Davidson, Judy

English

Canadian Woman Studies / les cahiers de la femme (E-Journal, York University)

Lesbians and the Vancouver Gay Games by Judy Davidcon several aspects oflesbian politics to be contested. Ctrtaines tmsiom sont sutvcnw dam h rcommu~utlw ksbienne lon h Theoretical stance Gay Games tenucs h Vancouver en 1990. Cctartickdimrntdivm~firmcs I use hegemony as an analytical tool throughout this article. Gener- ally the word is Traditionaliy, there has been resistance to the used to refer to the Games. In i982, the fbundcr o f  the Gay Games ideological andcul- tural control which wus not allowed by a coun injunction, to r4er to a small ruling the celebration as the "Gay Olympics. >> & rCsiskznce pofitz$ue con* tout cc qui va rt lDmconm & I'idcntitCksbicnne normative. Celebration '90-Gay Games m and Cultural Festival, was held in Van- couver in August of 1990. It was the third time the quadrennial event had been staged. The first two events had been held in San Francisco, Califor- nia. With over 2500 volunteers and 7000 athletes, the Vancouver specta- cle was the largest organized sports event of 1990. Twenty-five thou- sand people attended the opening ceremonies. In addition to the 27 athletic events, a cultural festival cel- ebrating lesbian and gay identities involved over 2000 writers, dancers, musicians, sculptors, painters, and other artists (Syms 1990a). The Games' most obvious politi- cal statement was that gay men and lesbians are proud, responsible, re- spectable members of society. Being lesbian or gay is not wrong, but being intolerant of these people is. This was the message the mainstream media promoted throughout its coverage of the games (Persky). However, some gay rights activists argued that the games were too mainstream and pla- cated a heterosexual norm. I would like to argue that the Games were a political event and provided a site for group exercises over the rest of so- ciety. Whitson, in a more compre- hensive explanation, paraphrases Raymond Williams: Hegemony indicates both acon- flict and a drive towards a more secured dominance on the part of those in power. At the same time, hegemony directs us be- yond the usual meaning of ide- ology, the propagation of intel- lectual explanations ofthe world; and requires us to consider the pervasive and often unarticulated ways in which orthodox mean- ings and values suffuse the whole process of living. (58) Another key element for my un- derstanding of hegemony is that change is fought for andlor resisted against. It requires human agency and therefore an understanding of positional identity. We must recog- nize hegemonic institutions and hegemonic ideas in our own lives and experiences. Hegemony instructs us to look at informal power structures at work in a given context and there- - fore, when we recognize that power, we can resist within traditionally non- political areas. My analysis will focus on heterosexist hegemony, with the ac- knowledgement that notions of gen- der and heterosexuality are con- structed theoretical identities. Cul- tural hegemony is not easily catego- rized into distinct entities. Culture is recorded and the interrelationships it has within itself and with its contem- porary society must be considered. Williams discusses how there is a distinct sense of style and a way of being within a given cultural context. This is an idea he calls structure of feeling. This is neither a learned nor formalized phenomena. A selective tradition helps determine what is re- tained and what is not as time passes, but each time period has its own unique and discursive structure of feeling. The dialectics between main- stream culture, gay male culture, les- bian communities, sport, and femi- nism are complex. The 1990 Gay Games provides an event in which these dynamics may be discussed and analyzed. I use excerpts from print media, primarily newspaper articles from the mainstream and alternative presses, on which to base my argument. The popular press is an important source of information because it is a reflec- tion of andlor an agent in the rela- tionship between culture, sport, the reader, sexuality, politics, and many other mitigating fictors. Mainstreiun media coverage Organizers were surprised by the large number of mainstream media representatives that covered the cel- ebration (Griffin 1990d). Tradition- ally, there has been resistance to the Games. In 1982, the founder of the Gay Games, Dr. Tom Waddell, was not allowed, by a court injunction granted to the U.S. Olympic Com- mittee, to refer to the celebration as the "Gay Olympicsn (Grifin 1990b). In Vancouver, organizers ficed op- position from various sources. Fun- damentalist Christian organizations protested on moral grounds to have the games banned (Grifin 1990b). VOLUME 16, NUMBER 2 Vandals spray painted homophobic graffiti on the registration centre walls (Griffin 1990~). The British Colum- bia provincial government r e b e d  to grant money to the organizers of the Games, basing their decision on the obscure justification that the Gay Games were duplicating activities al- ready funded by the provincial treas- ury (Griffin 1990e). Instead of lesbian and gay rights women-only. Other objections re- ferred to the "sanitid and asexual images oflesbians and gay men" (Syrns 1990a, 10) used in the Games adver- tising campaign. The advertising campaign that the Metropolitan Vancouver Athletic and Arts Association (MVAM) decided to pursue was carefully constructed. Various posters were placed in Van- couver bus shelters and lesbian and gay publications. They portrayed ~ - primarily white, The "arrimilationist"strategyfivoured by the clean cut, young, Games' organizers . . . war opposed by some members indi- v~duals (there was of the lesbian community who critiqued the only one woman institutionahked, mainstream structure of the event. of colour in one of the posters). One of the posters por- trayed the men as activists protesting an existing event, others were resisting the lesbian and gay voice and presence symbolized by this event. Its ultimate acceptance and the resulting celebration of les- bian and gay solidarity and pride, was one of the major political impacts of the Games. The "assimiiationist" critique One of the Games' aims was to promote an understanding of gays and lesbians "as part of the commu- nity and being respected as suchn (Griffin 1990a, B4). The "assimi- lationistn strategy that lesbians and gay men are not particularly different from the straight dominant culture was the approach favoured by the Games' organizers. This strategy was opposed by some members of the lesbian communitywho critiqued the institutionalized, mainstream struc- ture oftheevent. Itwas felt there were unexamined sexist influences operat- ing during the organization of the Games (Syms 1990a; Tully 1990). In this way, the Games were also resisted and opposed from within. The issues involved were varied. Many women were frustrated that women's events were not respected. For example, men were allowed to participate in social events billed for central to the picture, "while the women were peripheral-leaning into, but not reaching the central point of focusn (Syms 1990a, 10). In another advertisement, a man's arms were protectively wrapped around a woman, visually reinforcing not only female helplessness but physical con- tact only between different sexes. The word lesbian was not in any of these ads, and the word gay was obscured or appeared in very small print (Syms 1990a). These visual representations reinforced insidious and subtle stere- otypes for their audiences. The les- bian and gay community was thus represented in a desexualized, main- stream manner. The Board of Directors of the MVAAA had much of the power to define and design what image and "culturen Celebration '90 would pro- mote and present. The Board was composed of four men and three women. All of these individuals were white and university educated. Let- ters to the editor in various lesbian and gay newspapers articulated re- sistance to the Board's structure and its organization of the Games (Syms 1990b). The Board was criticized for how it made decisions. Although one of the female Board members argued that "lesbians were present and vocal throughout the process" (Baxter 5), another board member commented that only one woman was in attend- ance when many key decisions con- cerning the "culture" portion of G l -  ebration '90 were made (Douglas). But both these female Board mem- bers comment that being on the or- ganizing committee was "often a dif- ficult and frustrating experiencen (Douglas 5). Female board members were not the only lesbians to feel that gender issues were ignored in the planning and organizing stages. One  fundraising volunteer for lesbian events, came away from rhe experi- ence feeling jaded: They touted the Games to us as a way to build a "bridge" be- tween our two communities.. . . Early on, it became apparent that the men's side of the pro- gram was simply not interested in issues vital to the women's agenda. (Williams 199 1, 15) She describes her feelings of: letting the boys steamroll us into caring about their deadlines in- stead of being absolutely certain that our [lesbian] community agenda and concerns were the ones that mattered. (Williams 1991, 15) She assisted in raising 10,000 dollars from lesbians for a women-only cel- ebration, the "Biggest Lesbian Party." This money was given to the Games organizers under the assurance that the party would be carried out as a lesbian event. This was the only ex- clusively women's event that Games organizers advertised. The cabaret went on with organizers making no attempt to provide alternatives for men that night or to restrict their admittance to the cabaret Williams 1991). The power of language The use of language and the power to name was a critical issue for lesbi- 78 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIESILES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME ans at the Games. The "Biggest Les- bian Pany" was told to change its name, or lose its venue privileges, because the existing name was con- sideredexclusionary. That event thus became 'Women All Night Long." The same argument was applied to a group of lesbian artists who were not allowed to use the name "Queers in Art" for the Artisans' Bazaar (Tully), part of the cultural festival being held in conjunction with the athletic events. After receiving 75 protests (the majority from gay men) object- ing to the use of the controversial word "queer," the Board forced the group to change the name (Queers in Art Committee). In response to this move, the Queers in Art Committee, comprised solely of women, issued th IS ' statement: It needs to be noted that the four male Board members voted against the name, and of the three womyn members, one was absent, one abstained, and one wished to allow us to keep the name. (Queers in An Commit- tee 43) It is significant that these two events were organized by women (Syms 1990a). Vespry comments: "Hold- ing a lesbian and gay event without recognizing the customary separa- tion between our communities shows grave disrespectn (1 2). Although the MVAAA used the ra- tionale of exclusivity (they consid- ered the terms "lesbian" and "queer" as not inclusive enough for main- stream culture) to justify the name changes, there was a glaring double standard in its practices. This event was called the "Gay" Games and not the "Lesbiann and Gay Games. "The very notion that the Board of Direc- tors could dare to use the word exclusionary against someone else is clearly ridiculousn (Syms 1990a, 11). In taking the conservative stance that words like queer and lesbian were too transgressive and danger- ous, the Board was implicitly placat- ing a sexist heteronormativity. Con- sider this excerpt from a letter to the editor in Anglcs (Vancouver's lesbian and gay newspaper) which protested Games policy: Lesbians have understood for years, the power that comes from reclaiming words that were pre- viously used against us. Lesbian, dyke, butch, femme, cunt. I would guess that gay men have a harder time with this concept because the English language has been more of a friend to men than it ever has been to wimmin. (Tully 4) At the 1990 Vancouver Gay Games, the organizers did not take a discursive and constructed approach to how "lesbian" would be presented. Publicly, "lesbian" was effectively subsumed under "gay" and the trans- gressive or challenging notion of "queer" was made invisible. Congru- ent with the lesbian and gay civil rights movement, lesbians and gay men were presented as a homogene- ous group, neatly reproducing the hegemonic heterosexist values privi- leged in North American culture. The multiple and resounding challenges to this by indkiduals within the les- bian community are indicative of re- sistance to a naturalized and essentialized version of lesbian life- styles and politics. Judy Davidron recently compkted her M.A. in Physical Education and Sports Studies at the University of Alberta. She is currently unmploycd in south- ern Ontario. She is saving her pennies to go to the 1778 Gay Games in Hob land. Referencta Baxter, Betty. "Betty Volleys.. ." Di- versity: The Lesbian Rag 4.3 (Sept. 1991): 5. Douglas, Coreen. ". . .Coreen Re- turns." Diversity: The Lesbian Rag 4.3 (Sept. 1991): 5. Griffin, Kevin. "Gay Games Opens Opportunities, Organizers Say." Vancouver Sun 29 May 1990a: B4. Griffin, Kevin. "Gay Games a Sport- ing Proposition." Vancouver Sun 30 July 1990b: Al, AS. Griffin, Kevin. "Gay Games Seen as Family Entertainment." Vancou- ver Sun 4 August 1990c: B l l .  Griffin, Kevin. "Media Out in Force for Games." Vancouver Sun 9 Au- gust 1990d: B4. Griffin, Kevin. "Gay Games Grant Rejected." Vancouver Sun 1 De- cember 1990e: G10. Persky, Stan. "'Tolerant' Gay Games Coverage Was Right On." Van- couver Sun 18 August 1990: D2. Queers in Art Committee. "Narne- less." Divmity: The Lesbian Rag 3.3-4 (July 1990): 43. Syms, Shawn. "Celebration '90: Phy- sique and Critique." Rites Maga- zine 7.4 (Sept. 1990a): 10-1 1. Syms, Shawn. "Celebration'90: Sort- ing Out the Hoopla." Rites Maga- zine 7.4 (Sept. 1990b): 13. Tully, Karen. "Wimmin Protest Games Policy." Angh 7.8 (August 1990): 4. Vespry, Anne. "Reflections on the Gay Games: When Personal Best is Not Good Enough." Rites Maga- zine 7.4 (Sept. 1990): 12-13. Whitson, David. "Sport and Cul- tural Hegemony: The Construc- tion of'Common Sense.'" Proceed- ings of the MII Commonwealth and International Conference on Sport, Physical Education, Recreation and Dancdocio-Historical Perspec- tives. Eds. Maxwell Howell and James McKay. Australia: Univer- sity of Queensland, 1982: 57-69. Williams, Jana. "A Bridge Too Far." Diversity: The Lesbian Rag4.3 (Sept. 1991): 15. Williams, Raymond. "The Analysis of Culture." Culture, Ideology and Social Process. Eds. Tony Bennett et al. London: Batsford, 198 1. VOLUME 16, NUMBER 2 

Lesbians and the Vancouver Gay Games

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Lesbians and the Vancouver Gay Games

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Canadian Woman Studies / les cahiers de la femme (E-Journal, York University)