This dissertation presents the results of an empirical study on the acquisition of aspect and case by English speaking adult second language learners (L2) of Russian. Richardson (2007) argues that in Russian, structural Accusative case is aspectually relevant and that it is linked to the compositional event structure of the base form of a verb. The base form of a verb is compositionally determined when addition of a lexical or telic prefix changes the grammatical aspect of a verb from imperfective to perfective and lexical aspect from atelic to telic. I refer to these verbs as Condition 1 verbs. Alternatively, the base form of a verb is not compositionally determined when it merges with a superlexical prefix that changes the grammatical aspect of a verb from imperfective to perfective but does not change the telicity of an inherently atelic verb. I refer to these verbs as Condition 2 verbs. Direct objects of Condition 1 verbs are marked with structural Accusative case, whereas direct objects of inherently atelic Condition 2 verbs are assigned lexical case. The question that is investigated in the study is whether the knowledge of Condition 1 and Condition 2 verbs is part of the interlanguage (IL) grammars of L2 learners of Russian. Specifically, whether L2 English learners understand that in Russian, perfectivity is not always equated with telicity, and a base form of verbs whose event structure is (not) compositionally determined has different case assigning mechanisms.
Six native speakers of Russian and 29 L1-English L2 learners of Russian performed the following experimental tasks: a Logical Entailment task, a Grammaticality Judgement task, and an Elicited Production task. Each task included sentences with Condition 1 and Condition 2 verbs.
A repeated measures ANOVA, where Condition 1 verbs or Condition 2 verbs were used as a within subject factor and the proficiency group as a between subject factor, showed a significant effect for Condition 1 or Condition 2 verbs with the participants performing better on Condition 1 verbs across the three tasks. The superior performance on Condition 1 verbs is explained by the accessibility of the universal semantic feature [telic], the less marked cluster of features [+telic, +perfective] and the availability of structural Accusative case in English. A decline in performance on Condition 2 verbs is explained by the difficulties in acquiring a more marked cluster of features [-telic, +perfective], and the idiosyncrasy of lexical case
