Hiller, Jack A.

English

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Valparaiso University Law Review 
Volume 4 
Number 2 Spring 1970 pp.421-425 
Spring 1970 
William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion 
Jack A. Hiller 
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 Part of the Law Commons 
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Jack A. Hiller, William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion, 4 Val. U. L. Rev. 421 (1070). 
Available at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol4/iss2/10 
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POINTS OF REBELLION. By William 0. Douglas. New York: Vintage
Books. 1970. Pp. 97. $1.95.
Speaking in Gary, Indiana, in 1959, Mr. Justice William 0. Douglas
said that one reason why the Communists had such an advantage over
us in the battle for men's minds was that we had not produced, as they
had, a manual for revolution which could be used by men who sought
freedom from oppression: a strange fact about a nation born of re-
volution against oppression. Points of Rebellion is not that manual.
In this new island in the archipelago of his work,' Justice Douglas
begins a trilogy dealing with dissent and rebellion. The second book
International Dissent, will deal with world problems and the third,
A Hemispheric Co-op, will focus on the special problems of Latin
America.
Justice Douglas has become a pamphleteer in the tradition of
Thomas Paine, calling to his countrymen to preserve democracy against
its contemporary threats:
We must realize that today's Establishment is the new
George III. Whether it will continue to adhere to his tactics,
we do not know. If it does, the redress, honored in tradition, is
also revolution.!
But I am ahead of myself.
Justice Douglas' book is an attack on the Establishment and the
American reality but not on democracy and the American dream. Dem-
ocracy has never before been tried in a nation of 200 million people, and
some who believe in it have said that it cannot work on such a scale.8
One cause of pessimism, perhaps, is that democracy lives by dissent.
Since we have such large numbers of people becoming more politically
sensitive and active and since so many of our political decisions are of the
fifty-one percent to forty-nine percent variety, dissent becomes more
meaningful and hence is less tolerable to those in authority. It is no
surprise that we see around us signs of the development of a totalitarian
1. He has written thirty books, including: ALMANAC OF LamETY (1954);
AMERICA CHALLENGED (1960); BEYOND THE HIGH HIMALAYAS (1952); DEMOCRACY
AND FINANCE (1940); A LIVING BILL OF RIGHTS (1961); THE RIGHT OF THE
PEOPLE (1958); RUSSIAN JOURNEY (1956) and TowARDS A GLOBAL FEDERALISM
(1968).
2. W. DOUGLAS, POINTS OF REIELLION 95 (1970).
3. See, e.g., Rousseau, J., The Social Contract, in THE SOCIAL CONTRACT AND
OTHER ESSAYS 35, 54 (N.D.).
Hiller: William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion
Produced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 1070
VALPARAISO UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW
state.4
One of the great national myths-I do not use the term in its pejora-
tive sense-is that America is a melting pot. It truly is. The difficulty with
a melting pot, however, is that its contents lose their respective individual
identities and the end product is a solid, inert mass (a silent majority?).
What we have to fear is the kind of enforced conformity that Zamiatin
warned of in his novel, We,' in Russia in the 1920's.
Points of Rebellion speaks out against a growing mediocrity and
a "goose-stepping conformity." It warns against "the growing rightist
tendencies in the nation that require conformity-or else."' Foremost in
today's bumper-sticker dialogue is the blind and blunt command,
"America: Love her or leave her." One wonders how a slinger of such
slogans would react if upon reporting his wife's illness to a physician, he
were given but two alternatives: "Love her or leave her." Justice Douglas
seems to suggest: "Love her and cure her."
Justice Douglas attacks the depredations upon our rights of privacy,
the spoilation of our environment and the reversed priorities reflected in a
national budget heavy in favor of the Pentagon and inadequate for the
needs of the ill, the aged, the poor and the Black.
One of Justice Douglas' principal targets, along with the Establish-
ment, is the corporation state. Though he has bridged the generation
gap, the older generation generally has not; it has, he says, "become
mindless when it comes to criticism of the system. For it, perpetuation of
the corporation state and its glorification represent the true Americanism.
'If only the world were like us, everything would be perfect.' "' Such
an attitude reflects our society's institutionalization of private greed in a
relatively unrestrained free enterprise system. This reviewer, who wonders
how the great society and the public good can arise out of the multiplica-
tion and maximization of private greed, gains comfort from the company
4. At page fifty-eight Justice Douglas quotes a 1932 speech of Adolf Hitler which
has a familiar contemporary ring:
The streets of our country are in turmoil. The universities are filled
with students rebelling and rioting.
Communists are seeking to destroy our country. Russia is threatening us
with her might and the republic is in danger. Yes, danger from within and
without.
We need law and order.
5. E. ZAMIATIN, WE (1924). Orwell's 1984 and Huxley's Brave New World
could have been cited, for We was the source from which these authors "borrowed"
their themes. The fear is not chimerical. It has been recently announced that the
President and his advisers have been considering a proposal for the mass administra-
tion of psychological tests (to boys and girls between the ages of six and eight) to
detect children apt to become "antisocial" and to establish special daycare centers and
camps for retraining them. NEWSWEEK, April 20, 1970, at 76.
6. DOUGLAS, supra note 2 at 31.
7. Id. at 10.
Valparaiso University Law Review, Vol. 4, No. 2 [1070], Art. 10
https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol4/iss2/10
BOOK REVIEWS
of so knowledgeable a critic of the corporate state."
What solutions does he offer? He urges a revolution within the
available democratic process. Counseling against violence, which "has no
constitutional sanction," he urges peaceful dissent and a tolerance for it so
that the dissenters may function as the loyal opposition functions in
England. Perhaps the first step would be to borrow a page from Mas-
lovian psychology. Professor Maslow tells us that man's inner nature, as
much as we know of it so far, seems not to be intrinsically evil, but
rather either neutral or positively "good." What we call evil behavior
appears most often to be a secondary reaction to frustration of this
intrinsic nature.9 If we see the dissenters as loyal and sincere, perhaps
we may more clearly see the reasons for their dissent and see our way
clear to rational solutions. Such a course offers far more hope than the
blind assumption that the system will work itself pure without assistance
and effort.
Justice Douglas makes a number of specific recommendations"0 to
cure specific evils in society, but in general the only alternative--other
than revolution-which he sees to a police state in America is the
development of laws "responsive to human needs."" "A minimum
8. Justice Douglas served from 1936-39 as a member and chairman of the
Securities and Exchange Commission. He is not a bitter enemy of the free enterprise
system. In delivering the eighth annual Benjamin N. Cardozo Lecture before the
Association of the Bar of the City of New York on April 2, 1949 he said:
Today there is greater realization that survival lies in the development
of a cooperative society where the security of capital rests on the broad
base of the prosperity of the multitude. Today the accepted view is that
property need not be made tyrant in order to give men freedom and incentive to
acquire it, own it, and manage it and to unleash the great productive power
of free enterprise.
W. Douglas, Stare Decisis, in 4 THE RECORD OF N.Y.C.B.A. 171 (1949). See also W.
DOUGLAS, DEMOCRACY AND FINANCE (1940).
9. A. MASLOW, TOWARD A PSYCHOLOGY OF BEING 3 (2d ed. 1968).
10. Some of his recommendations are:
If the budget of the Pentagon were reduced from 80 billion dollars to
20 billion it would still be over twice as large as that of any other agency of
government. Starting with vast reductions in its budget, we must make the
Pentagon totally subordinate in our lives.
The poor and disadvantaged must have lawyers to represent them in
the normal civil problems that now haunt them.
Laws must be revised so as to eliminate their present bias against the
poor. Neighborhood credit unions would be vastly superior to the finance com-
panies with their record of anguished garnishments.
Hearings must be made available so that the important decisions of
federal agencies may be exposed to public criticism before they are put into
effect.
The food programs must be drastically revised so that its primary purpose
is to feed the hungry rather than to make the corporate farmer rich.
DOUGLAS, supra note 2 at 93.
11. Id. at92.
Hiller: William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion
Produced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 1070
VALPARAISO UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW
necessity," he adds, "is measurable change."'"
The revolution must begin in men's hearts and minds. He decries
the lack of "moral imagination"'" and declaims that our problems demand
"bold and adventure-some attitudes.'"' "We need the irrepressible urge
to rejoin the human race."1 The author seems to think back nostalgically
to the imagination and attitudes which he feels he shared with his fellow
New Deal architects. Whether that is the case or not, it is obvious that
here is a man who cares, who loves America and does not choose to
abandon her.
Is violence inevitable? His critics will no doubt say that he urges it.
What he does say is this:
That revolution-now that the people hold the residual powers
of government-need not be a repetition of 1776. It could be a
revolution in the nature of an explosive political regeneration.
It depends on how wise the Establishment is. If, with its stock-
pile of arms, it resolves to suppress the dissenters, America
will face, I fear, an awful ordeal.'
Indeed faith in a second revolution in the spirit of 1776 may be ill-
founded. Rousseau warned long ago: "Free peoples, be mindful of this
maxim: 'Liberty may be gained, but can never be recovered.' ,'i
Before concluding, a word about style is in order. It has been
pointed out elsewhere that Justice Douglas is not a law professor's
judge." He is not a scholar's scholar either. The book is patchy; it
indulges in overstatement; it draws sharp conclusions from rather vague
evidence; it is heavily laced with rhetorical questions which are the
earmarks of a harangue and it really says nothing new. But maybe this
is making the wrong kind of demands upon political pamphleteering.
Justice Douglas can be quiet, careful, logical and precise when he wants
to. To fault him for painting boldly and with a broad brush, though he
is capable of painting delicately and with precision, would be the same
as criticising Picasso for painting Les Demoiselles d'Avignon and saying
that he should always have painted in the classical style. Some things
can only be said boldly, and it is important here who says them. There
is more than a touch of irony in the fact that the best way to describe
this book is to borrow the words of Christian Gauss in his introduction
12. Id. at 95.
13. Id. at 93.
14. Id. at 29.
15. Id. at 31.
16. Id. at 97.
17. Rousseau, supra note 3 at 35.
18. Cohen, Introduction, 16 U.C.L.A. L. REv. 701 (1969).
Valparaiso University Law Review, Vol. 4, No. 2 [1070], Art. 10
https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol4/iss2/10
BOOK REVIEWS
to the Mentor Edition of Machiavelli's The Prince:
In addition to its brevity, there are stylistic qualities in The
Prince which make it easy if not delightful reading. Unlike the
later diplomat, Talleyrand, Machiavelli never uses words to
conceal his thought. His meaning is never ambiguous. His
conclusions may occasionally be unwelcome but they are always
as downright as a box on the ear, and it is safe to predict that
for the modern reader he will set some of the problems of cit-
izenship, statecraft and political power into new and sharper focus. 9
Further irony will be found in the fact that Justice Douglas, one
of the moral leaders of the Supreme Court, the only one of our three
branches of government which has shown consistent moral leadership
for at least the last sixteen years, will be attacked for this dithyramb."
He, who perhaps more than any other has led the chase in pursuit of
individual liberty, with Congress and the Executive only rarely hearing
his calling voice, has at this writing become the object of Congressional
murmurs for impeachment. Ovid's Metamorphosis contains the story of
Actaeon, turned into a stag by the fleeing Diana whom he had seen
unattired, and hunted to death by his own hounds who no longer re-
cognized the sound of his voice. Let us hope that Mr. Justice Douglas
does not suffer this fate by being hounded by the Vice President and the
House of Representatives merely because in this important little book
he has dared to expose the naked facts about contemporary America.2
Jack A. Hiller*
19. C. Gauss, Introduction to N. MACHIAVELLI, THE PRINCE 8 (Mentor ed. 1952).
20. Thanks to Susan Willock for giving me this lovely word.
21. Some of them have been growling and showing their teeth because pages 83-97-
part of Chapter 3 of Points of Rebellion-have been reproduced with the consent of
Random House (but without the knowledge of the Justice) in a magazine which also
contains pictures of naked ladies. It appears as Douglas, Redress and Revolution, EVER-
GREEN REVIEW, April, 1970, at 41.
* Professor of Law, Valparaiso University School of Law.
Hiller: William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion
Produced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 1070


William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion

Valparaiso University

Valparaiso University Law Review Volume 4 Number 2 Spring 1970 pp.421-425 Spring 1970 William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion Jack A. Hiller Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr  Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jack A. Hiller, William O. Douglas, Points of Rebellion, 4 Val. U. L. Rev. 421 (1070). Available at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol4/iss2/10 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Valparaiso University Law School at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Valparaiso University Law Review by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at scholar@valpo.edu. POINTS OF REBELLION. By William 0. Douglas. New York: VintageBooks. 1970. Pp. 97. $1.95.Speaking in Gary, Indiana, in 1959, Mr. Justice William 0. Douglassaid that one reason why the Communists had such an advantage overus in the battle for men's minds was that we had not produced, as theyhad, a manual for revolution which could be used by men who soughtfreedom from oppression: a strange fact about a nation born of re-volution against oppression. Points of Rebellion is not that manual.In this new island in the archipelago of his work,' Justice Douglasbegins a trilogy dealing with dissent and rebellion. The second bookInternational Dissent, will deal with world problems and the third,A Hemispheric Co-op, will focus on the special problems of LatinAmerica.Justice Douglas has become a pamphleteer in the tradition ofThomas Paine, calling to his countrymen to preserve democracy againstits contemporary threats:We must realize that today's Establishment is the newGeorge III. Whether it will continue to adhere to his tactics,we do not know. If it does, the redress, honored in tradition, isalso revolution.!But I am ahead of myself.Justice Douglas' book is an attack on the Establishment and theAmerican reality but not on democracy and the American dream. Dem-ocracy has never before been tried in a nation of 200 million people, andsome who believe in it have said that it cannot work on such a scale.8One cause of pessimism, perhaps, is that democracy lives by dissent.Since we have such large numbers of people becoming more politicallysensitive and active and since so many of our political decisions are of thefifty-one percent to forty-nine percent variety, dissent becomes moremeaningful and hence is less tolerable to those in authority. It is nosurprise that we see around us signs of the development of a totalitarian1. He has written thirty books, including: ALMANAC OF LamETY (1954);AMERICA CHALLENGED (1960); BEYOND THE HIGH HIMALAYAS (1952); DEMOCRACYAND FINANCE (1940); A LIVING BILL OF RIGHTS (1961); THE RIGHT OF THEPEOPLE (1958); RUSSIAN JOURNEY (1956) and TowARDS A GLOBAL FEDERALISM(1968).2. W. DOUGLAS, POINTS OF REIELLION 95 (1970).3. See, e.g., Rousseau, J., The Social Contract, in THE SOCIAL CONTRACT ANDOTHER ESSAYS 35, 54 (N.D.).Hiller: William O. Douglas, Points of RebellionProduced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 1070VALPARAISO UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEWstate.4One of the great national myths-I do not use the term in its pejora-tive sense-is that America is a melting pot. It truly is. The difficulty witha melting pot, however, is that its contents lose their respective individualidentities and the end product is a solid, inert mass (a silent majority?).What we have to fear is the kind of enforced conformity that Zamiatinwarned of in his novel, We,' in Russia in the 1920's.Points of Rebellion speaks out against a growing mediocrity anda "goose-stepping conformity." It warns against "the growing rightisttendencies in the nation that require conformity-or else."' Foremost intoday's bumper-sticker dialogue is the blind and blunt command,"America: Love her or leave her." One wonders how a slinger of suchslogans would react if upon reporting his wife's illness to a physician, hewere given but two alternatives: "Love her or leave her." Justice Douglasseems to suggest: "Love her and cure her."Justice Douglas attacks the depredations upon our rights of privacy,the spoilation of our environment and the reversed priorities reflected in anational budget heavy in favor of the Pentagon and inadequate for theneeds of the ill, the aged, the poor and the Black.One of Justice Douglas' principal targets, along with the Establish-ment, is the corporation state. Though he has bridged the generationgap, the older generation generally has not; it has, he says, "becomemindless when it comes to criticism of the system. For it, perpetuation ofthe corporation state and its glorification represent the true Americanism.'If only the world were like us, everything would be perfect.' "' Suchan attitude reflects our society's institutionalization of private greed in arelatively unrestrained free enterprise system. This reviewer, who wondershow the great society and the public good can arise out of the multiplica-tion and maximization of private greed, gains comfort from the company4. At page fifty-eight Justice Douglas quotes a 1932 speech of Adolf Hitler whichhas a familiar contemporary ring:The streets of our country are in turmoil. The universities are filledwith students rebelling and rioting.Communists are seeking to destroy our country. Russia is threatening uswith her might and the republic is in danger. Yes, danger from within andwithout.We need law and order.5. E. ZAMIATIN, WE (1924). Orwell's 1984 and Huxley's Brave New Worldcould have been cited, for We was the source from which these authors "borrowed"their themes. The fear is not chimerical. It has been recently announced that thePresident and his advisers have been considering a proposal for the mass administra-tion of psychological tests (to boys and girls between the ages of six and eight) todetect children apt to become "antisocial" and to establish special daycare centers andcamps for retraining them. NEWSWEEK, April 20, 1970, at 76.6. DOUGLAS, supra note 2 at 31.7. Id. at 10.Valparaiso University Law Review, Vol. 4, No. 2 [1070], Art. 10https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol4/iss2/10BOOK REVIEWSof so knowledgeable a critic of the corporate state."What solutions does he offer? He urges a revolution within theavailable democratic process. Counseling against violence, which "has noconstitutional sanction," he urges peaceful dissent and a tolerance for it sothat the dissenters may function as the loyal opposition functions inEngland. Perhaps the first step would be to borrow a page from Mas-lovian psychology. Professor Maslow tells us that man's inner nature, asmuch as we know of it so far, seems not to be intrinsically evil, butrather either neutral or positively "good." What we call evil behaviorappears most often to be a secondary reaction to frustration of thisintrinsic nature.9 If we see the dissenters as loyal and sincere, perhapswe may more clearly see the reasons for their dissent and see our wayclear to rational solutions. Such a course offers far more hope than theblind assumption that the system will work itself pure without assistanceand effort.Justice Douglas makes a number of specific recommendations"0 tocure specific evils in society, but in general the only alternative--otherthan revolution-which he sees to a police state in America is thedevelopment of laws "responsive to human needs."" "A minimum8. Justice Douglas served from 1936-39 as a member and chairman of theSecurities and Exchange Commission. He is not a bitter enemy of the free enterprisesystem. In delivering the eighth annual Benjamin N. Cardozo Lecture before theAssociation of the Bar of the City of New York on April 2, 1949 he said:Today there is greater realization that survival lies in the developmentof a cooperative society where the security of capital rests on the broadbase of the prosperity of the multitude. Today the accepted view is thatproperty need not be made tyrant in order to give men freedom and incentive toacquire it, own it, and manage it and to unleash the great productive powerof free enterprise.W. Douglas, Stare Decisis, in 4 THE RECORD OF N.Y.C.B.A. 171 (1949). See also W.DOUGLAS, DEMOCRACY AND FINANCE (1940).9. A. MASLOW, TOWARD A PSYCHOLOGY OF BEING 3 (2d ed. 1968).10. Some of his recommendations are:If the budget of the Pentagon were reduced from 80 billion dollars to20 billion it would still be over twice as large as that of any other agency ofgovernment. Starting with vast reductions in its budget, we must make thePentagon totally subordinate in our lives.The poor and disadvantaged must have lawyers to represent them inthe normal civil problems that now haunt them.Laws must be revised so as to eliminate their present bias against thepoor. Neighborhood credit unions would be vastly superior to the finance com-panies with their record of anguished garnishments.Hearings must be made available so that the important decisions offederal agencies may be exposed to public criticism before they are put intoeffect.The food programs must be drastically revised so that its primary purposeis to feed the hungry rather than to make the corporate farmer rich.DOUGLAS, supra note 2 at 93.11. Id. at92.Hiller: William O. Douglas, Points of RebellionProduced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 1070VALPARAISO UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEWnecessity," he adds, "is measurable change."'"The revolution must begin in men's hearts and minds. He decriesthe lack of "moral imagination"'" and declaims that our problems demand"bold and adventure-some attitudes.'"' "We need the irrepressible urgeto rejoin the human race."1 The author seems to think back nostalgicallyto the imagination and attitudes which he feels he shared with his fellowNew Deal architects. Whether that is the case or not, it is obvious thathere is a man who cares, who loves America and does not choose toabandon her.Is violence inevitable? His critics will no doubt say that he urges it.What he does say is this:That revolution-now that the people hold the residual powersof government-need not be a repetition of 1776. It could be arevolution in the nature of an explosive political regeneration.It depends on how wise the Establishment is. If, with its stock-pile of arms, it resolves to suppress the dissenters, Americawill face, I fear, an awful ordeal.'Indeed faith in a second revolution in the spirit of 1776 may be ill-founded. Rousseau warned long ago: "Free peoples, be mindful of thismaxim: 'Liberty may be gained, but can never be recovered.' ,'iBefore concluding, a word about style is in order. It has beenpointed out elsewhere that Justice Douglas is not a law professor'sjudge." He is not a scholar's scholar either. The book is patchy; itindulges in overstatement; it draws sharp conclusions from rather vagueevidence; it is heavily laced with rhetorical questions which are theearmarks of a harangue and it really says nothing new. But maybe thisis making the wrong kind of demands upon political pamphleteering.Justice Douglas can be quiet, careful, logical and precise when he wantsto. To fault him for painting boldly and with a broad brush, though heis capable of painting delicately and with precision, would be the sameas criticising Picasso for painting Les Demoiselles d'Avignon and sayingthat he should always have painted in the classical style. Some thingscan only be said boldly, and it is important here who says them. Thereis more than a touch of irony in the fact that the best way to describethis book is to borrow the words of Christian Gauss in his introduction12. Id. at 95.13. Id. at 93.14. Id. at 29.15. Id. at 31.16. Id. at 97.17. Rousseau, supra note 3 at 35.18. Cohen, Introduction, 16 U.C.L.A. L. REv. 701 (1969).Valparaiso University Law Review, Vol. 4, No. 2 [1070], Art. 10https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol4/iss2/10BOOK REVIEWSto the Mentor Edition of Machiavelli's The Prince:In addition to its brevity, there are stylistic qualities in ThePrince which make it easy if not delightful reading. Unlike thelater diplomat, Talleyrand, Machiavelli never uses words toconceal his thought. His meaning is never ambiguous. Hisconclusions may occasionally be unwelcome but they are alwaysas downright as a box on the ear, and it is safe to predict thatfor the modern reader he will set some of the problems of cit-izenship, statecraft and political power into new and sharper focus. 9Further irony will be found in the fact that Justice Douglas, oneof the moral leaders of the Supreme Court, the only one of our threebranches of government which has shown consistent moral leadershipfor at least the last sixteen years, will be attacked for this dithyramb."He, who perhaps more than any other has led the chase in pursuit ofindividual liberty, with Congress and the Executive only rarely hearinghis calling voice, has at this writing become the object of Congressionalmurmurs for impeachment. Ovid's Metamorphosis contains the story ofActaeon, turned into a stag by the fleeing Diana whom he had seenunattired, and hunted to death by his own hounds who no longer re-cognized the sound of his voice. Let us hope that Mr. Justice Douglasdoes not suffer this fate by being hounded by the Vice President and theHouse of Representatives merely because in this important little bookhe has dared to expose the naked facts about contemporary America.2Jack A. Hiller*19. C. Gauss, Introduction to N. MACHIAVELLI, THE PRINCE 8 (Mentor ed. 1952).20. Thanks to Susan Willock for giving me this lovely word.21. Some of them have been growling and showing their teeth because pages 83-97-part of Chapter 3 of Points of Rebellion-have been reproduced with the consent ofRandom House (but without the knowledge of the Justice) in a magazine which alsocontains pictures of naked ladies. It appears as Douglas, Redress and Revolution, EVER-GREEN REVIEW, April, 1970, at 41.* Professor of Law, Valparaiso University School of Law.Hiller: William O. Douglas, Points of RebellionProduced by The Berkeley Electronic Press, 1070

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