional signifiers and their importance in terms of meaning creation/cancelation. At the same time, the notion should be examined in the context of ideology/power relations. Moreover, it must be considered in relation with concepts like discursive strategy, narrative, metaphor. We start with definition of the concept of Master signifier. In a very broad term, it can be defined as the main idea, the ideological basis for justifying a political behavior. The “master signifiers” define and limit the meanings of concepts and at the same time, they contain ideological views on how society should function. Master signifiers are unprovable, though guiding and justifying ideas of behavior. It is a collection of sublimated ideas. The function of the master signifier is to unify meanings and to derive a common, comprehensive and determinative final idea

The Red-lacquered ceramics of the Late Antique-Pre-Byzantine period Discovered in the Gonio-Apsaros area in 2018-2022

The article explores red-lacquered ceramics discovered in Gonio-Apsaros in recent years. The southwestern Georgia has yielded many diverse red-lacquered ceramics from the ancient and late antique periods, less from the early Byzantine era. However, recently more have been discovered, forming an intriguing category within the kitchenware. Being imported goods, they provide insights into the region's interactions with the world.The fragments of bowls (Late Roman C) including mouth, body, base, mouth-wall, fit into three distinct forms (10A, 10C, 3G/F) identified by Hayes. They are defined by orange, fine-grained ware, flared body and a mouth of varying cross-sections, separated by a delicate groove, traces of reddish varnish on the inside. A bowl fragment bears a cross-shaped mark with rings and can be associated with the types 67 and 68 of Hayes (LRC), with thickened, upturned mouths of polygonal or quadrangular cross-sections, light reddish-brown and fine-grained ware with occasional admixtures, somtimes remnants of pinkish-reddish varnish. 2019Due to the Byzantine Empire's expansion eastward, parts of Lazica became influenced by Byzantine economy, culture, politics. Apsaros fell within the Byzantine borders from the late 5th century. The growing discovery of materials near the Roman castle highlights the newfound significance of Apsaros increasing interest in it.keywords: Late Antiquity-Early-Byzantine period, South-west Georgia, Ceramics, Red-lacquered ceramic

Integration of Post-Soviet Republics into NATO: Comparative Analysis of Euro-Atlantic Integration of Estonia and Georgia

Estonia and Georgia, the two former Soviet republics, at the time of the collapse of the USSR, had quite a similar experience of statecraft: they bothlived under communist rule, did not have any experience of democratic development and market relations, were approximately at the same levelof development among the 15 Soviet republics and also experienced the same pressure on awakening national identity and orientation towardsEuropean values. However, with the collapse of the USSR, very distinct tendencies emerged in these two states. If Estonia, together with otherpost-Soviet Baltic countries, took a course towards deep reformation of the country and integration with Europe and ensuring security through joiningthe North Atlantic alliance, then Georgia, under the newly elected nationalist government of Gamsakhurdia, chose the path of confrontation withnational minorities and its closest neighbors, and the building of a Common Caucasian Home (primarily with the North Caucasian republics beingpart of the Russian Federation), which led the country to a civil war, self-isolation and alienation from the West. This led to two completely differenttrajectories in the conduct of these countries in the international arena in the next three decades. The paper compares the two Euro-centric post-Sovietstates, Estonia and Georgia, in the context of NATO integration. By drawing a variety of parallels, the research refers to both historical experiences,transformational abilities, the readiness of political elites to carry out radical reforms and explores several reasons explaining differences in the Euro-Atlantic international path of Estonia and Georgia. At the same time, the article examines several external factors and particularly the Russian one,that influenced the integration path of these countries: in one case, giving the green light to joining the alliance (a case of Estonia) and, in the other,all kinds of opposition to NATO membership (a case of Georgia)

Reconstructed Jerusalem through Multi-Methodological Approaches

The article addresses the issue of modelling City Jerusalem in different stages of her continuation in space and time. Investigates social, cultural, and international aspects of the city through written sources and archaeological remains

Never Waste a Crisis” Post 2019 Pandemic Regional Architecture of the Black Sea Region

After the Covid-19 global pandemic, the geopolitical significance of the Black Sea Region (BSR), with changing resources and distribution of power,has changed opening renewed scope of engagement to both internal and external actors. Since 2019 as the epidemiological crisis has been strengtheningnation-states, showing the weakness of international organizations, and raising doubts about the extent to which international society is fulfillingits declared values and principles of human rights and ethics, it has spread new perspectives for countries around the Black Sea.This article explores the strategic importance of the BSR for the six coastal states of Georgia, Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania and theirpolicies since 2019. It further explores the strategies that they are using vis-à-vis each other to assert their influence in the region. The article arguesthat the BSR, due to its strategic and transit location, being the subject of interest of several actors has been affected by an unequal distribution of thebalance of power since 2019. Russia, Turkey, the United States of America (US), NATO and the European Union (EU) member states, being particularlyactive, continue playing significant roles in the region affecting its political milieu. The interplay of these policies is reflected in coexistence as wellas confrontation among the BSR countries. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia’s power, standing out from other actors, with its aspirationswithin the region is increasing after the Covid-19 pandemic. Along with Russia, Turkey has also relative strength and a military advantage comparedto other countries in the region. Pandemic has opened up additional opportunities for Russia’s domestic and foreign engagement in its near abroadof the BSR, making it one of the principal architects of the post-crisis world order. “Never waste a good crisis” – these words attributed to WinstonChurchill are relevant for the BSR today as never before reflecting Russia’s policy that neither Russia nor other state has missed during the systemiccrisis triggered by the coronavirus pandemic in terms of rethinking their regional and global policies.Considering this constellation, the first part of this article discusse

European Perspective of Georgia: A Comparative Analysis of Compliance with the Copenhagen Criteria in the Case of Georgia and Albania

The increasing importance of the 29-years-old relations between Georgia and the EU, the relevance of the issue and the delayedmembership have become the key reasons for the research topic.It should be noted that joining the EU is not an easy process and contains a number of bureaucratic elements. Therefore, the paperanalyzes Georgia’s economic and political willingness to comply with the Copenhagen criteria for future integration into the EU. It also compares thepace of development and the situation in Georgia and in Albania, which has the status of “official candidate” of the EU. It is interesting to see whatchanges and reforms (different from Georgia) are being implemented by Albania, which brings it even closer to the EU. The main research questionalso serves to determine Georgia’s European perspective based on an objective analysis of 2018-2021 years data and processes and to explain themain reasons that hinder Georgia’s integration (unlike Albania) with the EU