Longstaffe, James G.

English

Longstaffe, James

Western Libraries OJS

Andean Geography and the Rise of the Inka

Scholarship@Western

Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal ofAnthropologyVolume 10 | Issue 1 Article 26-19-2011Andean Geography and the Rise of the InkaJames G. LongstaffeThe University of Western OntarioFollow this and additional works at: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totemPart of the Archaeological Anthropology CommonsThis Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Totem: The University of WesternOntario Journal of Anthropology by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact kmarsha1@uwo.ca.Recommended CitationLongstaffe, James G. (2002) "Andean Geography and the Rise of the Inka," Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal ofAnthropology: Vol. 10: Iss. 1, Article 2.Available at: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol10/iss1/2Andean Geography and the Rise of the InkaKeywordsInka, empire, geography, environment, imperialismCreative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0License.This article is available in Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol10/iss1/2Andean Geography and the Rise of the InkaThe Inka empire is one of themost peculiar states in antiquity. The Inkawere the ruling elite of an efficient andhighly centralized bureaucratic statecomposed of a mosaic of different ethnicgroups. From around 1460 until theSpanish invasion in 1533, the Inka empireoccupied much of western South Americafrom northern Peru to northern Chile(Gheerbrant 1961). The Andes mountainrange dominates the geography and is theprime factor in the climate and ecology.The Andes have created the mostecologicallydiverse region on the planet.Isolated river valleys stretch across theempire from the Pacific to the Andeanhighlands. Within a relatively small areaare hundreds of distinct micro-climatesranging from rain forest to desert.Elevation changes drastically and so aftertraveling only a few hundred one willencounter a different set of ecologicalvariables.In a relatively short time span, theInka gained control of this region creatingthe largest and most populous empire inthe New World (Gheerbrant 1961).Whatis especiallyremarkable about the Inka isthat all of this was accomplished without amarket economy (Stanish 1997). This keypoint differentiates the Inka from almostevery other major empire. Evenneighbouring Mesoamerican states such asthat of the Aztec relied on a marketeconomy for expansion and control. TheInka empire is a truly unique case study instate formation. The Andean geographyforced development away from traditionalmarket based empires towards non-market imperialism(Stanish1997).HIGHLAND AND COASTALMODELS OF ANDEANEXPANSIONThe traditional model IOf stateexpansion involves the assimilation ofneighbors in a radiatly outward direction.The process would start with a singlegroup having some control over bordergroups which acted as buffers toneighbouring lands. As the state, powergrew these buffer regions wereincorporated into the state as provincesand new buffer regions were established(Albaracin-Jordan 1996). This dynamicmixture of core, provinces and peripheryhas proved successful in bringing manydiverse groups under the control of asingle group elsewhere. However, thisdoes not seem to have been the case forthe Inka. Because of geographicalextremes of the region, Andean groupsdeveloped following two specializedmodels: the highland model and thecoastal model (Metraux 1969). Thesemodels are at the root of Andeancivilization's, and eventually the Inka's,divergence from more traditional patterns.The model of the Inka empire has beenuseful in studying other non-conventionalstates such as that of Hawai~ wheregeography is similar, though on a muchsmaller scale, to that of the Andean coast(Earle 1997).Longstaffe: Andean Geography and the Rise of the InkaProduced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 2002The people living in the highlandsof Peru were faced with the challenge ofextreme ecological divergence andspecialization.Occupying only one micro-climate proved very limiting in terms ofthe group's growth. As the population ofa group grows, the group must shift itsagricultural production towardsspecialization. This allows for themaximum production of goods(Rostworowski 1999). Highly specializedgroups become reliant on trade tobroaden their diet and technology in orderto continue their growth. The highlycentralized governments that materializeare usually created as a means to regulatetrade between groups that would havepreviously been enemies (Earle 1997).This scenario states that governmentsarise as the result of specialization. As ithas been shown, what works elsewheredoes not seem to have worked in theAndes. Earl (1997) suggests that with theInka and their predecessors, specializationwas a tool used by the government toincrease efficiencyand control.In the highlands, the degree of agriculturalspecializationwas such that traveling onlya few hundred meters upward in elevationwould bring about drastic changes inwhich crops were dominant and optimal.For example, at 3400m maize cultivationwas dominant. Between 3400 and 3900mnative tubers were most common. Above3900m only llamaherding was productive(Earl 1997). It would be difficult for agroup to develop such power and controlas that of the Inka if they were limited tosuch a small,highly specializedarea. Sinceall of the groups would be forced to tradeto some extent, it would be hard for onegroup to develop such clear dominanceover the others because all must meettheir neighbors with some level ofequality. Of course equality and lack ofdominance in such exchanges is never aLongstaffe - Andean Geography 2likely scenario. By the clear evidence ofInka dominance in the region, we can befairlyconfident that trade was not equal.The highland model of economiccontrol and colonization was that of thevertical archipelago. The verticalarchipelago was a network of strategicallyplaced enclaves situated vertically alongthe Andes encompassing many differentmicro-climates. (Rostworowski 1999) Thehighland elite controlled these variouszones as a way to increase their productiveassortment. They were usually days apartfrom each other and far apart from otherethnic communities. It is not clear if thecolonies were conquered or if theyrepresent colonization of previouslyuninhabited or integrated land. They weremost likelynew land, at least initially.An example of a verticalarchipelago comes from the Carta groupof southern Peru (Metraux 1969). Thegroup occupied a steep terrainencompassing many micro-climates. Theenclaves were within one or two -daysfrom each other. A rotational system ofseasonal work was developed with theworkers moving from enclave to enclave.Since different crops grew in differentenclaves, the rotation was always insequence of crop harvest and planting.However, other work needed to be doneand such things as tool production andmining would be included in the cycle. Atypical cycle would consist of plantingmaize, mining gold, harvesting coca, andworking on non-subsistence trades. Sincethere would be movement between eachactivity, a series of seasonal andcommunal villages developed (Metraux1969). By using this model, the highlandgroups were able to meet all their needswithout much direct contact withneighbors through trade and advance theirstate.Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 10 [2002], Iss. 1, Art. 2http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol10/iss1/2The people living along the coast,however, were not faced with the sameclimatic variation. The Andean coast,though a desert, is rich in marine andmetallic resources. These groups spreadout along the coast without muchdifferentiation among the coastal enclaves.Because they did not utilize a maximum ofecological zones, these groups were lessindependent and more reliant on trade.The coastal villageswere easilydominatedby the highland groups throughintersecting multiethnic centers. Thelaterally spread coastal groups and thevertically expanded highland groupswould merge at coastal centers whereexchange between the groups wouldoccur. Such centers have turned up awealth of artifacts describing economicand colonial ties between the two types ofgroups (Covey2000).However, while evidence ofcoastal exchange is prevalent, movementof products between the groups linkingthe archipelago from the highlands to thecoast is not always present in thearchaeological record. Excavations ofhighland groups at the Montara Valleysitein southern Peru have shown that almostall of the diet was derived from localspecies (Earle 1997).Sites in Tiwanaku, anearlier highland state, show that craftswere also produced almost entirely forlocal use Ganusek 1999). In Tiwanakuvalued goods were accumulated throughproduction in controlled work shopsrather than through trade. Only theleaderswere allowed access to these goodsso there was no pressure for the people toacquire such items through trade Ganusek1999). This lack of true trade among thehighland groups often results in themisinterpretation that there was very littlemovement of goods outside of theirnative zones. Local subsistence was inlocal hands, but the localities wereLongstaffe - Andean Geograpf!y 3stretched across many eco zones andmuch could be derived from them (Morris1993).The typical pre Inka movement ofgoods was centered on the highland elite.Llama trains would be sent down theslope with highland products includingwool and dried meat. These goods wouldbe exchanged at the coast for crucialcommodities such as cocoa and metals.Also, they would pick up goods toexchange with the lower groups in thevertical archipelago. Guano is an excellentfertilizer and it would be difficult to growmaize in the valleyswithout it. The llamatrains would exchange guano with theselower groups for maize (Covey 2000). Thepattern was very cyclical and theexchanges were beneficial for eachparticipant. The access to llamas, however,allowed the highland groups to controlthis exchange system. It is important tonote that there was no market system inthe Andes. A person's wealth was gaugedby their level of access to valuables(Stanish 1997). With out money, theeconomy is in the hands of the elite ratherthan the merchants.INKATECHNIQUES OFINTEGRATIONThe Inka's masterpiece is in howthey controlled a whole group of theseexchange cycles. The ruling elite of theempire, the Inka, arose from the Cuzcogroup in modern day southern Peru(Gheerbrant 1961). The Cuzco elite wereone of the many highland groups whodominated the region. Inka legend saysthat the empire rose when another group,the Chanca, split into three groups withaspirations of world domination. One ofthese groups headed towards Cuzco. Thepeople fled Cuzco leaving only a handfulof the strongest leaders to defend the city.Neighbours, having no embeddedLongstaffe: Andean Geography and the Rise of the InkaProduced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 2002alliances with other groups, watched theactivity but would not help Cuzco.Miraculously the few leaders whoremained in Cuzco fought off the Chanca.The observing groups, seeing the battleturn from Chanca's favour, joined Cuzcoand together they went to the Chancancity and conquered it under the Cuzcoleadership. With the spoils from thisvictory the Cuzco group went on theirown trip of world conquest. Thereputation that came from the victoryover Chanca allowed Cuzco almostunimpeded success (Rostworowski 1999).Because of the youth of the empire whenthe Spanish arrived there is probably stillconsiderable fact in the legend, thoughthere are no official records this legend isprobably very similar to the true story.Rather than completelyincorporating these new groups under thecentral Cuzco government they left thepreviously existing administration systemsin place. As previously stated the Andesare a complicated region to controlefficiently and the Inka adopted nouniform administrative policy. Usuallythebest system is the one already in place.Today the region is considerably lessagriculturally productive than it was inancient times due significantly to theimposition of non-local agricultural andadministrative practices (Morris 1993).To legitimize Inka absolutedominance, myths were incorporated intothe regional religions. Rather than usingone story for the whole empire, the Inkapersonalized the creation myths for thegroup they delivered it to. The storycirculatingaround the northern end of theempire was that the Inka came out of acave in Cuzco and were given divineauthority to rule the land. The southernportion of the empire believed that theInka rose from Lake Titicaca and weresent to Cuzco to form the empire. In theLongstafJe - Andean Geography 4central part of the empire the people weretold that the world was almost destroyedbut the Inka, with divine intervention,saved the world (Stanish 1997).This storyis most similar with the Chancan warlegend probably because Cuzco is locatedin this region.The economy of the Inka Empirewas based around the concept ofreciprocal contribution. Rather money, taxand tribute. The Andean groups had noconcept of money or ownership; insteadthere was a labour tax. All of the land wasproperty of the Empire and the subjectswere responsible for the labour whether itbe agriculture, mining, weaving, or toolmaking (Morris, 1993). Parts of the food,and much of the metal and cloth were,stored in administrative centers along theingenious road network constructed bythe Inka (Gheerbrant 1961).One example of how the Inkautilized the previously existing economicstructure returns to the cyclicalrelationship between the highland andcoastal groups. The group producing themaize would have had a production quotato meet. Rather than importing the Cuzcotechnique for maize production theywould leave the system intact. Theexchange cycle, though unofficial in theeyes of the Inka, was ignored because theywere interested solely in the maize. Thehighland elite previously dominating thesystem were given exemptions by the Inkaand sometimes even raised to the level oflower lords within the Inka court (Covey2000). Because of the Inka treatment ofpreviously existing systems, Inka recordsonly tell of the maize exchange and not ofthe rest. Inka records are difficult todecipher because there was no writtenlanguage (Menzel 1959). Instead,information was recorded by quipus, aseries of knotted cords (Metraux 1969).Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 10 [2002], Iss. 1, Art. 2http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol10/iss1/2The other side to the reciprocity ison the Inka's part. The stores of food andwealth, though used partially for theInka's enjoyment and to support religiousleaders and the anny, were distributed tothe subjects through banquets.Occasionally the stores were used in timeswhen crops failed. It is a misconception,however, that the Inka had a welfare state.On the contrary, food was distributedduring periods of crop failure only rarely.The Empire was concerned about itssubjects only as far as considering them aproblem for the local chiefs. The Inkaparticipated in the reciprocity directly withthe local chiefs only. They gave the chiefsthe quota to fill and it was up to them todistribute the labour amongst their people.The interaction between the Inka and thepeople was not very much different thanthe previous systems with other elite incharge. Much of the time, though, thingswere better with the Inka than before. TheInka administration oversaw manymonumental feats in a short period oftime. Though the intentions of the Cuzcoelite may have been to dominate theregion, their means of control broughtstability and continuous prosperity to thereglOn.Many of the techniques used bythe Inka to control its subjects were verysimple. The Andes created a complicatedpatchwork of ethnic groups, each ofwhich had found a way to maximize theefficiency of their land. The best way tomonopolize such systems was to leavethem intact, gain control of their leaders,and extract from these groups' area ofexpertise. The Inka were different fromother great empires that assimilated theirconquests. Geography forced the Andeangroups to develop in a different mannerfrom other groups. The Inka Empire wasa step in the evolution of Andean sates.LongstafJe - Andean Geograpf!y 5Unfortunately, the arrival of the Spanishended this great experiment prematurely.How might the world be different if theInka had been allowed to continue?Albarracin-Jordan,Juan 1996. TiwanakuSettlement system: The Integration ofNested Hierarchies in the LowerTiwanaku Valley. Latin Amen'canAntiquity 7:183-210.Covey, R. Alan 2000. Inka Administration ofthe Far South Coast ofPem. LatinAmen'canAntiquity 11: 119-38.Earle, Timothy K. 1996. "Specialization andthe Production of Wealth: HawaiianChiefdoms and the Inka Empire."In: ContemporaryArchaeology in theory:AReader. Preucel & Hodder, (ed.). pp. 165-88. Oxford; Cambridge, Mass. : Blackwell.Gheerbrant, Alain 1961. The Incas. New York,N.Y.:The Orion Press.Janusek,John Wayne 1999. Craft and LocalPower: Embedded Specialization inTiwanaku Cities. Latin American Antiquity.10:107-31.Menzel, Dorothy 1959. The Inca Occupationof the South Coast ofPem. SouthwesternJournal ifAnthropology. 15:125-42.Metraux, Alfred 1969. The History if the Incas.New York, N.Y.: Pantheon Books.Morris, Craig and Adriana Van Hagen 1993.The Inka Empire and its Andean On'gins. NewYork: Abbeville Press.Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Maria 1999.History if the Inca Realm. Cambridge, U.K.:Cambridge University Press.Stanish, Charles 1997. NonmarketImperialism in the Prehispanic Americas:the Inka Occupation of the Titicaca Basin.Latin American Antiquity. 8:195-216.Longstaffe: Andean Geography and the Rise of the InkaProduced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 2002

https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1065&amp;context=totem

Andean Geography and the Rise of the Inka

Abstract

Similar works

Full text

Available Versions

Western Libraries OJS

Scholarship@Western