Since the publication of my article in the December 2015 issue of the Povijesni prilozi (vol. 49) I have noticed ommissions that I am obliged to correct. I am grateful to the editors for allowing me to do so. The additions are concerned with one letter that I have misfortunately overlooked previously (the letter 3.7 addressed to Bishop Ianuarius of Salona). It has to be stressed that these ommissions in no way change the overall historical picture presented and conclusions drawn in the article. The numbers in the underlined brackets indicate the pages in the article, where the additions should be inserted.Otkako mi je članak pod ovim naslovom objavljen u 49. svesku Povijesnih priloga iz prosinca 2015., primijetio sam propuste koje sam dužan ispraviti. Zahvalan sam urednicima što su mi to omogućili. Ti dodaci tiču se ponajprije jednog pisma koje sam na nesreću prije previdio (pismo 3.7 upućeno salonitanskom biskupu Januariju). Treba naglasiti da ovi propusti ni u kojem slučaju ne mijenjaju ni opću povijesnu sliku predočenu u članku niti donesene zaključke. Brojke u podcrtanim zagradama naznačavaju stranicu u članku, gdje se dodaci imaju ubaciti

Hrvoje Gračanin

English

As the title suggests, the present paper offers an analysis of selected letters from Cassiodorus’ Variae, which are important for late antique history of Dalmatia and Pannonia. The study is intended to be twofold: on the one part, it examines the information that can be derived from the letters about both provinces’ political, administrative, economic, social and ethnic picture in the time of Ostrogothic rule over the Eastern Adriatic and Middle Danube regions; on the other part, it explores literary and political contexts and underlying ideologies that are present in the selected letters.Članak donosi historiografsku analizu Kasiodorovih Variae kao izvora za kasnoantičku povijest Dalmacije i Panonije, pokrajina kojima su Ostrogoti vladali četrdesetak godina, otprilike od sredine 490-ih do sredine 530-ih godina. Povijesni podaci o Dalmaciji i Panoniji koji se mogu izlučiti iz odabranih pisama analiziraju se s obzirom na to što nude u vezi s političkim, upravnim, gospodarskim, društvenim i etničkim prilikama u obje pokrajine tijekom prva tri desetljeća šestog stoljeća koja se znatnim dijelom poklapaju s početkom Justinijanovog doba. Ondje gdje je prikladno ti se podaci sravnjuju s onim što se može doznati iz drugih dostupnih izvora, kako pisanih, tako i arheoloških. Na drugoj razini, analiza uključuje raščlambu narativnih elemenata, intelektualnih i političkih konteksta te ideoloških koncepcija i implikacija koje tvore i definiraju odabrana pisma kao i proizlaze iz njih. Variae mogu mnogo toga ponuditi i kao spremnica povijesnih podataka korisnih za utemeljeni uvid u život Panonije i Dalmacije pod ostrogotskom vladavinom u prvoj polovini šestoga stoljeća i kao literarno svjedočanstvo o tome kako se regija mogla doimati vanjskim promatračima. Pisma sadrže i elemente političke ideologije ostrogotskih kraljeva prenesene u lokalni kontekst, koji se mogu koristiti kako bi se definiralo mjestu koje su pokrajine zauzimale u posredovanju te ideologije. Pisma ukazuju da je pokrajinska uprava Dalmacije i Panonije tijekom ostrogotskog razdoblja bila složena i dobro diferencirana. Tvorili su je vojni i civilni dužnosnici s jasno razlučivim funkcijama. Kasnorimski pokrajinski sustav je uvelike bio zadržan, ali su uvedene i administrativne inovacije, od kojih je najistaknutija stvaranje provincijske komitive koja je objedinila najvišu vojnu i civilnu vlast u pokrajini, što jasno ukazuje na militarizirani karakter ostrogotskog sustava vlasti. Osim comites provinciae, zasvjedočen je bar jedan lokalni comes Gothorum na, kako se čini, municipalnoj razini, vojni comes civitatis, i to vjerojatno Siscije. Daljnje promjene koje su uvele osttrogotske vlasti bilo je spajanje Savije i Dalmacije u jednu upravnu cjelinu pod istim provincijskim komesom, kao i stvaranje zasebne komitive za otoke Krk i Cres u Kvarnerskom zaljevu, koja je, kako se čini, imala civilni karakter, a nije bila vojnopomorska oblast kako se obično misli. Istovremeno, čini se da su Savija i Dalmacija zadržale vlastite samostalne nadležnosti i odvojene civilne rimske namjesnike sa sudskim i fiskalnim ovlastima nad rimskim stanovništvom. Rimski namjesnik možda je postojao i u Sirmijskoj Panoniji. Važno je napomenuti da se čini kako je pravilno administrativno ime pokrajine Savije u ostrogotskom razdoblju glasilo Suavia, zbog, kako se misli, znatne lokalne nazočnosti Sveva. Zahvaljujući Variae moguće je do određenog stupnja rekonstruirati i gospodarske prilike u Dalmaciji i Panoniji u šestom stoljeću. Problemu s utjerivanjem poreza u pokrajinama posvećeno je mnogo pozornosti, osobito u vezi sa Savijom i Dalmacijom, ali se na to ne smije gledati kao na bitno drugačiju situaciju nego u kasno rimsko doba. Međutim, uzimajući u obzir da je rimski pokrajinski sustav praktično prestao postojati u južnoj Panoniji u 430-im godinama, to pokazuje kako je proces ponovnog privikavanja lokalnog stanovništva na nekadašnje stanje bio spor i težak, te nailazio na otpor. Ovo svjedoči i o činjenici da je u pokrajinama ponovno uveden i održavan sofisticirani rimski sustav oporezivanja, što je bio izvanredan uspjeh. Osim toga, čini se da je Dalmacija doživjela stanovitu razinu blagostanja, jer se navodi obveza na porez na promet siliquaticum, što bi svakako upućivalo na razvijene komercijalne aktivnosti. Štoviše, ostrogotske su vlasti prikazane i kao naročito zainteresirane za oživljavanje pokrajinskog rudarstva, što je, čini se, imalo određenog uspjeha jer su arheološka istraživanja pružila dokaz da je bar jedno rudarsko postrojenje u današnjoj sjeverozapadnoj Bosni i Hercegovini bilo operativno pod istočnorimskom vladavinom koja je uslijedila. Pisma pružaju i dovoljno poučan uvid u temeljne strukture pokrajinskog društva u Dalmaciji i Panoniji, koje je zadržalo obilježja kasnorimskog društva, a pokazuju i da se održao municipalni sustav s defensores i curiales. Bilo je i novih skupina koje su zastupale kategorije označene kao capillati i barbari antiqui. Potonje je i etnokulturna oznaka, a smatra se kako se odnosi na svevske stanovnike Savije. I uz to, moguće je da je to bila opća oznaka za razne druge nerimske skupine koje su živjele u pokrajini, izuzevši Gote. Variae jasno potvrđuju prisutnost gotskog stanovništva u pokrajini, zacijelo uglavnom u pokrajinskim prijestolnicama. S obzirom na to da je obraćanje barbarima i Rimljanima naseljenima u Sirmijskoj Panoniji jedino takvo u Variae, može se smatrati naznakom da su nerimski stanovnici činili znatan dio ukupnog pokrajinskog stanovništva. S druge strane, čini se da Dalmacija nije imala velik broj nerimskog stanovništva, uključujući u to i Gote. Nadalje, ostrogotske vlasti su prikazane da aktivno utječu na etničku sliku preseljenjem i prihvaćanjem barbarskih skupina na ostrogotski teritorij. Čini se da je ovo područje imalo vidno mjesto u političkoj ideologiji istočnogotskih vlasti kao sporna oblast između Istočnog i Zapadnog Rimskog Carstva. Osim toga, Sirmijska Panonija je posebno istaknuta kao “bivše sjedište Gota,ˮ opaska koja možda odražava Teoderikov osjećaj posebne vezanosti za pokrajinu koja je u prošlosti već bila pod vlašću Gota, štoviše vjerojatno pod neposrednom kontrolom samog Teoderika. Slika pokrajina koja izvire iz Variae je dvojaka. S jedne strane, pokrajine su prikazane da stoje pod pritiskom raznih problema. To posebno vrijedi za Saviju koja je predstavljena kao pod opsadom različitih vrsta nedjela, u kojima je naizgled udjela imala čitava pokrajinska društvena i upravna struktura. S druge strane, neminovno proizlazi i dojam o neprestanim pokušajima i brizi središnje vlasti da se osiguraju uređeni uvjeti života i poštovanje zakona, civilitas. U skladu s time moguće je pisma razumjeti i kao posredovanje jasne poruke da su južnopanonske i dalmatinske pokrajine, usprkos ponekad vrlo nepovoljnim okolnostima, bile sačuvane za romanitas zahvaljujući gotskoj kraljevskoj vlasti te sposobnim i pouzdanim dvorskim i državnih rimskim službenicima

Gračanin, Hrvoje

Hrčak - Portal of scientific journals of Croatia

Kasnoantička Dalmacija i Panonija u Kasiodorovim Variae

Otkako mi je članak pod ovim naslovom objavljen u 49. svesku Povijesnih priloga iz prosinca 2015., primijetio sam propuste koje sam dužan ispraviti. Zahvalan sam urednicima što su mi to omogućili. Ti dodaci tiču se ponajprije jednog pisma koje sam na nesreću prije previdio (pismo 3.7 upućeno salonitanskom biskupu Januariju). Treba naglasiti da ovi propusti ni u kojem slučaju ne mijenjaju ni opću povijesnu sliku predočenu u članku niti donesene zaključke. Brojke u podcrtanim zagradama naznačavaju stranicu u članku, gdje se dodaci imaju ubaciti.Since the publication of my article in the December 2015 issue of the Povijesni prilozi (vol. 49) I have noticed ommissions that I am obliged to correct. I am grateful to the editors for allowing me to do so. The additions are concerned with one letter that I have misfortunately overlooked previously (the letter 3.7 addressed to Bishop Ianuarius of Salona). It has to be stressed that these ommissions in no way change the overall historical picture presented and conclusions drawn in the article. The numbers in the underlined brackets indicate the pages in the article, where the additions should be inserted

UDK 929 Kasiodor94(497.5)“05“(093)Primljeno: 3. 5. 2016.Prihvaćeno: 27. 6. 2016.Prethodno priopćenjeLate Antique Dalmatia and Pannonia in Cassiodorus’ Variae (Addenda)1Hrvoje GračaninFaculty of Humanities and Social SciencesUniversity of ZagrebIvana Lučića 310000 ZagrebCroatiaE-mail: hrvoje.gracanin@gmail.comSince the publication of my article in the December 2015 issue of the Povijesni prilozi (vol. 49) I have noticed ommissions that I am obliged to correct. I am grateful to the editors for allowing me to do so. The additions are concerned with one letter that I have misfortunately overlooked previously (the letter 3.7 addressed to Bishop Ianuarius of Salona). It has to be stressed that these ommissions in no way change the overall historical picture presented and conclusions drawn in the article. The numbers in the underlined brackets indicate the pages in the article, where the additions should be inserted.Contents and date of the letter(p. 14)1) Ianuario viro venerabili episcopo Salonitano Theodericus rex (3.7): urging Bishop Ianuarius of Salona to inquire into a matter of payment to one John 1 I would also like to use this opportunity to add an acknowledgement that I have inadvertently missed previously: The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7 2007-2013) under grant agreement n° 291823 Marie Curie FP7-PEOPLE-2011-COFUND (The new International Fellowship Mobility Programme for Experienced Researchers in Croatia - NEWFELPRO). This paper has been written as a part of a project “The Justinianic Age in Dalmatia and Southern Pannonia (JUSTINIANDALMPAN)” which has received funding through NEWFELPRO project under grant agreement n° 60.Hrvoje Gračanin, Late Antique Dalmatia and Pannonia in...192for a quantity of sixty tuns2 of oil for lamps which the bishop has received from him but have not been paid for.[With this letter, the number of letters from the Variae relating in one way or another to Dalmatian and Pannonian matters now totals twenty four, excluding the two that refer to Histria.](p. 17)The letter is dated by Theodor Mommsen, who is copied by Åke Johansson Fridh, and Stefan Krautschick as follows: 34Letter Mommsen/Fridh3 Krautschick43.7 507/511 510       Provinces and their administration(p. 27)To the variety of local functions and offices existing in the provinces and men-tioned in the Variae, which have been noted in the previous version of the article, one high church office pertaining to Dalmatia should be added, the head of the ecclesiastical province of Salona: episcopus Salonitanus: 3.7 titulum.The prosopography(p. 35)To the number of persons mentioned in the Variae as active or living in or connec-ted in their official capacity or otherwise to Dalmatia and Pannonia during the 2 The term used is orca which is a large earthenware jar for holding liquids, wine, oil, water and other, a type of amphora. Cf. Kenneth D. White, Farm Equipment of the Roman World, Cambridge et al.: Cam-bridge University Press, 1975, 180-181. See also Rita Lizzi Testa, “Comment to 3.7”, in: Flavio Magno Aurelio Cassiodoro Senatore, Varie, vol. II: Libri III-V, eds. Andrea Gardina, Giovanni Alberto Cecconi, and Ignazio Tantillo, Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 2014, 211.3 Cassiodori Senatoris Variae, ed. Theodorus Mommsen, (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Auctores Antiquissimi 12), Berlin: Weidmann, 1894, 83; Cassiodori Variarum libri XII, in Magni Aurelii Cassio-dori Senatoris Opera I, ed. Åke J. Fridh, (Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina 96), Turnhout: Brepols, 1973, 103.4 Stefan Krautschick, Cassiodor und die Politik seiner Zeit, Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt, 1983, 75 (3.7).Povijesni prilozi 50., 191-198 (2016.) 193Ostrogothic rule should now be added two more, which amounts to sixteen na-med persons in total. Ianuarius (3.7); John (3.7.1).(p. 40)Ianuarius, bishop of Salona; styled vir venerabilis (3.7 titulum) and sanctitas ves-tra (3.7.1), which are the usual terms of address to bishops in the Variae (1.9; 2.8; 3.37; 4.31; 4.44; 8.8; 9.15.3; 10.34; 11.3.7; 12.37). The entire letter addressed to Bishop is formulated as a moralizing admonishment by King Theoderic, and one not at all flattering for the head of the ecclesiastical prov-ince of Dalmatia: “We indeed command everyone to nurture and uphold justice, but particularly those who are elevated by divine honors to be made closest to the heavenly grace as long as they should be distant from a ter-restrial desire. And so John has moved us with a lamentable allegation that Your Sanctity has received sixty tuns of oil for filling up the lamps from him, the cost of which he claims ought to be restituted to him. Indeed, a promise is valid unless something adverse is involved there. For although it is al-ways proper to uphold justice, this is particularly necessary in those things which are offered to divine views: let us think not that God does not know whence he receives if he acquiesces to fraudulent offerings. And therefore, if you recognize the petitioner’s complaint as true, make that which is owed be restituted without delay according to a consideration of justice that you preach by sacred law, so that no one laments that he has suffered losses from you for whom is more appropriate to provide help. Hence, make an effort that you who do not usually transgress for great matters are now not seen - heaven forfend! - to sin in something small” (3.7.1-3: Omnes quidem iusti-tiam colere et observare praecipimus, sed eos maxime qui divinis honoribus eriguntur, ut supernae gratiae fiant proximi, dum a terrena fuerint cupiditate longinqui. Iohannes itaque flebili nos allegatione pulsavit sanctitatem vestram a se sexaginta orcas olei ad implenda luminaria suscepisse, quarum pretium sibi postulat oportere restitui. Bonum quidem votum, si tamen non ibi aliquid misceatur adversum. Nam licet ubique deceat iustitiam custodiri, in illis rebus maxime necessaria est, quae divinis obtutibus offeruntur, ne putemus ignorare deum, unde accipiat, si fraudatis oblationibus adquiescat. Et ideo, si veram querimoniam cognoscitis supplicantis, consideratione iustitiae, quam sancta lege praedicatis, facite quae iure debentur sine tarditate restitui: quatenus nul-lus ingemiscat illata sibi per vos fuisse dispendia, quos decet potius praestare iuvamina. Quapropter studete, ut, qui non soletis pro rebus magnis excedere, nunc non videamini, quod absit, in parvitate peccare).Hrvoje Gračanin, Late Antique Dalmatia and Pannonia in...194John (Iohannes), presumably a merchant or perhaps a possesor.5 It is not entirely clear whether he stemmed from Dalmatia (if he was a possesor that is a likely possibility) or possibly from Italy (including Histria), but he may have been a known figure to King Theoderic since he is mentioned in the letter without any additional remarks.6 He is said to have sold sixty tuns of oil for lamps to the bishop of Salona, but did not receive the expected payment, which is why he petitioned to the king, asking him with what is styled flebilis allegatio (lamentable allegation)7 to intervene.Provincial economy(p. 48)Apart from taxation misconduct, the case of John and his sixty tuns of oil that had been sold to Bishop Ianuarius of Salona but never paid for seems to attest to another type of economic misconduct in Dalmatia in the Ostrogothic time: non-payment for goods delivered or services rendered (3.7). On the other hand, as in the case of failure to pay the siliquaticum, this is an evidence of existing commer-cial activities in the province, whether on local level if John was a merchant or an oil producer from Dalmatia, or on the interprovincial level if he came from Italy or Histria.8 In any event, even though the letter pertaining to the case does not reveal this, it is fairly likely that John, with King Theoderic’s backing, eventually managed to obtain his payment. (p. 51)Thus sixty tuns of oil sold to Bishop of Salona may be construed as a testimony for the olive oil production in Dalmatia or for the regional import of goods from Italy or Histria.5 That he was a possessor from Salona is maintained by Lizzi Testa, “Comment to 3.7”, 211, even tho-ugh she also says that the hypothesis of his being a negotiator olearius cannot be discarded. She even claims that the term describing the containers for the transport of oil (orca) might suggest a regional or local merchandise and not its overseas provenance, which would, as she puts it, support the idea that Iohannes was a Salonitan possessor and not an oil merchant. Yet, she herself adduces written evidence showing that such containers were also used for a transport by sea.6 Testa, “Comment to 3.7”, 211, believes that the king was not informed about non-payment for delive-red goods by John personally, but likely through an official in charge of checking the tax obligations in the province.7 The same phrase appears three more times in the Variae in relation to irregularities concerning eccle-siastical officials (3.37) or church matters (9.15.2), or to other matters involving church personalities (12.26.1).8 A fragmentary epitaph found at the Manastirine site in Solin mentions one Balerianus who seems to have been a negotiator originating from Viminacium. Cf. Jean-Pierre Cailler et al., Salona IV. Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome & Split: École française de Rome; Musée archéologique de Split, 2010, 540-542 (no. 242).Povijesni prilozi 50., 191-198 (2016.) 195Provincial society (p. 57)Furthermore, if John to whom the bishop of Salona owed money was indeed a merchant (regardless of whether from Dalmatia, Italy or Histria), King Theoderic’s intercession on his behalf shows the royal willingness to protect the interests of the commercial class. If John was a possessor, that is an oil producer, his case may be another example of the king’s readiness to display an active royal care towar-ds the landowner elite in Dalmatia. In addition, Theoderic’s intervention in this case, as in the cases of landowners from Savia whose representatives are alluded to and are said to have often approached the king (5.15.1), and of landowners from Dalmatia who could enlist the help of an influential courtier to state their grievance before the king, attests to the effectiveness of immediate appeals from the interested parties as during the best imperial times. Politics and ideology(p. 64)Moreover, the king promotes himself to a position of a corrector and admonisher of those who are perceived as the highest moral authority, ecclesiastical dignita-ries (3.7).Addenda varia(p. 26)note 63 (in continuation): One particular official that is mentioned in the Variae (2.10, 5.6, 6.13, 7.31, and likely 4.5, 8.27) but not in connection to Dalmatia is attested in an epitaph found at the Manastirine site in Solin. It is a comitiacus styled v(ir) d(evotissimus). Cf. Jean-Pierre Cailler et al., Salona IV. Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome & Split: École française de Rome; Musée archéologique de Split, 2010, 542-544 (no. 243), with John Robert Martindale, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. II: A.D. 305-527, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980, 222, where it is suggested that this comitiacus might have been princeps officii of the comes Dalmatiae. About the office, see Ar-nold Hugh Martin Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey, vol. 1, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1964, 254-255; Paul S. Barnwell, Emperor, Prefects & Kings. The Roman West, 395-565, London: Duck-worth, 1992, 144-145; Andrea Giardina, “Amministrazione e politica nel regno ostrogoto: il comitiacum officium”, in: Ravenna da capitale imperiale a capitale Hrvoje Gračanin, Late Antique Dalmatia and Pannonia in...196esarcale. Atti del XVII Congreso internazinale di studio sull’Alto Medioevo, Raven-na 6-12 giugno 2004, Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2005, 63-86; Gideon Maier, Amtsträger und Herrscher in der Romania Gothica. Ver-gleichende Untersuchungen zu den Institutionen der ostgermanischen Völkerwan-derungsreiche, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005, 186-194.   (p. 34)note 96 (in continuation): It is worth noting that a sarcophagus inscription from the Manastirine site in Solin mentions one Saturninus miles Salonitanus Cf. Jean-Pierre Cailler et al., Salona IV. Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome & Split: École française de Rome; Musée archéologique de Split, 2010, 587-589 (n. 282). His name would suggest that he was recruited locally.(p. 52)note 154 (in continuation): Even though the Variae do not mention defensores (civitatis) in Dalmatia, three men labeled as defensor are known from inscriptions dated to the 6th century and discovered at the Manastirine site in Solin. Cf. Jean-Pierre Cailler et al., Salona IV. Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome & Split: École française de Rome; Musée archéologique de Split, 2010, 536-538 (no. 239), 561-562 (no. 259), 571-572 (no. 267). Corrigenda(p. 50)instead of has not been supresed, read has not been suppressed(p. 56)instead of apparently none of those that plagued Savia before (5.15)., read appar-ently none of those that plagued Savia before (5.14).instead of their fiscal obligations to the less fortunate (tenuis fortuna) (5.15.1)., read their fiscal obligations to the less fortunate (tenuis fortuna) (5.14.1).(p. 61)instead of fifteen letters deal exclusively with matters relating to Savia (3), Pan-nonia Sirmiensis (3) and Dalmatia (9), read sixteen letters deal exclusively with matters relating to Savia (3), Pannonia Sirmiensis (3) and Dalmatia (10)Povijesni prilozi 50., 191-198 (2016.) 197(p. 61-62)note 178instead of On relative prosperity of Dalmatia in the 6th century in the context of local ecclesiastical circumstances, cf. ; with Ivanka Nikolajević, “Salona Cristia-na aux VIe et VIIe siècles”, in Disputationes Salonitanae 1970, ed. Željko Rapanić (Split: Arheološki muzej, 1975), 94; Bruna Kuntić-Makvić, “Honorius Iunior, Sa-lonitanae urbis episcopus. Essai sur la Dalmatie de son temps”, in Radovi XIII. međunarodnog kongresa za starokršćansku arheologiju: L’Époque de Justinien et les problèmes de VIe et VIIe siècles, vol. 2, eds. Nenad Cambi and Emilio Marin (Split: Arheološki muzej, 1998), 997-1002., read On relative prosperity of Dal-matia in the 6th century in the context of local ecclesiastical circumstances, cf. Bruna Kuntić-Makvić, “Honorius Iunior, Salonitanae urbis episcopus. Essai sur la Dalmatie de son temps”, in Radovi XIII. međunarodnog kongresa za starokršćansku arheologiju: L’Époque de Justinien et les problèmes de VIe et VIIe siècles, vol. 2, eds. Nenad Cambi and Emilio Marin (Split: Arheološki muzej, 1998), 997-1002; with Ivanka Nikolajević, “Salona Cristiana aux VIe et VIIe siècles”, in Disputationes Salonitanae 1970, ed. Željko Rapanić (Split: Arheološki muzej, 1975), 94.(p. 64)instead of (iustitia, iustus and ius are recurring terms: 3.23.3; 3.24.3...), read (iusti-tia, iustus and ius are recurring terms: 3.7.1; 3.7.2; 3.23.3; 3.24.3...)Hrvoje Gračanin, Late Antique Dalmatia and Pannonia in...198Kasnoantička Dalmacija i Panonija u Kasiodorovim Variae (Dodatak)Hrvoje GračaninOdsjek za povijestFilozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u ZagrebuIvana Lučića 310000 ZagrebRepublika HrvatskaE-adresa: hrvoje.gracanin@gmail.comSažetakOtkako mi je članak pod ovim naslovom objavljen u 49. svesku Povijesnih priloga iz prosinca 2015., primijetio sam propuste koje sam dužan ispraviti. Zahvalan sam urednicima što su mi to omogućili. Ti dodaci tiču se ponajprije jednog pisma koje sam na nesreću prije previdio (pismo 3.7 upućeno salonitanskom biskupu Januariju). Treba naglasiti da ovi propusti ni u kojem slučaju ne mijenjaju ni opću povijesnu sliku predočenu u članku niti donesene zaključke. Brojke u podcrtanim zagradama naznačavaju stranicu u članku, gdje se dodaci imaju ubaciti.

Kasnoantička Dalmacija i Panonija u Kasiodorovim Variae (Dodatak)

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