CONSTITUENCY OF PEOPLES - ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS OF THE CONSTITUENCY OF EUROPEAN BIH

Abstract

Konstitutivnost naroda Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) je po prirodi stvari vrlo složeno multidisciplinarno pitanje. Ono se iskazuje kao kulturna, povijesna, politička, ali i ustavnopravna kategorija koja je u složenim društvenim odnosima ne samo bitni element države BiH već i jedna od kulturno-političkih kategorija koja je nezaobilazna u ustavnom uređenju BiH kao moderne europske države koja slijedi i prihvaća europsko kulturno, sociološko, političko-pravno zajedničko naslijeđe utemeljeno na demokraciji, idealima, načelima i ciljevima slobode, vladavine prava, zaštite ljudskih prava i sloboda, uključujući prava i slobode pripadnika nacionalnih i drugih manjina, te svakog ljudskog bića, poštujući njegovo ljudsko dostojanstvo. Ustavno uređenje sadržano u sva tri ustava (u Ustavu BiH, Ustavu Federacije BiH i Ustavu Republike Srpske) prihvatilo je konstitutivnost triju naroda (Bošnjaka, Hrvata i Srba) kao jednu od bitnih postavki od koje polazi i na kojoj počiva. No, u tom uređenju postoje znatne razlike koje izazivaju prijepore u tumačenju njihova ustavnog statusa i na formalnoj, ali i na funkcionalnoj razini poimanja i tumačenja ustavnih tekstova. Ako se k tome pridodaju ustavne sadržajne nedorečenosti, pa i ustavne praznine, poglavito u odnosu na status nacionalnih manjina te prava i sloboda njihovih pripadnika u pogledu pitanja reprezentacije – zastupljenosti na svim razinama vladanja i upravljanja u BiH, onda je razumljivo do koje razine je tim problemima danas bremenita ta država. Neka od tih otvorenih pitanja istumačili su i ustavnosudski razriješili svojim odlukama Ustavni sud BiH te Europski sud za ljudska prava. No, ona nisu, unatoč naporima, pa i postignutim dogovorima, putem potrebnih izmjena i dopuna provedena kroz Ustav BiH. Doduše, neke izmjene i promjene amandmanski su napravljene, ali samo u ustavima entiteta, a i one najznačajnije od njih su, zapravo, entitetima nametnute kao nužne, opravdane i neophodne od visokih predstavnika međunarodne zajednice. Iako su one učinjene i pozivom na potrebu provedbe odluke U.5/98 Ustavnog suda BiH, postavlja se opravdano pitanje u kojoj mjeri je tim amandmanima ona provedena, a poglavito stajališta Ustavnog suda zauzeta u obrazloženju odluke o tim pitanjima. Naime, prisutna su utemeljena i opravdana mišljenja da je nekim amandmanima (posebice na Ustav Federacije BiH) narušeno načelo ravnopravnosti i konstitutivnosti Hrvata kao konstitutivnog naroda unutar entiteta FBiH, a da stajališta Ustavnog suda o ravnopravnosti i jednakosti sva tri konstitutivna naroda kroz Ustav BiH nisu njegovim izmjenama i dopunama provedena, to ne treba posebice ni dokazivati. Slična situacija je i s pitanjima koja se tiču statusa nacionalnih manjina, ostvarivanja i zaštite prava i sloboda njihovih pripadnika, te provedbe odluke Europskog suda za ljudska prava. Zašto ne treba posebno dokazivati, naprosto zbog toga što revizija Ustava BiH do danas nije učinjena. Slijedom tih pitanja, a u sklopu njih, poglavito pitanje konstitutivnosti tri naroda Bošnjaka, Hrvata i Srba te njihova ravnopravnost i jednakost postalo je prvorazredno pitanje izmjena i dopuna Ustava BiH, ne samo u formalnom već i u funkcionalnom smislu. Osim toga ono je postalo i jedno od ključnih pitanja: koji model, etnički, građanski ili mješoviti, uzeti kao temelj ustavnog uređenja BiH? Usputno je on otvorio i problem postizanja dogovora i njegove realizacije o reviziji ustavnog uređenja BiH (izmjene i dopune kako Ustava BiH tako i Ustava FBiH i Ustava RS). Samo pitanje revizije Ustava BiH (i entitetskih ustava) je postalo ne samo ustavno-konstitucionalizacijsko već i političko pitanje BiH. Njime se bave političke elite u BiH, ali i međunarodne zajednice, politolozi, sociolozi, pravnici i mnogi drugi, i to kako u teorijskim tako i praktičnim pitanjima. Zašto? Zato što je sadašnja nedorečenost, necjelovitost, pa i međusobna neusklađenost (bez obzira na razloge zašto je to tako) ustavnog uređenja u BiH postala kočnica društvenog razvoja, ali i potencijalna neuralgična točka koja može ugroziti i ovako krhki mir, sigurnost i stabilnost u zemlji. Pored toga, sadašnje ustavno uređenje nije kompatibilno s pravnim stečevinama EU-a, odnosno nije dostatno utemeljeno na zajedničkom europskom kulturnom i političko-pravnom nasljeđu, niti kroz sadržaj ustavnih tekstova dosljedno provedeno, pa su oni nepodesni ustavni temelj na kojem treba počivati ustavnopravni poredak BiH koji je validan za njezino priključenje Europskoj uniji. Stoga je konstitutivnost naroda u BiH danas postalo pitanje od prvorazrednog značaja kako na unutrašnjem tako i na međunarodnom planu za BiH, njezine narode, nacionalne manjine i sve građane. O nekim njegovim aspektima značajnim za konstitucionalizaciju BiH kao europske države izložit ću svoja promišljanja u ovom radu.Constituency of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is in its nature a very complex multidisciplinary issue. It is expressed as a cultural, historical, political, but also constitutional right, which in complex social relations is not only an essential element of the state of BiH but also one of the cultural-political categories which is unavoidable in the constitutional arrangement of BiH as a modern European country that follows and accepts the European cultural, sociological, political-legal common heritage based on democracy, the ideals, principles and goals of liberty, the rule of law, the protection of human rights and freedoms, including the rights and freedoms of members of national and other minorities and of every human being, respecting its human dignity.The constitutional arrangement contained in all three constitutions (in the Constitution of BiH, the Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Constitution of the Republic ofSrpska) has accepted the constitutionality of the three peoples (Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) as one of the essential settings from which it is based and on which it rests. However, there are considerable differences in the arrangement, which cause controversy in the interpretation of their constitutional status and at the formal but also functional level of understanding and interpretation of constitutional texts.If to this are added the substantial constitutional ambiguities, including the constitutional gaps, notably with respect to the status of national minorities and the rights and freedoms of their members on the issue of representation - representation at all levels of government and management in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is understood to what extent this presents the problem in this state today.Some of these open questions have been interpreted and solved by the the Constitutional Court of BiH and the European Court of Human Rights by their decisions. However, they were not, despite the efforts, and the agreements reached, through necessary amendments implemented in the BiH Constitution.However, some modifications have been made through amendments, but only in the constitutions of the Entities, and the most significant of them, are actually imposed on the Entities as necessary, justified and necessary by the High Representatives of the International Community. Although they are done by calling for the implementation of U.5 / 98 of the Constitutional Court of BiH, there is a justified question as to what extent these amendments have been implemented, and in particular, the views of the Constitutional Court in the reasoning in the decisions on these issues.In fact, there are well founded and justified opinions that some amendments (especially on the Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) violated the principle of equality and constituency of Croats as a constituent people within the entity of FBiH, and that the opinion of the Constitutional Court on the equality of all three constituent peoples in BiH Constitution have not been carried out by the changes and additions;it is not necessary to prove this either.A similar situation exists with issues related to the status of national minorities, the exercise and protection of the rights and freedoms of their members, and the implementation of the decision of the European Court of Human Rights. This does not have to be specifically proven, simply because the revision of the BiH Constitution has not been done so far. Following these questions, and within them, especially the issue of constitutionality of the three peoples, Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs and their equality, the amendments to the Constitution has become a first-rate question, not only in formal but in functional terms. In addition, it has become one of the key questions: which model, ethnic, civil or mixed, should be taken as the basis of constitutional arrangement of BiH?Incidentally, it opened the problem of reaching an agreement and its implementation on the revision of the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina (amendments to the Constitution of BiHand the Constitution of the FBiH and the RS Constitution). The issue of revision of the Constitution of BiH itself (and constitutions of entities) has become not only the constitutional but also the political issue of BiH. It has been dealt by political elites in BiH, but also by the international community, politicians, sociologists, lawyers and many others, both in theoretical and practical issues. Why? Because the current vagueness, incompleteness, and even mutual incompatibility (regardless of the reasons why this is so) constitutional arrangement in BiH has become the brake of social development, but also a potential neuralgic point that can endanger such a fragile peace, security and stability in the country.In addition, the current constitutional arrangement is incompatible with the acquis communautaire, i.e. it is not sufficiently based on a common European cultural and political legacy, nor, through the content of constitutional texts, consistently implemented, and it is an ineffective constitutional foundation upon which the constitutional order of BiH should be based and is valid for accession to the European Union. Therefore, the constituency of the people of BiH today has become a matter of paramount importance both internally and internationally for BiH, its peoples, national minorities and all citizens. I will expose my reflections in this paper on some of its aspects relevant to the constitutionalisation of BiH as a European country