South Africa faces a ‘dual burden’ of
malnutrition, with persistent under-nutrition
coinciding with rising rates of diet-related NCDs
(e.g. diabetes, heart disease, and certain
cancers). According to a recent national survey,
54% of households nationally reported
experiencing either hunger or risk of hunger
(Shisana et al., 2013:10).
The South African food system is capable of
supplying enough food either through
production or trade. The main challenge is that
many people cannot afford to purchase the
food they need. Therefore the focus of efforts
to improve food security is on increasing
incomes, either through welfare (such as social
grants), or through increasing employment or
entrepreneurship

Greenberg, Stephen

University of the Western Cape Research Repository

				1		KEY ISSUES:   The	‘dual	burden’	of	under-nutrition	and	rising	diet-related	non-communicable	diseases	(NCDs)	characterise	South	Africa’s	food	system.		 Mainstream	responses	to	under-nutrition	emphasise	employment	and	incomes,	while	responses	to	diet-related	NCDs	focus	on	regulating	food	content.	 Employment	in	the	food	system	has	dropped	significantly	since	deregulation	as	corporations	adopt	capital-intensive	production	methods	in	the	face	of	global	competition.	 Expanding	livelihoods	in	the	food	system	requires	greater	focus	on	the	large	informal	periphery,	emphasising	local	demand	and	dietary	diversity.		 Regulating	food	content	is	important	but	deals	with	symptoms	rather	than	causes,	and	alternatives	to	highly	processed	foods	need	to	be	promoted.	 Stimulating	small-scale	production	of	fresh	produce	for	local	markets	can	combine	livelihood	imperatives	with	promotion	of	healthier	food.							  POLICY BRIEF 47   Stephen Greenberg   ENHANCING FOOD AND NUTRITION SECURITY IN A CORPORATE-DOMINATED FOOD SYSTEM  	BACKGROUND South	Africa	faces	a	‘dual	burden’	of	malnutrition,	with	persistent	under-nutrition	coinciding	with	rising	rates	of	diet-related	NCDs	(e.g.	diabetes,	heart	disease,	and	certain	cancers).	According	to	a	recent	national	survey,	54%	of	households	nationally	reported	experiencing	either	hunger	or	risk	of	hunger	(Shisana	et	al.,	2013:10).			The	South	African	food	system	is	capable	of	supplying	enough	food	either	through	production	or	trade.	The	main	challenge	is	that	many	people	cannot	afford	to	purchase	the	food	they	need.	Therefore	the	focus	of	efforts	to	improve	food	security	is	on	increasing	incomes,	either	through	welfare	(such	as	social	grants),	or	through	increasing	employment	or	entrepreneurship.		At	the	same	time,	South	Africa	is	experiencing	a	nutrition	transition,	with	a	range	of	factors	including	urbanisation,	lifestyle	changes,	and	corporate	concentration	driving	a	change	in	diets	(Igumbor	et	al.,	2012).	People	are	consuming	greater	quantities	of	processed	and	packaged	food,	sugar	and	fats,	and	less	fresh	fruit	and	vegetables	(FFV)	(Ronquest-Ross	et	al.,	2014).			This	transition	in	turn	leads	to	growth	in	diet-related	NCDs.	Today	five	of	the	leading	causes	of	death	in	South	Africa	are	linked	to	nutrition	and	more	than	half	of	South	African	women	are	affected	by	overweight	and	obesity	(Shisana	et	al.,	2013).	SUPPORTED BY  Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences www.plaas.org.za  | Email: info@plaas.org.za 			2		INCREASING INCOMES IN THE FOOD SYSTEM  Combating	poverty	by	increasing	incomes	is	a	national	priority.	Higher	incomes	for	the	poor	translate	into	increased	food	access,	thus	directly	addressing	under-consumption.		The	main	plan	in	the	food	system	-	the	Agricultural	Policy	Action	Plan	(APAP)	-	is	linked	to	the	National	Development	Plan	(NDP)	that	aims	to	create	1	million	additional	jobs	in	the	food	and	agricultural	sector	by	2030.	APAP	focuses	on	sectors	that	have	high	potential	for	job	creation,	especially	export	horticulture.	It	emphasises	commercial	production	for	national	and	export	markets.		But	increasing	formal	employment	in	the	food	system	will	be	an	uphill	battle.	It	has	long	been	recognised	that	the	commercial	food	system	in	South	Africa	is	over-capitalised,	meaning	it	generates	less	employment	per	unit	output	than	comparable	sectors	elsewhere	in	the	world	(World	Bank,	1994).	Deregulation	and	liberalisation	in	the	1980s	and	1990s	have	intensified	labour	shedding	and	exacerbated	and	accelerated	corporate	concentration	in	the	sector.			Farmworker	jobs	have	severely	declined	since	the	1990s	−	a	drop	from	around	1.25	million	in	1990	to	about	450,000	in	2014	(Visser	and	Ferrer,	2015)	−	as	commercial	agriculture	has	consolidated	and	adopted	capital-intensive	production	methods	in	the	face	of	intense	global	competition.			Employment	in	food	manufacturing	dropped	from	an	annual	average	of	230,000	workers	(1996–2000)	to	186,000	(2006–2010),	a	19%	decline	(DAFF,	2012:11–12).	Specific	statistics	on	food	retail	employment	are	hard	to	come	by,	but	there	seems	to	be	a	small	increase	in	employment	in	general	retailing.	Statistics	South	Africa	(2014)	shows	employment	growth	in	wholesale	and	retail	trade	(not	only	food)	of	around	1%	per	year	from	2010	to	2014.	But	in	all	sectors	−	retail,	manufacturing	or	farming	–	formal	employment	is	characterised	by	subcontracting,	casualisation,	poor	conditions	of	employment	and	low	wages.		The	limited	prospects	for	significant	expansion	of	formal	employment	in	large-scale	enterprises	has	led	planners	to	focus	on	expanding	commercial	smallholder	farming	in	the	expectation	that	many	of	those	supported	will	also	generate	employment	for	others.	This	is	a	positive	orientation,	although	these	initiatives	are	marred	by	problems	with	implementation,	co-ordination,	and	a	top-down,	over-controlled	approach.		FOOD SYSTEM LIVELIHOODS At	the	same	time,	policy	has	tended	to	neglect	‘informal’	actors	in	the	food	system.	Evidence	suggests	large	numbers	of	economic	actors	in	agricultural	production,	food	distribution	and	food	service	(prepared	food	direct	to	the	consumer).			Of	the	millions	of	economic	actors	in	the	periphery,	many	may	be	driven	by	desperation	due	to	high	unemployment.	Their	activities	seldom	provide	enough	on	their	own	to	sustain	a	livelihood.	Conditions	of	employment	are				3		generally	very	poor	and	many	‘entrepreneurs’	may	only	survive	through	intense	self-	or	family	exploitation.	Nevertheless,	this	periphery	plays	a	crucial	role	in	facilitating	access	to	food	for	a	large	part	of	the	population,	contributes	to	livelihoods	in	the	food	system,	and	can	be	strengthened.		The	South	African	policy	environment	is	at	best	lukewarm	towards	this	large	and	diverse	‘informal’	economic	base.	As	APAP	reveals,	policy	and	programming	instead	focuses	on	formalising	a	small	top	layer	oriented	to	niche	commercial	markets	or	integration	into	corporate-dominated	value	chains.		While	an	orientation	towards	formalisation	may	be	a	valid	part	of	the	response,	it	leaves	out	a	huge	part	of	the	population	who	are	then	considered	surplus	to	the	productive	economy.	The	prevailing	approach	reinforces	tendencies	to	centralise	control	and	power	through	government	programmes	and	by	integrating	with	corporate	food	systems.		ACCESS TO HEALTHY FOOD Increasing	incomes	enables	more	secure	access	to	food.	Higher	incomes	are	associated	with	urbanisation	and	mass	consumption.	Accompanying	lifestyle	changes	are	linked	to	increased	consumption	of	unhealthy	foods.		Corporate	production	seeks	ways	to	reinforce	and	extend	profitability.	Constant	innovations	are	designed	to	appeal	to	dynamic	and	multi-faceted	consumer	demands	including	convenience,	taste,	appearance	and	shelf	life,	often	to	the	detriment	of	health	and	nutrition.	Standardised,	mass-produced,	highly-processed	food	products	are	cheaper	to	produce	and	rely	on	an	agro-industrial	base	of	maize,	wheat	and	sugar	(Blythman,	2015).		However,	market	demand	is	also	shaped	by	psycho-social	dimensions	of	food	consumption.	As	Florian	Kroll	(2016)	indicates,	aspiration,	status	and	broader	social	desires	shape	choices	about	how	and	what	foods	to	consume.	Fast	food	consumption	can	be	seen	as	a	symbol	of	wealth;	conversely,	consumption	of	legumes	and	indigenous	crops	may	be	viewed	as	a	sign	of	poverty.	Corporate	marketing	and	advertising	strategies	pick	up	on	and	reinforce	these	symbolic	and	aspirational	dimensions	of	food	consumption,	creating	a	demand	for	specific	foods	that	are	profitable	to	produce	at	large	scale.		Highly	processed	foods	are	usually	cheaper	on	the	shelf	than	healthy	alternatives	such	as	fresh	produce.	These	processed	foods	are	directly	responsible	for	the	sharp	rise	in	diet-related	NCDs	mentioned	above.	Government	recognises	the	threat,	and	has	responded	mainly	by	restricting	food	content,	specifically	for	trans	fats,	sodium	and	sugar	(DoH,	2015).	Government	is	also	negotiating	with	industry	to	limit	advertising	of	unhealthy	products	to	children.		These	efforts	are	important,	although	they	are	tentative,	and	industry	has	been	able	to	stall	implementation	and	limit	the	scope	of	regulation.	However,	restricting	excess	consumption	of	some	nutrients	is	only	half	the	story.		The	other	half	of	the	story	is	increasing	consumption	of	healthier	products,	particularly	whole	grains	and	fresh	fruits	and	vegetables	(FFV).	But	although	APAP	and	related	programmes	support	a	diverse	production	base,	policies	for	FFV	focus	on	export	markets.	Various	government	departments,	including	Health,	Agriculture	and	Rural	Development,	include	programmes	to	revitalise	or	establish	fresh	product	markets,	and	to	some	extent,	support	smallholder	production	to	supply	these	markets.	Local	public	procurement	is	another	ready	market	with	standards	that	can	be	negotiated.					4		RECOMMENDATIONS • Identify	and	support	marginalised	economic	actors	in	the	food	system,	by	creating	systematic	and	tailored	programmes	to	support	them,	and	sustain	and	enhance	their	livelihoods	within	the	food	system.	• Focus	efforts	on	local	production	of	FFV,	chicken	and	goats	for	local	consumption	facilitated	by	decentralised	fresh	produce	markets.	• Stimulate	demand	for	indigenous	crops,	fresh	produce	and	legumes	by	marketing,	and	developing	processing	technologies	that	respond	to	consumer	demand	for	convenience,	time	saving	and	palatability.	The	focus	on	fresh	product	markets	and	smallholder	support	is	sensible,	as	it	can	make	diverse	fresh	products,	with	short	supply	chains,	available	for	local	consumption	so	that	products	retain	freshness	and	consumers	derive	maximum	nutritional	benefit.	This	is	in	addition	to	livelihoods	support/productive	employment.		But	it	is	unclear	in	policy	how	the	focus	on	a	fairly	thin	layer	of	commercial	producers	for	national	and	export	markets	aligns	with	supporting	the	development	of	local	markets.	There	is	rhetoric	in	support	of	‘revitalising	fresh	produce	markets’	in	some	departments.	But	if	these	policies	emphasise	commercial	supply	to	national	markets,	this	will	reinforce	centralisation	and	concentration	in	the	food	system.	Similarly,	the	tendency	to	emphasise	complex,	expensive	irrigation	schemes	will	exclude	many	small	producers	who	otherwise	could	make	a	valuable	contribution	to	local	food	diversity	and	security,	and	productive	activity.		Additionally,	marketing	has	received	very	little	attention,	especially	for	fresh	produce	and	indigenous	crops.	The	latter	are	recognised	as	having	ecological	and	nutrition	benefits,	but	so	far	research	and	development	of	these	crops	is	limited.	Beyond	this,	work	is	needed	to	regenerate	interest	in	consuming	indigenous	crops	and	fresh	produce.	Such	work	might	involve	developing	processing	technologies	so	that	diverse	fresh	produce,	legumes	and	indigenous	crops	also	respond	to	consumer	demand	for	convenience,	time	saving	and	palatability.			REFERENCES & RESOURCES Blythman,	J.	2015.	Swallow	this:	Serving	up	the	food	industry’s	darkest	secrets.	Fourth	Estate,	London.	Department	of	Agriculture,	Forestry	and	Fisheries	(DAFF).	2012.	Economic	profile	of	the	agro-processing	industry	in	South	Africa:	1970–2010.	Pretoria:	DAFF.	Department	of	Health	(DoH)	2015.	“Strategy	for	the	prevention	and	control	of	obesity	in	South	Africa	2015-2020”.	Department	of	Health,	Pretoria.	Igumbor,	E.,	Sanders,	D.,	Puoane,	T.,	Tsolekile,	L.,	Schwarz,	C.,	Purdy,	C.,	Swart,	R.,	Durao,	S.	and	Hawkes,	C.	2012.	“‘Big	food’,	the	consumer	food	environment,	health	and	the	policy	response	in	South	Africa”.	PLoS	Medicine,	9:7,	e1001253.	Kroll,	F.	2016.	Foodways	of	the	poor	in	South	Africa:	How	value	chain	consolidation,	poverty	and	cultures	of	consumption	feed	each	other.	Working	Paper	36.	Cape	Town:	PLAAS	and	CoE-FS.	Ronquest-Ross,	L-C.,	Vink,	N.	and	Sigge,	G.	2015.	“Food	consumption	changes	in	South	Africa	since	1994”.	South	African	Journal	of	Science,	111:9/10,	Art.	#2014-0354.		Shisana,	O.	et	al		South	African	National	Health	and	Nutrition	Examination	Survey	(SANHANES-1).	HSRC	Press,	Cape	Town	Statistics	South	Africa.	2014.	Quarterly	employment	statistics	(QES)	June	2014.	Statistical	Release	P0277.	Pretoria:	Statistics	South	Africa.	Visser,	M.,	Ferrer,	S.	2015.	Farm	workers’	living	and	working	conditions	in	South	Africa:	Key	trends,	emergent	issues	and	underlying	and	structural	problems.	Report	for	International	Labour	Organisation.	Pretoria:	ILO.		Copy Editor: Andries du Toit  |  Series Editor: Mafa Hara  |  Photograph: David Neves 	

Enhancing food and nutrition security in a corporate-dominated food system

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Enhancing food and nutrition security in a corporate-dominated food system

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