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76-THE RESIDUALThe Ethics of FaceTHE RESIDUALEtika lica--A RTIK IŞL ER COL L EC TI V E -77Devedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća neka od urbanih središta Istanbula bila su prolazna područja za migrante, neregistrirane osobe i izbjeglice. Osobito je četvrt Tarlabaşı u osnovi bila dom za kurdske obitelji prisilnih migranata iz Anatolije, radnike iz crnomorske regije i druge građane neriješenog statusa u nesigurnom radnom odnosu. Afrički izbjeglice i neregistrirane osobe uglavnom su boravili u stanovima gdje je i po nekoliko obitelji živjelo skučeno po malenim sobama. Žene su radile ilegalno u manufakturama odjeće, izložene visokom stupnju izrabljivanja. Bolesnim izbjeglicama bio je uskraćen pristup liječenju, tamnnopute žene maltretirane su u javnosti, a izbjeglice su obilježavani kao zločinci. Bili su to uobičajeni društveni prizori na ulicama. U to vrijeme u Turskoj nije bilo službenih izbjegličkih logora i sve neregistrirane osobe nastojale su se domoći nekog logora u Bugarskoj ili Grčkoj (Patrasu) preko švercera ljudima. Afrički izbjeglice bili su nevidljivi u istanbulskim urbanim sredinama. Jednom prigodom netko mi je rekao kako je Tarlabaşı izbjeglički logor, geto zatvoren unutar nevidljivih zidova, i kako je sretan što je ondje.Godina je 2014. Ponoć je i putujem noćnim autobusom iz Antiohije za Cizre-Nusaybin. Pet bosonogih sirijskih žena trči za autobusom s desetero djece različitih starosti i uspijevaju se popeti. Pobjegle su iz Homsa tijekom napada, prešle granicu i domogle se Antiohije; možda će ih izbjeglički logor u Nusaybinu primiti. Godina je 2015. i sedamnaestogodišnji sirijski izbjeglica po imenu Mohammed prati me do mojeg sveučilišnog odjela kako bismo mu pronašli prenoćište na dva dana prije nego što ga deportiraju natrag u Siriju preko granice u blizini grada Mardina. Nemoćni upravitelj mardinske postaje za prihvat stranih migranata preopterećen je novim pridošlicama i nema pojma kamo bi smjestio mladića. Mohammed je upravo stigao iz Istanbula, gdje je tražio posao na trgu Taksim nakon što je uspio pobjeći iz Homsa te ući u Tursku preko granice blizu Antiohije. Obitelj mu je u Siriji i nadaju se kako se spasio i kako će moći nastaviti studij. Sada će ga vratiti u Siriju i morat će se priključiti vojsci, jer to će biti jedini način da preživi. U međuvremenu obitelj mojeg studenta arhitekture planira čamcem prijeći iz Izmira na otok Hij. Sporazum između Turske i Europske unije od 18. ožujka 2016. nastoji spriječiti ulazak izbjeglica i migranata u Europu; trenutačno se očekuje da će Grčka poslati svakoga tko uđe u zemlju natrag u Tursku. EU namjerava isplatiti tri milijarde eura Turskoj kako bi se poboljšali uvjeti boravka za izbjeglice i migrante. Sporazum također definira Tursku i Grčku kao tampon-zone koje će apsorbirati humanitarnu katastrofu. Čovjek bježi, trči i preživljava. Prelazi s jednog teritorija na drugi; prolazi kroz fluidne granice, ostavlja za sobom prošlost, priprema se za „buduće” boravište. Trenutačno postoji 2 715 789 registriranih sirijskih izbjeglica u Turskoj i 25 organiziranih izbjegličkih logora, koje je izgradio AFAD. Ti logori uglavnom su izgrađeni 2012. i In the 1990s, some of the urban centers of Istanbul served as passageways for undocumented migrants and refugees. Especially the Tarlabaşı district, which was basically the home of Kurdish families of forced migrants from Anatolia, workers from the Black Sea region and other precarious citizens whose working conditions were insecure. African refugees and the undocumented migrants usually lived in one flat with several families squeezed into small rooms. Women worked under illegal conditions of textile workshops where they underwent high labor exploitation. Denying refugee patients access to hospitals, harassing black women in public, and labeling refugees as criminals were common social practices. Official refugee camps did not exist at that time in Turkey, and all undocumented people were trying to get to a camp in Bulgaria or Greece (Patras) through human smugglers. African refugees were invisible in urban places in Istanbul. On one occasion, one of them told me that Tarlabaşı is a refugee camp, a ghetto that is enclosed with invisible walls and that he was happy to be there.It is 2014. It is midnight and I am getting on the night bus from Antioch to Cizre-Nusaybin. Five barefoot Syrian women are running with ten children of different age, catching the bus. They did run out from Homs under attack and crossed the border to Antioch; maybe Nusaybin camp will host them. It is 2015. A 17-year-old Syrian refugee named Mohammed follows me to my department at the university to find a place to sleep for two days before he will be deported to Syria from the border of the Mardin city region. The helpless director of Mardin’s foreign migrant station is overloaded with new arrivals and has no idea where to place this young man. Mohammed has just come from Istanbul where he searched for a job in Taksim Square after managing to escape from Homs by entering Turkey via the Antioch border. His family in Syria is hoping he will be safe and able to continue his studies. Now he will be returned to Syria to join the military as a soldier, since this will be his only way of surviving. Meanwhile, the family of my architecture student is planning to take the boat from İzmir to Chios. The 18 March EU-Turkey Agreement seeks to prevent the entry of refugees and migrants to Europe; at the moment, it is expected that Greece will send back to Turkey anyone who enters. The EU intends to pay three billion Euros to Turkey in order to improve the conditions for refugees and migrants. The agreement also defines Turkey and Greece as the buffer zones for absorbing the humanitarian disaster. People are escaping, running and surviving. Moving from territory to territory; drifting from one fluid border to another, leaving the past behind, craving for the “coming” dwelling. Currently, there are 2,715,789 registered Syrian refugees in Turkey and 25 camps organized and built by AFAD. These camps were mostly constructed in 2012 and 2013. Other types of camps are self-organized temporary dwellings that are managed by local 78PRATEĆI TRAGOVE: DNEVNIK THE RESIDUAL BR. 1„JEDNA OD POSTAJA NA ZEMLJOVIDU MIGRACIJE JEST SOLUN. GRČKA VLADA POČELA JE EVAKUIRATI IZBJEGLIČKI LOGOR IDOMENI UZ MAKEDONSKU GRANICU RANO UJUTRO 24. SVIBNJA. DOZNALI SMO DA ĆE 8000 MIGRANATA BITI SMJEŠTENO U SUSJEDNE VOJNE LOGORE, A NJIHOV BROJ JOŠ UVIJEK RASTE. OVIH DANA TEŠKO JE STUPITI U DODIR S LOGOROM. PREMA INFORMACIJAMA KOJE SMO DOBILI OD POKRETA SOLIDARNOSTI I VOLONTERSKIH SKUPINA U GRADU, NIJE DOPUŠTEN NIKAKAV PRISTUP LOGORU. ZABRANJENO JE SNIMATI. U OBLIŽNJIM IZBJEGLIČKIM LOGORIMA NALAZI SE 10-20 000 MIGRANATA. PRISUSTVOVALI SMO SASTANKU ORGANIZACIJE NO BORDER CAMP U ORFANOTROFEIJU. ONDJE 100 MIGRANATA BORAVI U NEKADAŠNJOJ ZGRADI SIROTIŠTA, KOJU JE NAKON NJEGOVA ZATVARANJA ZAPOSJEO POKRET SOLIDARNOSTI. ORTONOTROFEIO SE NALAZI U STAROJ ČETVRTI GDJE SU ŽIVJELI GRCI KOJI SU BILI PRISILJENI NAPUSTITI TURSKU POČETKOM 20. STOLJEĆA.U SKVOTU POSTOJI MNOGO PROSTORIJA: ZAJEDNIČKA KUHINJA, KNJIŽNICA, KAFETERIJA U IZGRADNJI, IGRALIŠTE ZA DJECU. NUDE SE TEČAJEVI GRČKOG, NJEMAČKOG I ENGLESKOG. POSTOJE GLASINE DA BI U GRAD MOGLO DOĆI JOŠ MIGRANATA NAKON ŠTO SE ZATVORI LOGOR IDOMENI. RASPRAVLJA SE O PROŠIRENJU POKRETA SOLIDARNOSTI I SVI SE SLAŽU DA BI SKVOTOVE U GRADU TREBALO OTVORITI ZA MIGRANTE.OKO MIGRACIJE SE RAZVILA AKTIVNA INDUSTRIJA I PRIPADNICI POKRETA SOLIDARNOSTI ŽALE SE ZBOG TOGA. NEVLADINE ORGANIZACIJE, MEĐUNARODNE TVRTKE I ŠVERCERI LJUDIMA GLAVNI SU AKTERI TOG NOVOG PRIVREDNOG SEKTORA. U SREDIŠTU GRADA NEMA MJESTA ZA MIGRANTE, A U GRČKOJ NEMA NI MOGUĆNOSTI ZAPOŠLJAVANJA, BUDUĆI DA SE ZEMLJA JOŠ UVIJEK BORI S EKONOMSKOM KRIZOM. IZ TIH RAZLOGA MIGRANTI SU U GRADU NEVIDLJIVI. ZAPITALI SMO MIGRANTE KOJI SU PREŠLI GRANICU IZ TURSKE U GRČKU O UVJETIMA U TIM DVJEMA ZEMLJAMA. ODGOVORILI SU KAKO SU U TURSKOJ MOGLI PRONAĆI POSAO, ALI NISU ŽELJELI ONDJE OSTATI. U GRČKOJ PAK NEMAJU IZVORA PRIHODA JER NEMA POSLA. NO POKRET SOLIDARNOSTI U GRČKOJ SNAŽAN JE I PODRŽAVA IH, IAKO JE TA ZEMLJA ZA NJIH TEK TRANZITNO PODRUČJE...”|TRACING THE FOOTSTEPS: A DIARY OF THE RESIDUAL I“ONE OF THE STATIONS ON THE MAP OF MIGRATION IS THESSALONIKI. GREEK GOVERNMENT STARTED TO EVACUATE THE IDOMENI CAMP NEAR THE MACEDONIAN BORDER EARLY IN THE MORNING ON MAY 24. WE HEARD THE NEWS THAT 8,000 MIGRANTS WOULD BE SETTLED IN THE NEIGHBORING MILITARY CAMPS, AND NOW THIS NUMBER IS INCREASING. THESE DAYS, IT IS HARD TO ESTABLISH ANY COMMUNICATION WITH THE CAMP. ACCORDING TO THE INFORMATION WE RECEIVED FROM THE SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT AND VOLUNTEER GROUPS IN THE CITY, ALL ACCESS IS DENIED. NO RECORDING IS ALLOWED. THERE ARE 10-20 000 MIGRANTS IN THE CAMPS NEARBY. WE TOOK PART IN THE MEETING OF NO BORDER CAMP IN ORFANOTROFEIO. THERE ARE 100 MIGRANTS STAYING IN AN OLD ORPHANAGE HOUSE WHICH WAS SQUATTED BY THE SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT AFTER IT WAS CLOSED. ORTONOTROFEIO IS IN THE OLD NEIGHBORHOOD WHERE GREEK PEOPLE LIVED AFTER THEY WERE FORCED TO MIGRATE FROM TURKEY IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY. THERE ARE MANY ROOMS IN THE SQUAT: A SHARED KITCHEN, A LIBRARY, A CAFE UNDER CONSTRUCTION, AND A PLAYGROUND FOR CHILDREN. GREEK, GERMAN, AND ENGLISH COURSES ARE OFFERED. THERE WERE RUMORS THAT NEW MIGRANTS MIGHT COME TO TOWN WHEN THE CAMP IDOMENI IS CLOSED. THERE ARE DISCUSSIONS ABOUT ENLARGING THE SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT, AND EVERYBODY AGREES THAT THE SQUATS IN TOWN SHOULD BE OPENED TO THE MIGRANTS. THERE IS AN ACTIVE MIGRATION INDUSTRY AND THE PEOPLE IN THE SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT ARE COMPLAINING ABOUT IT. NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS, INTERNATIONAL COMPANIES, AND HUMAN SMUGGLERS ARE THE MAIN FIGURES IN THIS NEW ECONOMIC SECTOR. THERE ARE NO PLACES FOR THE MIGRANTS IN THE CENTER OF THE CITY, THERE ARE NO JOB OPPORTUNITIES IN GREECE AS IT IS STILL STRUGGLING WITH THE ECONOMIC CRISIS. FOR THESE REASONS, THE MIGRANTS ARE INVISIBLE IN THE CITY. WE ASKED MIGRANTS THAT HAD CROSSED THE BORDERS FROM TURKEY TO GREECE ABOUT THE CONDITIONS IN BOTH COUNTRIES. THEY SAID THAT THEY COULD FIND JOBS, BUT DID NOT WANT TO STAY IN TURKEY. IN GREECE, THEY ARE BROKE, JOBLESS. BUT THE SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT IN GREECE IS STRONG AND SUPPORTS THEM. EVEN THOUGH THIS PLACE IS A TRANSIT AREA FOR THEM…”.KAO DIO VIDEOISTRAŽIVANJA KOJE SU PROVELI ÖZGE ÇELIKASLAN I ALPER ŞEN, ČLANOVI KOLEKTIVA ARTIKIŞLER, VIDEO THE RESIDUAL PRATI PRIČE, PROSTORE, KOLEKTIVNE RAZMJENE I ISKUSTVA KOJA POTIČU ZAJEDNIŠTVO. „UMJESTO DA SNIMAMO NOVE SLIKE NA OVOM PUTOVANJU, VAŽNO NAM JE PRIKUPITI SLIKE KOJE SU SNIMILI SAMI MIGRANTI.” ISTRAŽIVAČKA TRASA ZAPOČINJE U ROJAVI (KOBANIJU) I NASTAVLJA SE KROZ URFA-SURUÇ, ANKARU, ISTANBUL, EGEJSKU OBALU, GRČKE OTOKE, ATENU, SOLUN I BALKAN SVE DO BERLINA. SUDIONICI U PROJEKTU VODILI SU DNEVNIK PUTOVANJA, UKLJUČUJUĆI OPSERVACIJE I BILJEŠKE SA SASTANAKA THE RESIDUAL U SOLUNU OD 22. DO 25. SVIBNJA 2016.THE RESIDUAL, KOLEKTIV ARTIKIŞLER, 2016.|THE RESIDUAL, ARTIKIŞLER COLLECTIVE, 2016AS A PART OF THE VIDEO RESEARCH CARRIED OUT BY ÖZGE ÇELIKASLAN AND ALPER ŞEN, MEMBERS OF THE ARTIKIŞLER COLLECTIVE, THE RESIDUAL VIDEO RESEARCH TRACES STORIES, SPACES, COLLECTIVE SHARING, COMMON EXPERIENCES. “INSTEAD OF RECORDING NEW IMAGES ON THIS ROUTE IT IS IMPORTANT FOR US TO COLLECT IMAGES THAT WERE RECORDED BY THE MIGRANTS THEMSELVES.” THE RESEARCH ROUTE BEGINS IN ROJAVA, KOBANÉ, AND CONTINUES THROUGH URFA-SURUÇ, ANKARA, İSTANBUL, THE AEGEAN COAST, THE GREEK ISLANDS, ATHENS, THESSALONIKI, BALKANS TO BERLIN. THE PARTICIPANTS IN THE PROJECT KEPT A DIARY OF THEIR TRAVEL, INCLUDING THEIR OBSERVATIONS AND NOTES, FROM THE MEETINGS WITH THE RESIDUAL IN THESSALONIKI FROM MAY 22 TO MAY 25 2016.79802013. godine. Drugi oblici logora uključuju samoorganizirane, privremene nastambe kojima upravljaju lokalne humanitarne skupine i lokalne vlasti. Godine 2013./2014. privremeni izbjeglički logori sa šatorima za zajednice Jazida koje su izbjegle iz Sinjara i Kobanija u Tursku uglavnom su smještane po postojećim zgradama ili u samoorganizirane kampove sa šatorima u okolici Mardina i Suruça. Njihove su začetnice novije kurdske općine, humanitarne skupine i nekoliko međunarodnih nevladinih organizacija, koje održavaju takve nastambe putem politike humanitarne pomoći i diskursa solidarnosti. Većina izbjeglica okupljena je oko obitelji ili klana te pribjegava ad hoc rješenjima u skladu s vlastitim običajima. Tako je novouspostavljeni lokalni autobusni kolodvor u Mardinu smjestio oko šest tisuća izbjeglica iz Sinjara pod upravom općine i humanitarne organizacije. Kuhinju u izbjegličkom logoru vodio je mladić iz vodeće obitelji u zajednici. Lokalni učitelji iz Mardina vodili su kao dobrovoljci školu smještenu u jednom velikom šatoru. Stvaranje takvih životnih formi u svakodnevici privremenog boravišta proširuje nekoliko samoorganiziranih modaliteta kao običajnu praksu. Mnogi migranti koji žive u gradu zauzimaju prazne zgrade ili grade skloništa. Ponekad im građani ponude smještaj. U javnom prostoru Mardina solidarnost se tako iskazuje odozdo, u obliku malenih pučkih kuhinja ili mjesta na kojima se mogu dobiti reciklirana odjeća i druge potrepštine. Takve bismo prakse nazvali „infrastrukturom”: to je infrastruktura koja upravlja zajedničkim dobrom.Druga je granična infrastruktura takozvano Tiho sveučilište,1platforma za razmjenu znanja koja poduku smatra zajedničkim dobrom. Riječ je o autonomnoj platformi za razmjenu gdje podučavaju akademici koji inače ne mogu dijeliti svoje znanje ili vještine s drugima zbog svojeg boravišnog statusa, bilo zato što njihove titule nisu priznate bilo zato što iz nekog drugog razloga više nemaju pristup u akademski svijet. To je autonomna platforma za razmjenu znanja gdje izbjeglice, tražitelji azila i migranti pomažu osobama s istim statusom te kao predavači, stručni savjetnici ili znanstvenici pridonose programu na različite načine – razvijajući tečajeve, vodeći specifična istraživanja o ključnim temama ili pak osobnim razmatranjima o tome što znači biti izbjeglica ili tražitelj azila. Nema mnogo ogranaka Tihog sveučilišta u Europi te nastojimo pokrenuti dodatne ogranke u suradnji s lokalnim aktivistima i umjetnicima: u Ammanu, Ateni i na Lezbosu. Često mislimo da u takvoj nuždi i nevolji izbjeglice imaju druge prioritete kada stignu na odredište ili su na putu. Međutim, na skupovima koje je Tiho sveučilište održalo u izbjegličkim centrima u Ateni i na Lezbosu ispostavilo se da je izbjeglicama potrebna neka vrsta platforme gdje će se moći drugačije izraziti, poput Tihog sveučilišta. Na skupu u atenskom izbjegličkom centru Steki u prosincu 2015. jedan je izbjeglički par, koji je upravo stigao solidarity groups and local administration bodies. In 2013 – 2014, temporary tent camps for Ezidi communities who escaped from Shengal and Kobéne to Turkey were mostly placed in the existing buildings or were self-initiated tent camps around the towns of Mardin and Suruç. Intervening in those dwellings through politics of humanitarian aid and solidarity discourses were the Kurdish municipalities, solidarity groups and several international NGOs. Most refugees were self-organized in tribes and families and were creating ad hoc design solution according to commoning practices. For example, the newly designed local bus station of Mardin hosted around 600 refugees from Shengal and was managed by the municipality and a solidarity organization. The camp’s kitchen was run by the youth of the leading family in the community. Local voluntary teachers ran the school, organized in a big tent from Mardin. Creating such a life in a temporary dwelling broadens several self-organized modalities as the practice of commons. Many migrants live in the town, either in the empty buildings or by securing other forms of shelter. Some citizens lend a helping hand by offering them housing. For example, many solidarity grassroots exist in the public space of Mardin in the form of places which provide food, second-hand clothes and cater to other needs. I call such practices “infrastructure”: infrastructure that operates the commons.Another border infrastructure is The Silent University,1 which is a knowledge exchange platform that enables thinking of other pedagogies as commons. It is an autonomous platform of exchange where the teachers are the academics who cannot share their knowledge and skills due to their status of residence, because their degrees are not recognized or because of other reason due to which they cannot regain access to universities. This is an autonomous knowledge exchange platform by and for refugees, asylum seekers and migrants who as lecturers, consultants and research fellows contribute to the program in different ways – by course development, specific research on key themes, as well as personal reflections on what it means to be a refugee and asylum seeker. There are few established branches of the SU in Europe and we are trying to establish other SUs in Amman, Athens and Lesbos with the help of local activists and artists. We are often lead to believe that the refugees have more pressing priorities upon their arrival. However, the assemblies that the SU organized in Athens and Lesbos refugee centers proved that the refugees need a platform like the SU to voice themselves in a different way. At our Athens assembly, held in December 2015 at Steki refugee center, a refugee couple that had just arrived from Lesbos and was in the process of negotiating their move to Switzerland with human smugglers was able to participate and receive immediate feedback about their concerns.Our everyday life experiences and involvement in refugeehood and 81s Lezbosa i pregovarao sa švercerima ljudi da ih prebace u Švicarsku, poželio u tom kratkom razdoblju sudjelovati na našem skupu.Naša svakodnevna životna iskustva i uključenost u izbjeglištvo i konfliktna područja utječu na naše poimanje univerzuma. Naša će se pedagogija promijeniti, kao i poimanje skloništa, naši će se potezi umjestiti, a kolektivnost će prerasti u potpunu tjelesnu integriranost. ”Lice kao krajnja prekarnost drugoga. Mir kao budnost o prekarnosti drugoga.”21 Osnovao ga je umjetnik Ahmet Öğüt. http://thesilentuniversity.org. 2 Emmanuel Levinas i Richard Kearney, „Dialogue with Emmanuel Levinas”, u: Face to Face with Levinas, Albany, SUNY Press, 1986., 24.conflict-ridden territories influences our perception of the world. Our pedagogies will transform; what we conceive as a dwelling will change; our movements will get embedded, collectiveness to endless corporality. “The face as the extreme precariousness of the other. Peace as awakeness to the precariousness of the other”.21 Initiated by artist Ahmet Öğüt. http://thesilentuniversity.org. 2 Emmanuel Levinas and Richard Kearney, “Dialogue with Emmanuel Levinas,” in: Face to Face with Levinas, Albany, SUNY Press, 1986., 24.

The Residual –The Ethics of Face

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