Rudwick, Elliott M.

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Journal of Criminal Law and CriminologyVolume 51Issue 2 July-August Article 17Summer 1960The Negro Policeman in the SouthElliott M. RudwickFollow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclcPart of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and CriminalJustice CommonsThis Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted forinclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons.Recommended CitationElliott M. Rudwick, The Negro Policeman in the South, 51 J. Crim. L. Criminology & Police Sci. 273 (1960-1961)THE NEGRO POLICEMAN IN THE SOUTHELLIOTT M. RUDWICKElliott M. Rudwick, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Social Welfare, Florida State University,Tallahasse. Professor Rudwick has been interested in for some years and has written on problemsrelating to race relationships. In addition to his teaching in the field of Social Welfare he is responsiblefor police science courses in the Division of Correction and in the March-April 1960 issue of thisJournal discussed the problem of police work and the Negro.-EDITOR.For many years, there was hardly a handful ofNegroes working in the South as police officers.Prior to 1921, Negroes were employed on thepolice forces of only approximately ten Southerncities-among them Baltimore, Knoxville, Mem-phis, Wheeling, Tampa, Galveston, Austin, andHouston. By 1924 Washington, Louisville, andBeaumont were added.2 As the years passed, asmall number of Southern communities joined theranks, but by 1940, the number of Negro police-men in the entire region was probably not muchover fifty.3 This figure was especially minute,considering that according to the 1940 census,over three-fourths of the nearly thirteen millionAmerican Negroes lived in the South. Further-more, among the states with the largest Negropopulations-Mississippi, South Carolina, Lou-isiana, Georgia, and Alabama-there was not evenone Negro policemen.4Colored neighborhoods were inadequately pa-trolled by whites, whose methods were oftenharsh and not infrequently brutal. If their presencewas on occasion intolerable, their absence wassomethimes worse, and many a Southern Negroneighborhood was "left practically without policeprotection".5 Colored leaders were resentful andmade polite requests for the employment of police-men from their own race. They were not onlymotivated by a desire to see their lives andproperty protected, but they were also humiliatedby the implication that Negroes had not yetI MONROE N. WORK, Ed., NEGRO YEAR BOOK,1921-22 (Tuskegee, 1922), p. 47.2MONROE N. WORK, Ed., NEGRO YEAR BOOK,1925-26, (Tuskegee, 1925), p. 58.'Letter to the writer, August 4, 1959 from Mrs.Ed. A. Albright of the Research Department, SouthernRegional Council.4 GuNAR MxnA,, AN A1mERcAN Dnm~xm (NewYork, 1944), p. 543.5 Ibid., p. 542.reached a cultural- stage of being able to bearresponsibility for at least part of their law enforce-ment needs.However, many white politicians were convincedthat the suggestion "just wouldn't work". Forexample, among reasons given in Greensboro(North Carolina) and Atlanta were that themorale of white police officers would be impairedand many would quit, that local Negroes did notseem intellectually or morally capable, and thatthe fabric of "Southern tradition" should not betorn away.6 Was this obeisance to the past ademonstration of white public opinion adamantlyunited against the idea of Negro policemen orhad municipal officials merely rationalized for alack of imagination and a failure to accuratelygauge the more enlightened mood of their con-stituents? Gunnar Myrdal, the Swedish sociologistwho studied American race relations in the early1940's believed that white people in many Southerncities "would tolerate" the employment of trainedNegro patrolmen, but that "local politicians andthe public institutions lag behind the pos-sibilities."7As long as Southern Negroes possessed nopolitical influence, they had little bargainingpower. In 1940, there were probably not morethan 250,000 colored people in the South whowere allowed to vote, and most of these couldcast their ballots only in "meaningless generalelections". s However, as a result of wartimedemocratic propaganda, improved economic con-ditions, and the increase in urbanization, amongother factors, the number of registered Negroes in6"Race and Law Enforcement", NEW Sourx,February, 1952, pp. 12-13.CHANGING PATTERNs IN TE NEW SouT (Atlanta,1955), p. 29.7MyRDAL, op. Cit., p. 545.8 CHANGING PATRNS IN THE NEW SouT, op. cit.,p. 12.ELLIOTT M. RUDWICKtwelve Southern states grew to about 650,000 in1947 and an estimated one million by 1950.The Negroes' emerging political influence wasprobably the most important factor which led tothe increased use of Negro law enforcement officersduring World War II and in the post-war period.For the first time local Negro leaders, pointing toexpanding registration lists, gained attention andsympathetic consideration from city officials. Incity after city, Negro organizations such as thePan-Hellenic Council of Charleston, the Talla-hassee Civic League, and the West Palm BeachVoters League wrote letters and signed petitions.Frequently, they allied themselves with liberalwhites who were interested in harmonious racerelations and had formed local interracial com-mittees. Not only did these groups work together,but they frequently broadened their base of in-fluence by seeking the endorsement of prominentwhite organizations, such as the Chamber ofCommerce (as in Atlanta), the Woman's Auxiliaryof the Protestant Episcopal Church (as in Charles-ton),9 and the local newspaper (as in the case ofthe PALm BEACH POST).Practical help was given by the SouthernRegional Council, a bi-racial organization desirousof improving living conditions in the South. Eachyear the Council surveyed the region and compiledreports on the number of Southern cities employ-ing Negro policemen, the manner in which cam-paigus were conducted locally to bring about thischange, and testimonials of leading city officialsconcerning the effectiveness of the new law en-forcement officers. This material was regularlypublished in the Southern Regional Council'smonthly bulletin, NEW SoUTH, and there is nodoubt that this magazine became the inspiration,guidance, and support of many local groups. Grad-ually, the regional surveys began to indicate somedegree of success. In 1945, the Nzw SouTHreported 134 Negro men and women working forpolice departments; in 1950, the number hadincreased to over 425, and by 1954, over 800.(See Table I.)From the very beginning, many Southern citieswhich hired Negro policemen regarded the in-novation as an "experiment"--as a venture whichdemanded cautious and careful preparation andtreatment. This deliberative approach actuallyinsured the success of the project. The fear of9For Charleston illustration see, John A. Harris,"How Charleston Got Negro Policemen", NEw SouTn,September-October, 1950, pp. 7-8.TABLE IINCREASE IN NEGRO POLICE IN THE SOUTH,1945-195410,StatesEm-ploy-,ng9101011121313131313Cities Employing2942415462778296 Cities6 Counties112 Cities18 Counties143 Cities22 CountiesUni-formedPolice-men131*208*196248301369381471545618Plain-clothesPolice-men2523334144608792Police-women3578717185090112* Includes both uniformed and plainclothes police-men.These figures are intended to give the reader someknowledge of the growth pattern; they are not com-plete, since some cities did not respond to the question-naires and smaller communities were not included inthe study.possible repercussions caused civic officials to asklocal Negro organizations to act as screeningboards and recommend only young men of highcharacter and intelligence. Much greater care wasgiven to the selection of Negro policemen than ofwhite policemen, and the result was that in manycommunities colored recruits were more educatedand intelligent than their white counterparts.(For example, in 1947 the six Negro patrolmenin Greensboro, North Carolina, were college men.)Once appointed to the force, the Negroes fre-quently received more adequate recruit trainingthan the whites. These courses were often con-ducted by the top personnel in the department.(For example, in Tallahassee, Florida, the chiefpersonally taught the course.)For practical purposes, Southern police depart-ments have usually restricted Negro officers topatrolling Negro neighborhoods and arrestingcolored offenders. Only on an emergency basis dothey generally work in white districts. Conse-quently, they come in contact with few whiteoffenders, and especially in smaller cities, theseare not arrested except in unusual circumstances.10 CHANGING PATTERNS IN THE NEW SOUTH, op.cit., p. 35.[Vol. 5iTHE NEGRO POLICEMAN IN THE SOUTHThe Negro patrolman "holds" a white stispectuntil a white patrolman appears and takes over.(This procedure is used even in some larger citiessuch as Nashville, Tampa, Miami, Savannah,Macon, Mobile, Charlotte, and Little Rock.) Yetmany police chiefs are sufficiently practical to befrightened by the very notion of a white felonpassing the time of day with a colored policemanon a busy street corner-until the arrival of asquad car driven by a person of the appropriatecolor. In recognizing this factor of danger, someadministrators have permitted Negro law enforce-ment officers to arrest white felons but not whitemisdemeanants-the latter may only be arrestedby whites.Such restrictions in authority do not stem froma legal foundation; rather they are rooted incustom. They exist because of fears that Negroeswill become "uppity" if placed in positions ofpower over white people. Vocal opponents of theintroduction of colored police were somewhatpacified by these procedures. The limitations, how-ever, while a sop to the folkways of the past, areby no means universal in the South. In Richmond,"Negro police are police officers. They have thesame authority as any other police officer. Theyarrest white offenders, transport them to the lock-up, and testify against them in court." In NewportNews, Virginia, "Race is not considered when alaw is violated, regardless of whether the officeris white or Negro." In Galveston, "There is nodiscrimination in making arrests. If a Negroofficer makes a call and whites are involved hecan make the arrest. We do not have any troublewith our Negro officers and have not had anycases where they have tried to overstep theirauthority as an officer just because they areNegroes." (The quotations are replies to a recentquestionnaire sent by the writer.)In the South, there are not many Negro lawenforcement officers who have reached a rankabove patrolman. Since most Negroes have joinedthe force within the past decade, limitation inpromotions should hardly be surprising. Yet, therehzas been improvement in rank in some com-munities. For example, until 1955, the higheststatus attained by Negroes in Miami was patrol-man first class. Now there are several sergeants.There are currently at least .two Southern citieswhich employ colored men as lieutenants-Daytona Beach, Florida*, and Louisville, Ken-* The Daytona Beach lieutenant retired October1, 1959.tucky. It is interesting to observe that "the scarcityof Negro police promotions" is not confined to theSouth-it is nationwide."What have been the results of hiring Negropolicemen in the South? White community leadershave been highly gratified. A decade ago, theMayor of Nashville said, "Any city with a sub-stantial Negro population cannot really affordto be without Negro policemen on its force." 2The Southern Regional Council conducted asurvey in 1953 and found "almost universal satis-faction.. .among police officials."" The policechief of Louisville stated, "Negro policemen havebeen of great value in combating any accusationof discrimination or mistreatment of the coloredpeople by white officers." The police chief ofMiami noted in 1951, "In the seven years sincethe first of our Negro officers was sworn in, crimesof violence in our Negro communities have beenreduced by about 50 percent. 1 4With the passage of time, some of the objectionsand reservations of white patrolmen have beenovercome. James Ball, in his excellent Floridastudy, has commented upon the white officers'fears of losing social status when Negro officerswere hired. In his notes on Belle Glade, a smallcity in South Florida, he observed: 15The opposition to Negro policemen byabout two-thirds of the other policemen inthe department was a major problem at first.One difficulty was quickly solved when itbecame apparent that there would be discordover how white and Negro policemen shouldaddress each other. They were told by thechief to address each other as "officer" or bythe rank held. The intradepartmental feelinggradually disappeared in a few months as thewhite officers found that the Negro patrolmendid not try to take social advantage of them.Other reasons for the acceptance &f Negropolicemen in the department can be attributedto the fact that: white policemen were relievedof the threat of civil rights cases from Negro11 WLIAM m. KEPHART, RACIAL FACTORS ANDURBAN LAW ENFORCEm=NT (Philadelphia, 1957),p. 138.2"Employment of Negro Policemen in SouthernTowns and Cities", NEw SoumTH, September, 1948,p. 8 .13 "Negro Police in the South, 1953", NEW Souna.October-November, 1953, pp. 7-8.14 NEW SouTH, November, 1951, p. 7.15 J as A. BALL, III, A SruDY Or NEGRO POLICE-MEN N SELECTD FLORmA MUNICIPALITIES, 1954,Master of Science thesis, Florida State University,pp. 100-101.19601ELLIOTT H. RUDWICKcitizens; Negro patrolmen handled most of theannoying minor cases, such as drunkennesssand public indecency, in the Negro section;and, white policemen developed an apprecia-tion for the position of the Negro patrolmenas a result of being subjected to the samedifficulties and dangers in performing policeduties together.Negro community leaders feel vindicated andpoint out that their neighborhoods are now less"rowdy", with fewer assault, profanity, and drunk-enness cases. ("Before we got Negro policemen,East Market Street was so dangerous you didn'tdare walk down it with your wife. Now the streetis unimaginably changed. You don't even hearbad language any more.")However, Southern Negroes are far from unani-mous in their attitudes toward colored patrolmen.One of the most interesting findings in Ball'sFlorida study was the observation that "lowerclass" Negroes prefer white policemen to coloredpolicemen.1 6 These poorer, uneducated people,when they need help, frequently ask that a whiteman be sent. They constantly complain aboutthe severe, dictatorial conduct of colored officers.When arrested by a white man they often pleadguilty, but when a colored patrolman makes thearrest, they not infrequently plead not guilty.What generates this hostility when members oftheir own race are in positions of authority?Possibly these "lower class" people have beenconditioned by tradition to readily accept onlywhite authority. Perhaps Negro officers areresented precisely because they are performingtheir jobs well. They know their neighborhoodsthoroughly and are aware of who creates thedisorders. They work full time in the coloredcommunity and are less likely to overlook certaintypes of violations (such as drunkenness), the waywhite lawmen often do.Yet there is also a possibility that Negro police-men are actually more severe with colored of-fenders. If this is the case, it would be quiteironic, since one of the reasons Negroes wereadded to the force was to combat the charge thatcolored people were being roughly handled bywhite officers. Dr. William Kephart comparedIs Ibid., pp. 76-77.attitudes of white and Negro patrolmen in Phila-delphia and made the following notation whichmay have relevance in the present discussion:"7Although most white patrolmen admit theyare more strict with Negro than with whiteoffenders, Negro patrolmen maintain thatwhite patrolmen are not unduly strict withcolored violators. The logical interpretationis that the Negro policeman, himself, is stricterwith Negro than with white offenders, and byhis own standards the actions of white police-men against Negro offenders do not appearto be unduly severe.Professor Kephart found that the PhiladelphiaNegro law enforcement officers, disturbed by thehigh arrest rates among colored people, werefilled with moral indignation against those whowere damaging the reputation of the race. How-ever, this same reaction of infuriation did notcharacterize the colored officers' dealings withthe white lawbreaker. Perhaps this manifestationof righteous indignation may also be operatingamong Southern Negro policemen. Certainly, thecharge of undue harshness requires further in-vestigation.The introduction of Negroes on Southern policeforces has not come about without a struggle.There have been many obstacles and many pettydiscriminations. It is a long way from the 1930's,for example, when Louisville Negro patrolmenwere not permitted to return home wearing theiruniforms. (Now these men have gained increasingrecognition; Louisville boasts a colored lieutenantwho is presently on leave of absence in Liberia,setting up a training program for officers of thatcountry.) But even today in some communities,Negroes are not allowed access to the headquartersbuilding. Their presence is sometimes unwelcomewhen the department sponsors a short in-servicetraining institute designed to improve the skillsof the force. Nevertheless, since the end of WorldWar II, Southern Negroes in law enforcement havemade impressive strides. If they maintain theirenthusiasm, combined with an objective under-standing approach, the future should see theirexpansion and advancement.17 K YEpHART, Op. Cit., p. 164.[Vol. 51

The Negro Policeman in the South

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The Negro Policeman in the South

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