Voyles, Joseph

English

Hochschulschriftenserver - Universität Frankfurt am Main

 99Z E S Z Y T Y N A U K O W E   UNIWERSYTETU RZESZOWSKIEGO  SERIA FILOLOGICZNA ZESZYT 6/2002   STUDIA ANGLICA RESOVIENSIA 1Joseph VOYLES THE STATUS OF LINEAR B IN THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT GREEK1 In the following we shall summarize the phonological changes from Indo-European into the Attic dialect of Ancient Greek of ca. 200 BC. We have ordered these changes in what we believe to be their relative chronology of occurrence. We shall then attempt to locate the position of Minoan (also called Mycenaean) Linear B Greek within this chronology. The changes  The stages on the time line are ordered. The changes within each stage may have  occurred in  any  order  or be  roughly  simultaneous. We  list  the  changes within each stage in the alphabetical order of our abbreviations of them.   Stage 1 (? ca. 3000 BC).  (1a) Purported reflexes of laryngeals (Laryngeals).  h1, h2, h3 ￿ e, a, o; or ē, ā, ō in various specific environments. E.g., IE 1 sing. pres. *h1esmiʴ ‘I am’ (Laryngeals) > *esmiʴ (3e s-h-Ø below) >Attic Greek ēmiʴ written <eimiʴ>. IE 1 sing. pres.*siʴ+steh2+mi ‘I stand’ (Laryngeals) > *siʴstāmi (3e s-h-Ø) > *hiʴstāmi (6a ā-to-Ē) > Attic Greek hiʴstĒmi.   1  I  want  in  the  single  footnote  to  his  article  to  thank  Professor  Carol  Thomas  of  the University of Washington for welcoming me into her seminar on Linear B Greek during the fall quarter of 2000. Her many historical and pedagogical insights into this stage of the Greek language have made it possible for me to write this paper. The usual exculpations apply: Professor Thomas is in no way responsible for any errors or misinterpretations which may occur in my presentation.  100(1b) Shortening of a vowel before a sonorant consonant plus an obstruent  (Vɸ+Son Shortening). This is sometimes called “Osthoff’s Law”. E.g., IE 3 pl. aorist * eʴ+gnō+nt ‘they knew’ (Vɸ+Son Shortening) > *eʴgnont (2e WF Stop Dele) > Attic Greek eʴgnon.  Stage 2 (date ?).  (2a) Devoicing of the IE voiced aspirated consonants (Aspirate Devoicing). bh, dh, gh, gwh ￿ph, th, kh, kwh. The later change of ph, th, kh to f, θ, x (written < φ, θ, χ >) occurs much later at about 300 AD. E.g., IE 1 sing. pres. *bheʴrō ‘I carry’ (Aspirate  Devoicing)  >  *pheʴrō  (2b ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō)  >  early  Greek  pheʴrō  (later)  > feʴrŌ.  (2b) The change of + tense /ē, ō/ to –tense /Ē, Ō/ (ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō). It is generally assumed that IE closed or +tense /ē, ō/ became more open or –tense /Ē,Ō/  (see on this Atkinson (1952:31)). E.g., IE 1 sing. pres. *dhiʴ+dhē+mi ‘I put’ (2a Aspirate Devoicing) > *thiʴthēmi (2b ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō) > *thiʴthĒmi (7b Grassmann) > Attic Greek tiʴthĒmi.    (2c) A  change  of  /o/  to  /u/  (o-to-u).  This  change  is  sometimes  called “Cowgill’s Law”. Its exact environment is not clear: it seems to apply between a labial consonant and a sonorant consonant. E.g., IE nom. sing. neuter *bhoɴljom ‘leaf’ (2a Aspirate Devoicing) > *phoɴljom (o-to-u) > *phuɴljom (3a C+j Changes) > *phuɴllom (3d m-to-n) > *phuɴllon (6d u(:)-to-y(:)) > Attic Greek phyɴllon.    (2d)  The change of the syllabic sonorant consonants /mʘ, nʘ, lʘ, rʘ/ to /a, am, an, al, la, ar, ra/ in various environments (Syl Son). E.g., IE nom. sing. *gwmʘɴ+t+is ‘a step’ (Syl Son) >*gwaɴtis (4b t-to-s) *gwaɴsis (5a Labiovelars) > Attic Greek baɴsis.    (2e)  Loss of word-final obstruent stops (WF Stop Dele). E.g., IE voc. sing. *paɴwid ‘boy’, *guɴnaik ‘woman’, *waɴnakt ‘prince’ (WF Stop Dele) > *paɴwi, *guɴnai, *waɴna (6d u(:)-to-y(:), 7c w-Dele) > Attic Greek paɴi (written <paiʄ>, i.e. < παiʄɵ>), gyɴnai, aɴna.    (2f) The word-stress rule (Word Stress). This rule essentially retains the IE word stress except in  those well-defined instances where it must be moved to  101the  right.    E.g.,  IE  2  pl.  imperf.  *eɴ+leikw+ete  ‘you  left’  (Word  Stress)  > *eleiʴkwete (5a Labiovelars) > Attic Greek eleiʴpete. Stage 3 (date ?).  (3a)  Changes of a consonant followed by /j/ (C+j changes). t(h)j ￿ ss, p(h)j ￿ pt, k(w) (h)j  ￿  ss,  g(w)j  or  dj ￿ dz,  lj  ￿  ll,  mj  ￿  nj  (all of which if preceded by a sonorant segment  or  if  word-initial).  E.g., IE nom. sing. masc. adj. *meɴdhjos  ‘middle’  (2a Aspirate Devoicing) > *meɴthjos (C+j Changes) > early Attic Greek meɴssos, later meɴsos.    (3b)  Changes  in  word-initial  /j/  (##j-Changes).  j  ￿  h  and  sometimes  dz word-initially. E.g., IE nom. sing. masc. *joɴs  ‘who’  and  nom. sing. neuter *jugoɴm  ‘yoke’ (##j-Changes) > *hoɴs and dzugoɴm (3d m-to-n, 6d u(:)-to-y(:)) > Attic Greek hoɴs and dzygoɴn written < zygoɴn > = <Zυgoɴv>.   (3c)  Metathesis  of  VCj/w  to  Vj/wC  (j/w-Metathesis).  E.g.,  IE  *moɴrja ‘part’ (j/w-Metathesis) > *moɴjra = Attic Greek moiɵra; IE gen. sing. *gonw+ oɴs ‘knee’ (j/w-Metathesis) > *gownoɴs = Attic Greek gounoɴs.    (3d)  The    change    of    word-final    /m/    to    /n/    (m-to-n).  E.g.,  see  the derivation of IE *bhoɴljom ‘leaf’ under 2c o-to-u above.  (3e)  The  changes  of  /s/  to  /h/  and  its  eventual  conditioned  disappearance  (s-h-Ø). E.g., IE 1 sing. pres. *seɴghō ‘I have’ (2a Aspirate Devoicing) > *seɴkhō (2b ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō) > *seɴkhŌ  (s-h-Ø) > *heɴkhŌ (7b Grassmann) > Attic Greek eɴkhŌ.    Stage 4 (date ?).  (4a)  Insertion  of  word-initial  “prothetic”  vowels  (Prothesis).  The  exact formulation of this change is not clear. An approximate formulation is that /a, e, o/ are inserted – perhaps optionally – word-initially before /r, l, m, n, or w/ followed by a vowel.  E.g., IE 1 sing. pres. *meɴlgō  ‘I milk’  and  the  nom.  sing.  masc.  adj. *rudhroɴs  ‘red’  (2a  Aspirate  Devoicing) > *meɴlgō  and  *ruthroɴs  (2b ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō) > *meɴlgŌ  and  *ruthroɴs (Prothesis)  >  *ameɴlgŌ  and *eruthroɴs (6d u(:) to-y (:)) > Attic Greek ameɴlgŌ and erythroɴs.     102(4b)  The change of /t/ to /s/ before a high vowel or word-initially before /w/ (t-to-s). E.g., IE *gwmʘɴtis ‘step’ > Attic Greek as derived under 2d Syl Son above.  Stage 5  (date given below).  (5a)  Changes in the labiovelars (Labiovelars). The basic change is /kw, kwh, gw/ ￿ (a) /t, th, d/  before  /e(:)  or  i(:)/,  (b) /p, ph, b/ before /a(:) or o(:)/  and  (c) /k, kh, g/ before /u(:)/. E.g., IE *kwiʴs ‘who’ (Labiovelars) > Attic Greek tiʴs, IE 1 sing. pres. *seɴkwomai ‘I follow’ (3e s-h-Ø) > *heɴkwomai (Labiovelars) > Attic Greek heɴpomai.  (5b)  Changes  in  the  sequence  /Vns/  (Vns-Changes).  The  sequence  /Vns/ changes to /Vɸs, Vs or Vɸn/  in  specific  environments. E.g.,  IE acc. pl. masc. *toɴns ‘those, them’ (Vns-Changes) > Attic Greek tōɴs, written < Toυɵs >.  (5c)  Various  vowel-sequence  contractions  (V-Contraction).  E.g.,  earlier Greek 1 pl. pres. ind. tīmaɴomen ‘we honor’ (V-Contraction) > later Attic Greek tīmOɷɵmen.    Stage 6 (400-200 BC).  (6a) The conditioned change of /ā/ to open /Ē/ (ā-to-Ē). This change occurs in Attic and Ionic, but not in Doric. E.g., IE *māɴtēr ‘mother’ (2b ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō) > *māɴtĒr (ā-to-Ē) > Attic mĒɴtĒr vs. Doric māɴtĒr.  (6b)  Changes  in  consonant  clusters  (C-Cl  Changes).  There  are  several  of these, such as IE nom. sing. neuter *oɴkwmnʘt ‘eye’ (2d Syl Son) > * oɴkwmat (2e WF Stop Dele) > * oɴkwma (5a Labiovelars) > * opma (C-Cl Changes whereby pm ￿ mm) > Attic Greek oɴmma.  (6c)  Conditioned  shortening  of  certain  IE  long  diphthongs  (Diph Shortening). E.g., IE nom. sing. *nāɴus ‘ship’, *gwōɴus ‘ox’ (5a Labiovelars) > *nāɴus and *bōɴus (Diph Shortening) >Attic Greek naɴus <nauʄs> and bous <bouʄs>.   (6d)  The  change  of  /u(:)/  to  /y(:)/  (u(:)-to-y(:)).  See  the  derivation  of  IE *jugoɴm ‘yoke’ to Attic Greek dzygoɴn under 3b ##j-Changes above. Stage 7 (400-200 BC).   103(7a)  The  change  of  /ei,  ou/  to  /ē,  ō/  (ei/ou-to-ē/ō).  E.g.,  IE  nom.  sing. *spoudāɴ ‘speed’ (6a ā-to-Ē) > spoudĒɴ (ei/ou-to-ē/ō) > Attic Greek spōdĒɴ, spelled <spoudēʴ>.  (7b)  Grassmann’s Law (Grassmann). Aspirated consonants are deaspirated when  preceding  one  or  more  sonorant  segments  plus  another  aspirated consonant. E.g., IE 1 sing. pres. *bheɴidhō  ‘I persuade’ (2a Aspirate Devoicing)  >  *pheɴithō  (2b ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō)  *pheɴithŌ  (2f Word Stress) *pheiʴthŌ (Grassmann) > Attic Greek peiʴthŌ.  (7c)  Conditioned deletion of /j/ and /w/ (j/w-Deletion). This occurs in several environments, particularly between vowels. E.g., IE nom. sing. neuter *dweɴjos ‘fear’ (j/w-Deletion) > Attic Greek deɴos.  Stage 8 (200 BC).  (8a)  Addition of /h/ word-initially before /r or y(:)/ (h-Addition). IE Ø-grade ablaut  *wɴdōr  ‘water’  =  *uɴɴdōr  (2b  ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō,  6d  u(:)-to-y(:))  >  *yɴdŌr  (h-Addition) > Attic Greek hyɴdŌr.  (8b)  Vowel  shortening  and  quantitative  metathesis  (V-Shorteninng/Q-Metathesis). E.g., early Greek gen. pl. basilĒɴ+Ōn ‘king’ (V-Shortening) > later Attic basileɴŌn; early gen. sing. nĒ+oɴs ‘ship’ (Q-Metathesis) > later Attic neŌɴs. The relative chronologies  We have arrived at the above chronologies through a consideration of (a) the written records such as the occurrence of /j/ and /w/ in Homeric texts, which  indicates  that  7c  j/w-Deletion  is  comparatively  late; and (b) the linguistic evidence. Some examples of the latter type of evidence are these. In view of the limited extent  of  the    present    article,    we    cite    only    a    few    examples    of    our  methodology:  (i)  2a  Aspirate Devoicing  must  precede  7b  Grassmann:  IE  1  sing.    pres.    *dhuɴbhō    ‘smoke’    (2a    Aspirate  Devoicing)    >    *thuɴphō  (7b Grassmann, ev.)  > Attic Greek tyɴphŌ. If the sequence had been 7b Grassmann  >  2a Aspirate Devoicing, the Attic Greek form would be  **dyɴphŌ.  (ii) 3e s-h-Ø  104must precede 4b t-to-s: IE *dōɴ+t+is ‘gift’ (4b t-to-s, ev.) > Attic Greek dŌʄsis.  If the sequence had been 4b t-to-s > 3e s-h-Ø, the Attic Greek form would be **dŌʄis. (iii) Some changes such as 7a ei/ou-to-ē/ō, 7b Grassmann, 7c j/w-Deletion, 8a h-Addition, 8b V-Shortening/Q-Metathesis do not necessarily precede an other changes and so are presumably late. The Linear B evidence We now turn to a consideration of the forms attested in the Minoan Greek of Linear B to see where this stage of Greek may have fit ino our chronology. This Greek  is  attested  from  about  1800  BC  in  syllabary  form  on  numerous  clay tablets,  which  are  catalogues  of  items  from  royal  households.  Not  all  of  the tablets  have  been  deciphered;  and  those  which  have  present  interpretive problems for various reasons such as the fact that syllable-final consonants are generally not written, /l/ and /r/ are not distinguished, nor for the most part are the obstruents /ph, p, b/, /th, t, d/, /kh, k, g/ or /kwh, kw, gw/ (see on this Chadwick (1995); Hooker (1980) and Ventris and Chadwick (1953)). In the following we shall list the changes enumerated in section 1 above and cite those Linear B forms which indicate the occurrence or non-occurrence of a particular change.  (1a)  Laryngeals. If this change did in fact occur, it seems to have happened by  the  time  of  Linear  B.  E.g.,  Linear  B  a-pu-do-si  ‘payment’  for  apudosis, possibly from *h2epu+do+t+is where there is no trace of the laryngeal (Ventris and Chadwick, hereafter V&C, (1953:100)). Likewise Linear B a-pi ‘around’ for amphi from *h2embhi and a-ke ‘has’ for agei from *h2egeti (Hooker 1980:49 and 160).   (1b)  Vɸ+Son Shortening. No evidence.  (2a)  Aspirate Devoicing. Has occurred. V & C (1953:102) note: The use of a separate series of signs for t- and d- makes it possible to show that the Indo-European *dh has already become voiceless [...]. (2b)  ē/ō-to-Ē/Ō. No evidence. (2c)  o-to-u. No evidence. (2d)  Syl    Son.    Has    occurred.    Hooker    (1980:67)    notes,  Negative  compounds  are formed with the prefix a(n)- (< *nʘ-), just as in later Greek. (2e)  WF Stop Dele. Has presumably occurred. Chadwick (1995:75) notes the following about the orthographic conventions of Linear B: [...] the only final consonants  admitted  by  Greek  (n,  r,  s)  are  omitted  [word-finally],  and  this practice is then extended to medial closed syllables [...] and to other sounds of  105these classes (l, m). If this analysis is correct, then WF Stop Dele has applied so that the only word-final consonants are indeed /n, r, s/. (2f)  Word Stress. No evidence.  (3a)  C+j Changes. Has occurred. E.g., Linear B me-zo ‘larger’ for medzŌn from *megjōn (C & V (1953:89)); and Linear B to-pe-za ‘table’ for torpedza from *torpedja (Hooker 1980:54). (3b)  ##j-Changes.  Has  occurred.  E.g.,  Linear  B  ze-,  probably  an abbreviation for ze-uk-o ‘yoke’ = dzeugon from *jeugom (Hooker 1980:165). (3c)  j/w-Metathesis.  Has  not  occurred.  E.g.,  Linear  B  ko-wo  ‘boys’  for korwoi instead of **kowroi, in which case it would have been written **ko-ro (V & C (1953:89)). This change occurs in the development of Attic Greek, but not in that of the Doric dialects which presumably devolve from the dialect area of Linear B.  (3d)  m-to-n. No evidence. (3e)  s-h-Ø.  Has  occurred.  E.g.,  Linear  B  e-qe-ta  ‘followers’  for  hekwetai from *sekwetai (V & C (1953:96)). V & C (1953:102) note, The loss of initial and intervocalic σ is amply attested.  (4a)  Prothesis. Has occurred. E.g., Linear B e-ru-to-ro ‘Red’ [proper name] for eruthoros from *rudhoros (Hooker 1980:68). (4b)  t-to-s. Has occurred. See the derivation of apudosis ‘payment’ from *h2epu+do+t+is under 1a Laryngeals above.   (5a)  Labiovelars.  Has not  occurred.  E.g.,  the  Linear  B  enclitic  -qe  ‘and’ from *-kwe, later  occurring  as Attic Greek te (V & C (1953:90)). Also Linear B qo-u-ko-ro ‘cowherds’ for gwoukoloi from *gwoukoloi, later Attic Greek bouɵkoloi (V & C ibid.). (5b)  Vns-Changes. No evidence. V & C (1953:102) note, [...] the spelling rules allow so much scope that it is impossible to tell if the form e-ko-si [‘have’] corresponds to εʁχоυσι, εʁχωσι, εʁχοσι, or even εʁχοισι. (5c)  V-Contraction. Has not ocurred. E.g., Linear B e-re-ta-o ‘rower’ for eretaɸOɸn instead of eretŌn (Hooker 1980:56). V & C (1953:102) notes that in Minoan forms [...] contraction seems to be unknown [...]. (6a)  a:-to-E:. Has not occurred. V & C (1953:102) notes that in Minoan forms [...] αɸ is never changed to η [...]. (6b)  C-Cl Changes. No evidence. (6c)  Diph Shortening. No evidence. (6d)  u(:)-to-y(:). No evidence.  (7a)  ei/ou-to-ē/ō. No evidence.  106(7b)  Grassmann. No evidence. (7c)  j/w-Deletion. Has not occurred. E.g., Linear B ko-wo ‘boys’ for korwoi, not **koroi.  Otherwise the word would be written as Linear B **ko-ro  (V & C (1953:89)).   Also  Linear  B  wa-na-ka  ‘king’  for  wanaks  from  *wanaks,  later Greek aɴnaks (V & C (1953:91)). And Linear B to-jo ‘of this’, later touʄ (Hooker 1980:60).  (8a)  h-addition. No evidence. (8b)  V-Shortening/Q-Metathesis. No evidence. Conclusions We draw three conclusions from the above data. First, Linear B Minoan Greek  seems  to  commence  from  about  the  beginning  of  stage  5  in  our chronology. Hence stage 5 dates from about 1300 BC. Second, given that the IE phonological system was something like this:  p  t  k  kw      i(:)      u(:) bh  dh   gh   gwh         e(:)  o(:) b  d  g  gw               a(:)   s m  n  and  mʘ  nʘ    l    lʘ    r    rʘ  and given the changes up to stage 5, then the Minoan system of Linear B must have been something like this:  p  t  k  kw      i(:)      u(:) ph  th   kh   kwh         E(:)  O(:) b  d  g  gw               a(:)   dz      h   s m  n   l     r  Finally, the word for ‘horse’ i-qo is attested in various Minoan sources (V & C (1953:100); Hooker (1980:167); Chadwick (1995:94)). This is probably for  107hikwos. The later Greek form is hiɴppos. The IE antecedent for both forms is something like *ekwos. To our knowledge, it has not been noted in the literature on Minoan Greek that the historical derivation of this form is uniquely aberrant in both Minoan and in later Greek.  That is, from an IE *ekwos one would expect Minoan  **ekwos,  namely **e-qo, and later Greek **eɴpos.  Why Minoan i-qo and Attic hiɴppos occur is not clear. In any event, these forms in both Minoan as well as in later Greek indicate that both of these dialects belong to one and the same IE linguistic community which – at least for this form – underwent the same uniquely aberrant changes.  References Atkinson, F.B.C. 1952. The Greek Language. (Second edition revised.) London: Faber & Faber. Beekes, R.S.P. 1969. The Development of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Greek. The Hague: Mouton. Boisacq, Émile. 1923. Dictionaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Univesitätsbuchhandlung. Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck. Brandenstein,  Wilhelm.  1959.  Griechische  Sprachwisssenschaft.  II  Wortbildung  und Formenlehre. (Sammlung Göschen Band 118/118a.) Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co. Buck,  Carl  Darling.  1962.  Comparative  Grammar  of  Greek  and  Latin.  (Eigth  impression  of original 1933 edition.) Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Chadwick, John. 1995. The Decipherment of Linear B. (2nd edition.) Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Chantraine,  P.  1961.  Morphologie  historique  do  grec.  (2nd  edition.)  Paris:  Librairie  C. Klincksieck. Costas,  Prokope  S.  1936.  An  Outline  of  the  History  of  the  Greek  Language.  Chicago:  Ares Publishers Inc. Hirt,  Herman.  1912.  Handbuch  der  griechischen  Laut-  und  Formenlehre.  (2nd  edition.) Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Univesitätsbuchhandlung. Hooker, J.T. 1980. Linear B. An Introduction. Bristol, England: Bristol Classical Press. Horrocks, Geoffrey. 1997. Greek: A History of the Language and its Speakers. London and New York: Longman. Kretschmer, Paul. 1970. Einleitung in die Geschichte der griecchischen Sprache. (Unveränderter Nachdruck der 1. Auflage von 1896.) Götingen: Vadenhoeck and Ruprecht. Lidell,  H.G.  1959.  An  Intermediate  Greek-English  Lexicon.  (Founded  upon  the  7th  edition  of Liddell and Scott’s Greek-English Lexicon.) Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. Meillet, A. 1965. Aperçu d’une histoire de la langua grecque. (7e édition.) Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck. Pieraccioni,  Dino.  1966.  Morfologia  storica  della  lingua  greca.  (Seconda  edizione.)  Firenze: Vallacchi. Pisani, Vittore. 1973. Manuale storico della lingua greca. (Seconda edizione.) Brescia: Paideia.  108Sihler, Andrew L. 1995. New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Smyth,  Herbert  Weir.  1959.  Greek  Grammar.  (2nd  printing  of  edition  of  1920.)  Cambridge, Massachussets: Harvard University Press. Sommerstein, Alan H. 1973. The Sound Pattern of Ancient Greek. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Ventris,  Michael  and  John  Chadwick.  1953.  “Evidence  for  Greek  dialect  in  the  Mycenaen archives” [in:] The Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 73. pp. 84–103.   

An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon. (Founded upon the 7 th edition of Liddell and Scott’s Greek-English Lexicon.) Oxford: At the Clarendon Press.

An Outline of the History of the Greek Language.

Aperçu d’une histoire de la langua grecque. (7e édition.) Paris: Librairie C.

Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. (Eigth impression of original 1933 edition.) Chicago:

Dictionaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Univesitätsbuchhandlung. Paris: Librairie C.

Einleitung in die Geschichte der griecchischen Sprache. (Unveränderter Nachdruck der 1. Auflage von 1896.) Götingen: Vadenhoeck and Ruprecht.

Evidence for Greek dialect in the Mycenaen archives” [in:]

Greek Grammar. (2 nd printing of edition of 1920.) Cambridge, Massachussets:

Greek: A History of the Language and its Speakers. London and

Griechische Sprachwisssenschaft. II Wortbildung und Formenlehre. (Sammlung Göschen Band 118/118a.) Berlin: Walter de Gruyter

Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre. (2 nd edition.) Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Univesitätsbuchhandlung.

The status of linear "B" in the history of Ancient Greek

Abstract

Similar works

Full text

Available Versions

Hochschulschriftenserver - Universität Frankfurt am Main