Foodways are the set of strategies shaping what food
people choose as well as how and where they access
and consume it. Informed by culture and social
context, the foodways of the poor simultaneously
respond to and influence food systems change.
South African food systems are in a process of change.
These changes are caused by many factors, including
urbanisation, consolidation and concentration in food
value chains, and changing dietary patterns. These
transitions have important consequences for the
nature of poverty and food insecurity.
However, poor people are not simply passive victims
of food systems transition. They make concrete and
deliberate decisions about what foods they eat, where
they get the food they want and need, and how to
deal with the difficulties this involves. These strategies
are often complex and are informed by local
knowledge, cultural preference, economic
considerations and many other factors. In addition to
responding to price and convenience, foodways
express peoples' aspirations, their sense of identity
and belonging. These foodways play a role in
influencing the strategies of ‘Big Food’ - powerful food
corporations which are transforming food
environments

Kroll, Florian

University of the Western Cape Research Repository

			1		KEY ISSUES:  	● How	do	poor	people	in	South	Africa	feed	themselves	–	what	food	do	they	get,	how	and	where	do	they	access	it?		● What	influences	the	choices	poor	people	make	in	terms	of	food	preference,	access	and	consumption?		● How	does	the		rise	of	Big	Food	affect	these	foodways?		● What	are	the	health	impacts	of	these	foodways?		● How	are	the	provisioning	strategies	of	the	poor	shaping	food	economies	from	retail	to	production?					  POLICY BRIEF 48   Florian Kroll      FOODWAYS OF THE POOR IN SOUTH AFRICA: HOW POOR PEOPLE GET FOOD, WHAT THEY EAT, AND HOW THIS SHAPES OUR FOOD SYSTEM   	BACKGROUND Foodways	are	the	set	of	strategies	shaping	what	food	people	choose	as	well	as	how	and	where	they	access	and	consume	it.	Informed	by	culture	and	social	context,	the	foodways	of	the	poor	simultaneously	respond	to	and	influence	food	systems	change.		South	African	food	systems	are	in	a	process	of	change.	These	changes	are	caused	by	many	factors,	including	urbanisation,	consolidation	and	concentration	in	food	value	chains,	and	changing	dietary	patterns.	These	transitions	have	important	consequences	for	the	nature	of	poverty	and	food	insecurity.			However,	poor	people	are	not	simply	passive	victims	of	food	systems	transition.	They	make	concrete	and	deliberate	decisions	about	what	foods	they	eat,	where	they	get	the	food	they	want	and	need,	and	how	to	deal	with	the	difficulties	this	involves.	These	strategies	are	often	complex	and	are	informed	by	local	knowledge,	cultural	preference,	economic	considerations	and	many	other	factors.	In	addition	to	responding	to	price	and	convenience,	foodways	express	peoples'	aspirations,	their	sense	of	identity	and	belonging.	These	foodways	play	a	role	in	influencing	the	strategies	of	‘Big	Food’	-	powerful	food	corporations	which	are	transforming	food	environments.			This	is	particularly	important	because	the	foodways	of	the	poor	and	the	values	they	express	can	promote	non-communicable	diseases	and	undermine	immunity.	While	they	embody	rational	and																																																																																																understandable	responses	to	poverty,	they	can	also																																																																																																entrench	processes	of	impoverishment	and	poor										health.	This	policy	brief	explores	these	links	between										the	foodways	of	the	poor	and	food	system	transition										in	South	Africa.SUPPORTED BY   Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences www.plaas.org.za  | Email: info@plaas.org.za 			2		FOOD INSECURITY, POVERTY AND FOODWAYS Every	day,	the	poor	in	South	Africa	face	the	challenge	of	nourishing	themselves	in	the	context	of	rapid	urbanisation,	unemployment,	stagnating	incomes	and	steep	food	price	increases.	They	adopt	various	strategies	to	make	ends	meet.	These	include	reducing	the	quality	and	quantity	of	food,	and	choosing	to	consume	cheap,	energy-dense	foods	(pap,	bread,	sugary	drinks	and	snacks),	that	are	easily	accessible	but	nutritionally	poor.		This	contributes	towards	the	triple	burden	of	malnutrition	–	the	simultaneous	existence	of	hunger,	obesity,	and	micronutrient	deficiency.	To	cope	with	the	threat	of	immediate	hunger,	poor	South	Africans	therefore	make	choices	that	erode	their	long-term	health,	employment	and	development	prospects.			The	cost	of	treating	diet-related	illness	is	compounded	by	a	loss	of	earnings	and	assets	which	can	trap	households	in	poverty.	In	addition	to	the	personal	suffering	this	entails,	it	has	severe	implications	for	public	healthcare	and	the	economy	alike	with	health	costs	and	productivity	losses	amounting	to	billions	each	year.		Effective	policy	responses	are	hindered	by	blurred	notions	of	poverty	and	food	insecurity.	Official	poverty	statistics	are	based	on	an	income	poverty	line	derived	from	the	cost	of	a	standard	food	basket.	The	basket	is	calculated	from	consumption	data.	This	is	problematic	because	it	assumes	that	these	foods	are	available	and	accessible	throughout	the	country	at	similar	prices	without	taking	into	account	the	many	different	ways	poor	people	access	food.			In	addition,	this	food	basket	is	energy-dense	and	micro-nutrient	deficient.	Accordingly,	many	people	are	not	officially	regarded	as	poor	when	in	reality	their	income	enables	access	to	a	basket	of	food	that	may	provide	barely	enough	calories,	but	undermines	their	health	in	the	long	term.			Such	poverty	lines	thus	under-estimate	poverty	and	food	insecurity,	limiting	the	attention	and	resources	directed	towards	poverty	relief.	Without	addressing	structural	poverty	which	makes	healthy	options	simply	unaffordable	for	most,	health	education	initiatives	exhorting	the	poor	to	adopt	healthier	lifestyles	are	misdirected.		Access	to	food	is	influenced	not	only	by	money,	but	also	by	geography.	Multidimensional	and	spatial	measures	of	deprivation	show	that	the	depth	and	experience	of	poverty	and	food	insecurity	vary	spatially,	and	that	poverty	is	particularly	severe	in	former	homeland	areas	and	in	dense	informal	settlements	around	cities.	Longitudinal	studies	reveal	that	a	large	proportion	of	South	Africa's	poor	cycle	in	and	out	of	poverty	and	hunger.	This	means	that	they	are	particularly	vulnerable	to	price	increases	and	income	losses.		However,	the	poor	are	not	helpless	victims.	In	negotiating	often	hostile	food	environments,	poor	people	actively	leverage	knowledge,	social	networks	and	meagre	cash	resources	in	ways	that	shape	local	food	environments	and	influence	the	wider	food	system.	To	promote	sustainable	and	just	food	systems	governance,	policy	makers,	change	agents	and	researchers	need	to	understand	these	foodways	as	well	as	the	values,	identities	and	aspirations	they	express.			It	is	therefore	important	to	understand	not	only	how	poor	people	in	different	settings	change	their	foodways	to	adapt	to	shocks	as	well	as	to	the	specific	constraints	of	their	different	food	environments,	but	also	how	these	foodways	influence	the	food	system.		Household purchasing and consumption 	What	food	poor	households	are	buying	and	eating	emerges	from	a	review	of	expenditure	(Statistics	SA)	and	dietary	diversity	data	(SASAS;	SANHANES;	AFSUN).	Although	maize	and	bread	are	essential,	high-energy	staple	foods	of	the	poor,	sugar	and	sweets	as	well	as	soft	drinks	are	also	prevalent.	Despite	poverty,	expenditure	on	meat	is	conspicuously	high	and	increases	for	non-poor	households.			When	people	manage	to	escape	poverty,	dairy	intake	is	significantly	increased.	By	contrast,	the				3		poor	consume	a	limited	range	and	quantity	of	fruit,	legumes,	nuts	and	eggs,	even	though	these	represent	affordable	and	healthy	alternatives	providing	essential	micro-nutrients	and	proteins.	This	dietary	profile	drives	the	rise	in	obesity,	hypertension,	diabetes	and	heart	disease	alongside	compromised	immunity	to	infectious	illness.	 Strategies employed by the poor to source food 	Food	sourcing	strategies	of	the	poor	are	diverse	and	rely	heavily	on	the	informal	market.	Although	most	poor	people	rely	on	occasional	visits	to	supermarkets	to	source	bulk	foods	cheaply,	most	rely	on	the	informal	food	trade	for	their	more	frequent	provisioning.			The	consumption	of	street	foods	like	“kota”,	“vetkoek”,	chips	and	“walkie-talkies”	reflects	the	need	for	convenient,	affordable	foods	that	can	be	eaten	on	the	go	by	poor	urbanites	commuting	across	the	spatial	divides	that	fragment	South	African	cities.	Eating	outside	of	the	home	is	very	common,	and	includes	the	consumption	of	street	foods	and	to	a	lesser	extent	fast	foods.			For	the	food	insecure,	social	networks	are	an	important	food	channel,	enabling	them	to	buy	food	on	credit,	borrow	food	or	eat	with	neighbours	when	times	are	tough.	In	rural	and	peri-urban	areas,	the	gathering	of	seasonal	wild	foods	plays	an	important	supplementary	role.			However,	urban	agriculture,	food	aid,	or	community	food	kitchens	appear	to	play	a	minor	role	despite	consistent	emphasis	in	food	security	programming.		Foodways	tell	stories	about	poverty,	status	and	wealth.	At	first	glance,	the	foodways	of	the	South	African	poor	may	seem	irrational:	although	bread,	pap	and	sugar	are	cheap	ways	to	ensure	dietary	energy,	it	seems	strange	that	soft	drinks,	meat	and	dairy	are	so	popular.		Why	choose	them	rather	than	affordable	and	health	promoting	options	such	as	fruit,	vegetables	and	pulses?	These	patterns	only	begin	to	make	sense	in	light	of	the	symbolic	values	and	identity	narratives	communicated	by	food:		While	pap	(maize)	represents	the	foundational	food	constituting	a	shared	African	identity,	consumption	of	meat	is	seen	not	only	as	a	mark	of	wealth,	but	also	specifically	of	power	and	autonomy.	Various	chicken	snacks,	being	the	most	affordable	meat,	are	therefore	especially	popular	among	the	poor	urban	men.			Chesanyama	shops	where	people	grill	their	own	meat	on	the	street	are	popular	social	spaces	among	men.	Consumption	of	dairy,	particularly	cheese	and	fermented	milk,	also	signifies	wealth	and	affluence.				Image	credit:	Leif	Petersen		By	contrast,	vegetables	are	seen	as	women's	food	and	of	secondary	value,	reflecting	subordinate	female	gender	stereotypes.	Beans,	samp	and	wild	greens	invoke	images	of	backwardness	and	rural	poverty.			Branded	soft	drinks	and	fast	food	are	a	conspicuous	sign	of	participating	in	the	mainstream	economy.	Visible	consumption	of	food	at	work	and	in	the	street	demonstrates	social	status	while	sharing	at	home	or	in	celebrations	nurtures	social	networks	and	constitutes	community.		In	summary,	while	poor	people	avoid	hunger	by	relying	on	energy-dense	staples,	they	also	express	gender	and	class	identities,	cultivate	social	capital	and	respond	to	the	stigma	of				4		poverty	and	exclusion	attached	to	vegetables,	pulses	and	wild	foods	by	consuming	meat,	dairy,	street	foods,	sweets	and	carbonated	soft	drinks.			POOR PEOPLE’S STRATEGIES SHAPE FOOD VALUE CHAINS Demands	driven	by	the	foodways	of	the	poor	send	messages	upstream	into	formal	and	informal	value	chains,	affecting	retail,	distribution,	processing	and	production.	Informal	trade	responds	to	these	demands,	providing	affordable	and	convenient	access	to	food	in	impoverished	and	spatially-dislocated	rural,	peri-urban	and	informal	urban	settlements.	Formal	value	chains	also	respond	to	these	demands	as	Big	Food	makes	ultra-processed,	energy-dense	food	more	available,	accessible	and	appealing	to	the	poor	through	retail	brands,	packaging	and	labelling	and	by	extending	retail	outlets	into	poorer	areas.		Advertising	and	media	employ	sophisticated	market	research,	advertising	and	branding	strategies	that	respond	to	the	values	and	aspirations	attached	to	food.	The	messaging	projected	by	media	to	sell	Big	Food	invokes,	exploits	and	manipulates	the	aspirations	of	the	poor,	amplifying	and	distorting	their	foodways.	This	legitimises	and	entrenches	consumption	of	maize	meal,	bread,	sugar,	soft	drinks,	dairy,	meat	and	fast	foods	as	symbols	of	tradition,	power,	success,	and	the	good	life.			By	fuelling	demand	for	high-volume,	low-value	processed	commodities,	Big	Food	and	media	reinforce	consolidation	and	concentration	in	these	value	chains.	These	processes	in	turn	feed	back	into	social	and	economic	transitions	which	drive	poverty,	urbanisation,	and	environmental	degradation,	nurturing	a	vicious	cycle	accelerating	food	system	transition	and	malnutrition.			While	Big	Food	reaps	big	profits,	it	is	the	poor	who	shoulder	the	growing	burden	of	poor	health,	stunted	development,	reduced	educational	attainment	and	productivity,	and	ultimately	it	is	they	and	the	state	who	foot	the	bill	for	cheap	food.	GLOSSARY/ACRONYMS AFSUN:	African	Food	Security	Urban	Network	Big	Food:	The	powerful	network	of	corporations	controlling	regional	and	global	food	value	chains.	Chesanyama:	Meat	grilled	at	a	roadside	grill.	Food	System:	The	coherent	set	of	processes	and	interactions	linking	stakeholders	operating	along	multiple	food	value	chains.	Kota:	A	quarter-loaf	of	bread	hollowed	and	filled	with	various	garnishes.	SANHANES:	South	African	National	Health	and	Nutrition	Examination	Survey	SASAS:	South	African	Social	Attitudes	Survey	Food	value	chain:	The	activities,	agents	and	relationships	by	which	value	is	added	to	and	derived	from	food,	from	production	via	processing,	packaging,	distribution,	retail,	to	consumption	and	waste.	Vetkoek:	A	dumpling	fried	in	oil.			RECOMMENDATIONS 1. Revise	food	poverty	line:	Poverty	lines	need	to	take	into	account	how	the	poor	access	food	in	different	settings	and	raise	the	bar	to	accommodate	the	real	costs	of	healthy	diets.		2. Establish	pro-poor	value	chain	standards:	Incentivise	Big	Food	to	develop	and	enforce	appropriate	and	transparent	environmental,	social,	nutritional	and	pricing	standards	for	priority	value	chains	serving	the	poor,	especially	maize,	wheat,	poultry,	fresh	fruit	and	vegetables.	This	should	be	communicated	through	labelling	that	responds	to	the	values	and	symbolism	embedded	in	food.	Improved	access	to	relevant	information	can	empower	poor	people	to	optimise	food	choice,	sourcing	and	bargaining	power.		3. Enhance	Informal	Trade:	As	informal	trade	and	street	food	are	among	the	most			Copy Editor: Andries du Toit  | Series Editor: Mafa Hara | Photograph: Leif Petersen 	5							important	sources	of	food	for	poor	people,						policies	should	protect,	capacitate	and						support	informal	food	economies,							particularly	traders	providing	access	to									dietary	staples,	fresh	fruit	and	vegetables.						Subsidised	market	facilities	for	fresh								produce	could	improve	local	access	and										reduce	costs.	Collaborating	with	traders	to										enhance	the	accessibility	and	safety	of							trading	facilities	and	develop	appropriate							standards	can	leverage	valuable	economic							and	public	health	benefits.	Focus	on	what								is	really	actionable.		4. Improve	governance	of	media	and	communication	in	local	food	environments:	Monitor,	regulate	and	tax	food	promotion,	advertisements	and	communication	in	the	media,	public	institutions	and	in	public	spaces	like	transport	facilities,	schools	and	clinics.	Penalise	the	advertising	of	unhealthy,	highly-processed	foods	high	in	sugar	and	salt	and	include	health	risk	advice.	Use	media	tax	revenue	to	fund	health	messaging	that	responds	to	cultural	values	and	stereotypes	and	engages	with	the	institutions,	organisations	and	role-models	which	shape	culture	and	identity,	such	as	faith-based	alliances,	universities,	sports	celebrities,	musicians	and	TV	personalities.		5. Validate	diverse,	healthy	foodways:	Incentivise	media	to	cultivate	narratives	that	promote	healthy	foodways	responsive	to	the	capabilities	of	the	poor	and	derived	from	inclusive	and	sustainable	food	value	chains.	Promote	critical	interrogation	of	food-based	gender,	race,	class	and	ethnic	stereotypes.	Encourage	researchers	and	media	to	explore	foodways	that	challenge	dominant	food	narratives						REFERENCES & RESOURCES Alkon,	A.H.,	Block,	D,	,	Moore,	K.,	Gillis,	C.,	DiNuccio,	N.,	Chavez,	N.,	2013.	Foodways	of	the	urban	poor.	Geoforum	48	(2013)	126–135		Battersby,	J.,	2011.	“The	State	of	Urban	Food	Insecurity	in	Cape	Town”,	Urban	Food	Security	Series	No.	11,	Queen’s	University	and	AFSUN,	Kingston	and	Cape	Town.		Greenberg,	S.,	2010,	Contesting	the	food	system	in	South	Africa:	issues	and	opportunities	(No.	42).	Institute	for	Poverty,	Land	and	Agrarian	Studies,	University	of	the	Western	Cape.		Jones,	M.O.,	2007.	Food	Choice,	Symbolism,	and	Identity:	Bread-and-Butter	Issues	for	Folkloristics	and	Nutrition	Studies	(American	Folklore	Society	Presidential	Address,	October	2005).	Journal	of	American	Folklore	120(476):129–177		Labadarios,	D.;	Steyn,	N.P.;	Nel,	J.,	2011.	How	diverse	is	the	diet	of	adult	South	Africans?	Nutrition	Journal	2011.	10:33		Puoane	T,	Matwa	P,	Bradley	H	&	Hughes	G,	2006.	Socio-cultural	factors	influencing	food	consumption	patterns	in	the	black	population	in	an	urban	township	in	South	Africa.	Human	Ecology	Special	Issue	14:	89-93		Rudolph,	M.,	Kroll,	F.,	Ruysenaar,	S.,	and	Dhlamini,	T.,	2012.	The	State	of	Food	Insecurity	in	Johannesburg,	Urban	Food	Security	Series	No.	12,	University	of	Cape	Town	and	AFSUN,	Kingston	and	Cape	Town.		Shisana	O,	Labadarios	D,	Rehle	T,	Simbayi	L,	Zuma	K,	Dhansay	A,	Reddy	P,	Parker	W,	Hoosain	E,	Naidoo	P,	Hongoro	C,	Mchiza	Z,	Steyn	NP,	Dwane	N,	Makoae	M,	Maluleke	T,	Ramlagan	S,	Zungu	N,	Evans	MG,	Jacobs	L,	Faber	M,	&	SANHANES-1	Team,	2013.	South	African	National	Health	and	Nutrition	Examination	Survey	(SANHANES-1).	Cape	Town:	HSRC	Press		Statistics	South	Africa,	2014.	Poverty	Trends	in	South	Africa.	An	examination	of	absolute	poverty	between	2006	and	2011.	Report	No.	03-10-06			

Foodways of the poor in South Africa: How poor people get food, what they eat, and how this shapes our food system

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Foodways of the poor in South Africa: How poor people get food, what they eat, and how this shapes our food system

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