Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of Alaska Anchorage
Abstract
Institute of Social and Economic Research • University of Alaska Anchorage • January 2017
From 2002 until 2013, the Pebble Mineral Exploration Project explored a big deposit of mostly
copper, but also gold and molybdenum, in the Bristol Bay region of Southwest Alaska, about 17
miles northwest of Illiamna (Figure S-2). That exploration stopped in 2013, when a major project
partner withdrew. But before that, developers spent millions of dollars, and in the last years of
exploration annually employed more than a hundred residents of Bristol Bay communities.
This paper describes jobs and income the residents of 18 communities—in the Lake and
Peninsula Borough, the Bristol Bay Borough, and the Dillingham census area—got from 2009
through 2012, the last full year of exploration. Most residents of these communities are Alaska
Native, and the communities are small—most with populations considerably smaller than 500—
except for Dillingham, where nearly 2,500 people live (Table S-1).
How local communities can capture more economic benefits from rural resource projects is an
important question in Alaska, and the Pebble exploration project offers a useful case study. But
we want to emphasize that we’re neither advocating nor opposing a potential mine at the Pebble
site. The proposed mine has been enormously controversial in Alaska and elsewhere, because of
its proximity to the world-class Bristol Bay salmon fisheries. We looked only at local jobs and
income exploration created, to shed light on the potential for resource development projects to
help rural economies. Our analysis is based on data from Pebble Limited Partnership’s
exploration-site database, augmented with information from contractors. What did we find?
• About 43% of those who worked at the Pebble exploration site anytime from 2009 through
2012 were from the Bristol Bay area. That amounted to about 300 local residents who worked at
the site some time during the study period (and may have held more than one job over the years).
Another 37% of workers were from elsewhere in Alaska, and the remaining 20% were mainly
from other states or Canada (Figure S-1).
• The number of workers from Bristol Bay
increased over the study period, and so did
employee retention. In 2009, 111 local
residents worked at the Pebble site, increasing
to 157 by 2012. More employees also stayed on
the job from one year to the next, with retention
at just over half from 2009 to 2010, climbing to
two-thirds from 2011 to 2012 (Figure S-3).
• Bristol Bay residents worked at 56 kinds of
jobs in the study period, almost all seasonal.
The most common jobs they held were drill
helper, bear guard, and skilled laborer. The average hourly pay was about 19,andmostworkersearnedonaverageabout15,000 a year from those mostly seasonal jobs. About 65% of workers
were men and 35% women (Figure S-3).
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• Communities closest to the exploration site got several times more jobs and income than those
farther away. We grouped the study communities into three regions, based on their proximity to
Pebble. Communities closest to the site are mostly around Lake Iliamna, and on average per year
about 100 workers came from what we call the Lakes region. About 25 a year were from the
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Intermediate region and 8 from the Distant. On average, workers from the Lakes region collected
a total of nearly 1.5millionayear,comparedwith499,000 for those from the Intermediate
region and $100,000 among those from the Distant region, where communities are more than
100 miles from the Pebble site (Figures S-2 and S-4).
• In the Lakes region, where communities are very small (Table S-1) exploration employment
was a large share of total employment: approximately 14% of the total workforce from Lakes
communities worked at the site during the study period. The regions farther from the exploration
site, which have larger populations, saw much smaller employment effects: 3% of the total
workforce from the Intermediate region and barely above 0% from the Distant region.
• Even within individual regions, community employment at Pebble varied significantly. Iliamna,
where exploration operations were based, and Newhalen (with road access to Iliamna) had the
most employees—an annual average of 40 in Newhalen and about 25 in Iliamna, followed by
Nondalton with about 16. Outside the Lakes region, the only community with more than an
average of 10 workers a year was Koliganek. But even within the Lakes region, not all
communities had a significant number of workers—Port Alsworth and Pedro Bay had fewer
workers than some places in the Distant region (Figure S-5).
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• To get a sense of what Pebble income meant to the region, we compared it with income from
two important sources: commercial fishing and Permanent Fund dividends. The exploration
project brought more income into the Lakes region from 2009 through 2012 than did either
commercial salmon fishing or Permanent Fund dividends. But the Intermediate and Distant
regions have more people, rely more on salmon fishing, and had fewer residents working at
Pebble—so Pebble pay in those regions was a much smaller source of income. As Figure S-6
shows, income from Pebble in the Lakes region from 2009-2012 was several times more than
from salmon fishing and two-thirds more than from Permanent Fund dividends. By contrast, in
the Intermediate region Pebble pay was significantly less that from either commercial fishing or
PFDs—and in the Distant region it was an insignificant amount compared with the other sources.
What can the Pebble case study tell us about the potential for rural development projects to
benefit local economies?
• Residents of Bristol Bay communities and other Alaska places were able to capture a big share
of exploration jobs and income. During the study period, 43% of workers were from Bristol Bay
communities and another 37% were from elsewhere in Alaska. A number of things contributed
to this high local-hire rate, including Pebble’s local hire coordinator; its work with the state
government to get training programs and with non-profits to help qualify local residents for jobs;
and its contracts with local Native village corporations and other businesses.
• Jobs and income going to Bristol Bay residents increased significantly between 2009 and 2012.
Partly that’s because the developer was spending more for exploration, creating more jobs. But
the number of qualified job applicants from the Bristol Bay region also increased over time.
Pebble personnel report that by 2010 or 2011, there were more qualified Bristol Bay residents
looking for jobs than there were jobs available.
• Proximity made a difference: even though most project employees from all communities were
housed at project headquarters in Iliamna, residents from the villages closest to the project site
got more jobs. From 2009 through 2012, an average of about 100 residents per year from the
Lakes region worked at the project site—about 14% of the total workforce from seven small
villages. Prospective workers from places farther away may have taken into account how
difficult it would be to travel home for time off workExecutive Summary / Background / Methodology / Community Workforce / Community Effects / Appendice