Prispevek obravnava fenomen nenavadno velikega števila najdb srednjeveških mečev iz reke Ljubljanice na Ljubljanskem barju. Odsotnost ali pomanjkljivost najdiščnih podatkov, ki zaznamuje večino od več kot 56 odkritih primerkov, narekuje poglobljeno obravnavo t. i. notranjih pokazateljev posameznih najdb. Ti vključujejo stanje meča ob odkritju, sledove poškodb in manipulacij ter prisotnost ali odsotnost ostankov nožnice. Preučitev in upoštevanje tovrstnih dejavnikov nadgrajuje analizo tipološko-kronoloških značilnosti orožja, delno blaži izpad arheoloških podatkov o kontekstu in lahko do določene mere celo prispeva k osredotočanju interpretativnih nastavkov oziroma hipotez o okoliščinah in vzrokih potopitve. Kronološka strukturiranost mečev z vrhuncem med 12. in sredino 14. st. ter slabše oprijemljivim številom poznejših najdb, relativna maloštevilnost najdb sočasnega orožja na drogu ter konjske in konjeniške opreme, ki bi dokazovala intenzivnejše premike v obrečnem prostoru, nadalje zgoščeno pojavljanje mečev na določenih odsekih reke in končno omejena, iz okolja izvirajoča tveganja za naključne izgube v veliki meri izključujejo možnost ponavljajočih se dejanj iz trenutnih vzgibov in podpirajo domnevo, da je potopitev pomembnega dela obravnavanega orožja rezultat zavestnih odločitev oziroma namere.The contribution discusses the phenomenon of the unusually high number of medieval swords recovered from the River Ljubljanica in its stretch across the Ljubljansko barje. The majority of the over 56 sword finds is marked by an absence or lack of context data, which call for a more in-depth analysis of the so-called internal markers of individual finds, such as the state of preservation upon discovery, traces of damage or manipulation and presence/absence of scabbard remains. The results of this analysis add to those of the typo-chronological analysis of weapons and even, to a certain degree, help focus the study on the interpretations or hypotheses concerning the circumstances and causes that brought the swords to the bottom of the river. Given the results of the analyses, the author argues that the chronological structure of the swords, with a peak between the 12th and the mid-14th century, coupled with difficulties in categorising such finds from later periods, a relative paucity of the finds of contemporary pole weapons, as well as horse and riding gear that would suggest more intensive movements in the riparian areas, a concentrated occurrence of swords in certain sections of the riverbed and finally limited risks of accidental loss deriving from the natural environment largely exclude the possibility of repeated accidental loss and support the supposition of an important part of the weapons under discussion being immersed as the result of conscious decisions or intent
