Nairobi, Kenya is home to one of the largest slum populations in sub-Saharan Africa. Adolescents living in these slums, especially girls, are cut off from the potentially protective environments of school and family and lack safe economic opportunities. Unemployment is a major concern for adolescent girls, and desperate circumstances force them to survive however they can: 21 percent of sexually active girls aged 15–19 report exchanging sex for money or gifts. This heightened vulnerability is reflected in rates of HIV infection. In response to these circumstances, the Population Council and microfinance institution K-Rep Development Agency collaborated on the implementation of the Tap and Reposition Youth (TRY) program. The goal was to reduce adolescents’ vulnerability to adverse social and reproductive health outcomes by improving their livelihoods options. As noted in Promoting Healthy, Safe, and Productive Transitions to Adulthood Brief No. 15, the TRY model evolved from a minimalist savings and credit model to one that also provided social support and a savings option. The TRY experience underscored girls’ differing capabilities during their transition to adulthood

Bruce, Judith

Chong, Erica

Dondo, Aleke

Erulkar, Annabel

Gathuku, Anne

Khan, Arjmand Banu

Matheka, James K.

Sebstad, Jennefer

Population Council: Knowledge Commons

Population Council Knowledge Commons Poverty, Gender, and Youth Social and Behavioral Science Research (SBSR) 2006 Tap and Reposition Youth (TRY): Providing social support, savings, and microcredit opportunities for young women in areas with high HIV prevalence Annabel Erulkar Population Council Judith Bruce Population Council Erica Chong Aleke Dondo Jennefer Sebstad See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://knowledgecommons.popcouncil.org/departments_sbsr-pgy  Part of the Demography, Population, and Ecology Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, and the International Public Health Commons Recommended Citation Erulkar, Annabel, Judith Bruce, Erica Chong, Aleke Dondo, Jennefer Sebstad, James K. Matheka, Arjmand Banu Khan, and Anne Gathuku. 2006. "Tap and Reposition Youth (TRY): Providing social support, savings, and microcredit opportunities for young women in areas with high HIV prevalence," Promoting Healthy, Safe, and Productive Transitions to Adulthood Brief no. 15. New York: Population Council. This Brief is brought to you for free and open access by the Population Council. Authors Annabel Erulkar, Judith Bruce, Erica Chong, Aleke Dondo, Jennefer Sebstad, James K. Matheka, Arjmand Banu Khan, and Anne Gathuku This brief is available at Knowledge Commons: https://knowledgecommons.popcouncil.org/departments_sbsr-pgy/813 Adolescents represent a substantial and growing propor-tion of people living in informal settlements in Africa’slarge cities. These urban slums typically lack basicinfrastructure and government services, including water, ade-quate housing, sewage disposal, electricity, health services,and law enforcement. Young people migrate to urban areas insearch of education and livelihood opportunities, yet many areunable to achieve these goals and instead find themselves inhigh-risk situations. Girls and young women in particular face anumber of risks to their well-being, including HIV infection (duein part to poverty-driven commercial sex), coerced sex, domes-tic violence, unwanted pregnancy, and unsafe abortion. Nairobi, Kenya, is home to one of the largest slum popula-tions in sub-Saharan Africa. Of the city’s 2 million residents,more than half live in slums, which occupy only 5 percent of theresidential land area of the city (APHRC 2002). Adolescents liv-ing in these slums, especially girls, are cut off from the poten-tially protective environments of school and family and lack safeeconomic opportunities. Among 15–17-year-old girls, 78 percentare not in school and 58 percent are not living with either par-ent. (Corresponding figures for boys are 60 percent and 41 per-cent.) Unemployment is a major concern for adolescent girls,and desperate circumstances force them to survive howeverthey can: 21 percent of sexually active girls aged 15–19 reportexchanging sex for money or gifts (Zulu et al. 2000). Thisheightened vulnerability is reflected in rates of HIV infection:among 15–24-year-olds in urban areas, around 8 percent ofgirls and 3 percent of boys are infected with the virus (CentralBureau of Statistics et al. 2004). In response to these circumstances, the PopulationCouncil and the K-Rep Development Agency (the oldest andlargest microfinance institution in Kenya) collaborated on thedesign and implementation of a program called Tap andReposition Youth (TRY). The goal was to reduce adolescents’vulnerability to adverse social and reproductive health out-comes, including HIV infection, by improving their livelihoodsoptions. Microfinance programs (the provision of financialservices, including credit, savings, insurance, and moneytransfers to low-income households) emerged in the 1970s inSouth Asia—notably in Bangladesh and India, where institu-tions like the Grameen Bank developed its program in ruralareas, mainly serving married women in their mid-20s to early40s who had completed or nearly completed their childbear-ing. These women’s residential and social stability allowedthem to remain affiliated with the same self-help group of theirTap and Reposition Youth (TRY): Providing socialsupport, savings, and microcredit opportunities foryoung women in areas with high HIV prevalencePrepared by Annabel Erulkar, Judith Bruce, Erica Chong, Aleke Dondo, Jennefer Sebstad, James Matheka, Arjmand Banu Khan, and Anne GathukuBrief no. 15    July 2006p r o m o t i n g  h e a l t h y ,s a f e ,  a n d  p r o d u c t i v et rans i t ions to adulthoodJames Matheka peers over many years and supported them in slowly buildingtheir financial assets. Using mainly the microfinance modeldeveloped in Asia, for the past two decades K-Rep has offeredfinancial services to low-income clients in Kenya. The TRYprogram, which targeted urban out-of-school adolescent girlsand young women aged 16–22, was K-Rep’s first effort direct-ed solely at adolescent girls and young women. Becausethese girls’ circumstances bore little resemblance to those ofmarried women in agrarian settings, innovative thinking andan experimental approach were required to adapt the microfi-nance model to meet their needs. The TRY model evolvedover the life of the program, growing from a minimalist savingsand credit model to one that also provided its clientele withsocial support and an individual, voluntary savings option.Phase One—Focusing on group formation and credit(1998–2000)The pilot phase of TRY lasted from 1998 to 2000 and reachedmore than 100 girls. Self-help groups, each with about 25 girls,were formed and registered with the Ministry of Culture and SocialServices. Within the larger group of 25, subgroups were formedwith five members each, termed watano, the Kiswahili word forfive. K-Rep credit officers provided six days of training to groupmembers that covered such topics as business managementand planning skills, entrepreneurial skills, life skills, and genderroles. Each watano met weekly, at which time girls contributedsavings to a group account that eventually constituted collateralfor microloans. Although members’ contributions to the group’ssavings account continued throughout their participation, fundscould be withdrawn only when a girl left TRY. To obtain a loan,a participant was asked to devise a business plan and makerelated applications that were reviewed and agreed upon byother group members. Girls received loans in turns; two watanomembers received initial loans, and the remaining membersreceived loans once their comembers demonstrated their relia-bility through regular weekly repayments.In this first phase, loan amounts ranged from US$40 to$200. Repayment began the week following loan disbursementat a 15 percent interest rate. Girls set up businesses of theirchoice, including hairdressing salons, food stands, petty trade,and construction of simple housing for rent. Girls actively participated in the first phase of TRY, and atfirst their repayment rates were high. Eventually, however,repayment rates dropped, some watanos dissolved, and girlsstarted to leave the program. The first phase emphasized theprovision of credit as the driving force of TRY, with little recog-nition of girls’ need for social support and the importance ofhaving safe and accessible savings as a cushion againstemergencies. Program collaborators evaluated the first phaseof TRY and devised modifications for the second phase.Phase Two—Strengthening the social support componentof TRY (2001–2004)Rising default and drop-out rates prompted K-Rep and thePopulation Council to examine more closely the social contextof these girls’ lives. Only 12 percent of TRY participants livedwith both parents. The remainder lived in a variety of other sit-uations: in single-parent households, with a boyfriend, or head-ing their own households. More than half of the participantshad migrated to Nairobi, mainly in search of jobs; only abouthalf reported having friends or other people to whom theycould turn for support. Only 37 percent of the girls reportedthat their first experience of sex was wanted, and 24 percentreported that they had traded sex for money, gifts, or support.The first phase of TRY focused on the provision of credit,but for many participants the solidarity of the groups repre-sented a source of much-needed social support and cama-raderie. The program’s collaborators decided to expand uponthe social support they offered by adding a number of adultmentors to work in parallel with the credit officers. While K-Rep credit officers focused on financial services, mentors pro-vided social support and counseling, organized events, semi-nars, and day trips, and provided referrals as needed. Ninementors were recruited, with such backgrounds as socialwork, community development, health care, and small-business ownership. Mentors and credit officers organized seminars at which TRYparticipants could receive information and discuss topics withguest speakers. Large-scale seminars were organized on suchtopics as HIV/AIDS, domestic violence and gender-based vio-lence, women’s rights, drug and alcohol abuse, male–femaleJames Mathekarelationships, and family planning. Seminars on HIV/AIDS pro-vided information on voluntary counseling and testing, nutritionin HIV management, mother-to-child transmission, and antiretro-viral therapy. Initially, the girls responded enthusiastically to the mentors,taking their presence as a sign that K-Rep was interested inproviding more than financial services. At its peak, TRY hadmore than 500 members in the second phase. Nevertheless,girls continued to drop out of the program, largely becausethey were concerned for the security of their savings, espe-cially when comembers defaulted on loans. Another key rea-son girls reported dropping out was that they were unable toaccess their accumulated savings quickly in times of emer-gency largely because their savings were locked up as groupcollateral. Moreover although most girls valued the groupmeetings and friendships they gained, many were not interest-ed in the continuous lending that the program emphasized.Program managers, therefore, devised a way to offer girlssecure and accessible savings together with safe and support-ive peer-group interaction.Phase Three—Forming Young Savers Clubs and providing safe spaces (2004–present)In early 2004, TRY program managers formed Young SaversClubs that function independently of the TRY savings and creditgroups. Young Savers are recruited through current TRY mem-bers, credit officers, mentors, and other community members suchas social workers. As with TRY, members of Young Savers Clubsform themselves into groups of 20 to 25 members and conductweekly meetings led by a credit officer or a mentor. By the end of2004, 123 young women had become members and were con-tributing savings, even if not on a regular basis. Club members deposit their savings with a treasurer, usingthe passbook system. Clubs hold weekly discussions, meetwith mentors, and participate in sports and games. The money from all the savings groups is held in a single large accountmaintained by K-Rep. If a participant wishes to withdrawmoney, she fills out a withdrawal form and receives the moneythe following week. Girls appreciate being able to store theirmoney in a safe place, and many mention that the group helpsthem to become disciplined in money matters. As with the TRYgroups, girls in the Young Savers Clubs also appreciate thefriendships they formed.I have tried [saving money at] home many times, but I seesomething like shoes, and I break the tin and use it [themoney]. With Young Savers, the money is safe because it is inthe bank. It cannot be given to someone else, like my husbandwhen he sees something he wants to buy with my money. —Age 19, married, no children, nine years of educationWhat attracted me, apart from saving, are the seminars. I especially like the way we are taught about how to run busi-nesses and about nutrition and how to keep fit. We do exercis-es for about 20 minutes. It also takes away my idleness. In thegroup, problems—even individual problems—are less trouble-some when we share them.—Age 20, married, one child, eight years of educationYoung Savers Clubs offer girls livelihood and social sup-port opportunities without the pressure associated with loansand repayment. When the voluntary savings option was alsooffered to TRY clients, nearly all joined Young Savers whilemaintaining their TRY membership, demonstrating the impor-tance of safe, accessible savings for girls and young women.Evaluating the TRY programThe impact of the TRY program was assessed by conducting alongitudinal study of participants with a matched comparisongroup identified through cross-sectional community-based stud-ies, undertaken at baseline and endline (Erulkar and Chong2005). TRY participants were interviewed upon entering andleaving the program. Each participant was matched with a con-trol of approximately the same age, education, marital status,parenthood status, and employment status who lived in thesame neighborhood. Comparison of participants and their con-trols allowed researchers to assess changes among TRY partic-ipants that might be associated with program activities. In all,326 participants and their controls were interviewed at baseline,and 222 pairs were interviewed at endline. Researchers compared TRY participants with their matchedcontrols on economic and financial indicators; gender attitudes;and reproductive health knowledge, behavior, and negotiation.Although these two groups had comparable income levels atbaseline, at endline girls who had participated had significantlyhigher levels of income than nonparticipants. Likewise, althoughtheir household assets were similar at baseline, at endline theassets of TRY participants were considerably higher than thoseof their peers who had not participated in the program.TRY par-ticipants had significantly more savings and were more likely tokeep savings in a safe place, compared with nonparticipantswho were likely to keep savings at home where they were at riskof being stolen or confiscated by parents, guardians, or hus-bands. Girls who participated in TRY also demonstrated moreliberal attitudes  than nonparticipants toward gender roles.Although their reproductive health knowledge was not signifi-cantly higher, there was some indication that TRY girls hadgreater ability to refuse unwanted sex and insist on condom use,compared with controls. The study’s limitations were the lowresponse rate at endline, 68 percent, and the challenges of con-trolling for the selectivity of TRY participants.Programming for differing conditions and evolving capacitiesThe TRY experience underscored the vulnerability of girls andyoung women in urban Nairobi and highlighted their diversitydespite their common residence in urban slums. It also under-scored girls’ differing capabilities during their transition to adult-hood. The initial microfinance model was appropriate for only asmall group of the most capable and least vulnerable girls andyoung women. For the majority of young women, entrepreneurshipand repeated borrowing were not primary concerns. Rather, theirfundamental needs were related to acquiring social capital (includ-ing accessing support groups and mentors), maintaining physicalsafety, and having the opportunity to save their money in a safe,accessible place. When these needs are met, entrepreneurshipand use of credit opportunities may follow.A reliable and safe group structure should form the core offuture programs for vulnerable girls, with participation construed as apositive experience. The most vulnerable girls need a place apartfrom their families for interaction with peers, crisis intervention, pro-tection of their savings, and development of rudimentary livelihoodskills. Only when such fundamental elements of social capital are inplace will girls be able to take advantage of wider economic options.A staged approach to livelihood programs is recommendedthat takes into account the evolving capacities and vulnerabilitiesof girls and young women. Entry-level programs that provide girlswith safe spaces, life skills, financial literacy, and individual savings could serve as “incubators” and prepare girls for moredemanding opportunities. When they feel ready, girls could decideto move into programs with goal-oriented savings, vocational andbusiness-skills training, and, later, microcredit and other financialservices. Such a staged model (in theory) allows girls to find socialsupport without performance strings, begin with entry-level activi-ties, and over time select their level of risk as they becomeincreasingly ready to access more demanding options.ReferencesAfrican Population and Health Research Center (APHRC).2002. Population and Health Dynamics in Nairobi’sInformal Settlements. Nairobi: APHRC.Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), Ministry of Health (MOH),and ORC Macro. 2004. Kenya Demographic and HealthSurvey 2003. Nairobi and Calverton, MD: CBS, MOH, andORC Macro.Erulkar, Annabel and Erica Chong. 2005. “Evaluation of aSavings and Micro-Credit Program for Vulnerable YoungWomen in Nairobi.” New York: Population Council.Erulkar, Annabel, Judith Bruce, Aleke Dondo, JenneferSebstad, James Matheka, Arjmand Banu Khan, and AnnGathuku. 2006. Tap and Reposition Youth (TRY): ProvidingSocial Support, Savings, and Micro-Credit Opportunities forYoung Women in Areas with High HIV Prevalence. SEEDSNo. 23. New York: Population Council.Zulu, Eliya, Alex Chika Ezeh, and F. Dodoo. 2000. “SlumResidence and Sexual Outcomes: Early Findings of CausalLinkages in Nairobi, Kenya.” African Population and HealthResearch Center Working Paper No. 17. Nairobi: APHRC.DonorsFord Foundation, DFID (the UK Department for InternationalDevelopment), the William H. Kaufman Charitable Foundation,the Turner Foundation, and Effie Westervelt For more information or for copies of other briefs, contact publications@popcouncil.orgFor additional resources see www.popcouncil.org/taPopulation CouncilOne Dag Hammarskjold PlazaNew York, New York 10017  USA© 2006 by The Population Council, Inc.

Tap and Reposition Youth (TRY): Providing social support, savings, and microcredit opportunities for young women in areas with high HIV prevalence

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Tap and Reposition Youth (TRY): Providing social support, savings, and microcredit opportunities for young women in areas with high HIV prevalence

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