日本学術振興会Japan Society for the Promotion of Science茨城県南西部で話されている水海道方言には対格形式が2つある。有生対格(=NP-godo)と無生対格(=NP-φ)である。この方言では,標準語では非文法的な構文である二重対格構文が可能である。この方言で二重対格構文が可能なのは,2つの対格形式があるためと考えられる。この方言の二重対格構文には「通す」を述語とするものと所有者繰り上げ構文の2種類がある。このうち,所有者繰り上げ構文は他の構文に比べて統語的制約がきつい。この構文の統語的制約としては,語順の制約がきついことのほか,繰り上げもとの名詞句が関係節の主要部や対応する受動文の主語になれない点があげられる。これらの統語的制約は,義務的二次述語を含む構文や主語－目的語繰り上げ構文にも見られるものであり,二重の依存関係を含む構文に共通の制約と見ることができる。The Mitsukaido dialect, spoken in the south-western part of the Ibaraki Prefecture in Japan, has two accusative case-markers: godo, used with animate nouns and zero-marking used with inanimate nouns. This morphological characteristic has syntactic consequences. It is well-known that Standard Japanese prohibits double accusative constructions, a restriction known as the double-o constraint. The availability of morphologically distinct markings for animate and inanimate accusatives renders double accusative constructions possible in this dialect. Two types of double accusative constructions are found in the Mitsukaido dialect, namely the construction in which theme and path are marked by animate and inanimate accusatives respectively (non-ascension type) and the so-called \u27possessor ascension\u27 construction. The two types of double accusative construction are different in their syntactic behaviour. The possessor ascension construction is more constrained than the non-ascension type double accusative construction. The host NP in the possessor ascension construction must be adjacent to the verb; it cannot become subject in passive constructions or the head of a relative clause. Such constraints are not found with the non-ascension type double accusative construction. We conclude that these constraints targetted on the host NP are due to its double dependency relation. The constraints com-mon to the host NP are also found in constructions which display the same dependency relation: namely, the construction with obligatory secondary predicate and subject-to-object raising
