Ota, Yoshiki

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Rosa Luxemburg and Sakae Osugi--Two Attitudes towards "Bolshevik Revolution"--llYoshiki OTARosa Luxemburg criticized Bolshevik's policies sharply before theWorld War I. Her critiques concerned Bolsheviki's approval to right ofself-detemination of peoples (nations) and the centralism of partyorganization. In 1903, about the problem of organization she calledLenin's theory on organization "Ultra-centralism".Der von Lenin befiirwortete Ultra-zentralismus sheint uns aber inseinem ganzen Wesen nicht vom positiven shtipferischen, sondernvom sterilen Nachtwiichtergeist getragen zu sein. SeinGedankengang ist hauptsiichilich auf die Kontrolle derParteitiitigkeit und nicht auf ihre Befruchtung, auf die Einengungund nicht auf die Entfaltung, auf die Schurigelung und nicht auf dieZusammenziehung der Bewegung zugeschnitten.2lRosa Luxemburg pointed out the possibility that Bolshevik-typeparty would be transformed to the obstacle to mass movement.However, in 1917, she didn't find such possibility in activities of1) This paper was presented at International Rosa-Luxemburg-Tagaung, Tampere,Finnland, September 11-131998.2) Luxemburg, R., "Organisationsfrage der russischen Sozialdemokratie", GesammelteWerke rGW) , Bd. 1/2, Dietz Verlag, Berlin, 1974, S. 433 f.-147-148Bolshevik revolution. She identified the interest of Bolshevik with that ofmass movement. In August 1917, She foresaw the second revolution.Vor allem rollt die russische Revolution soziale und politische Pro-bleme auf, die an sich nicht anders als auf internationalem Ma~stabgelOst werden konne. Die unvermeidliche Erschtitterung derbtirgerlichen Eigentumsformen durch die bevorstehende Losungder Agrarfrage , die Erschtitterung der kapitalistischenAusbeutungsformen durch eine radikale Umgestaltung derArbeitsverhiiltnisse, die von der russischen Arbeiterschaft angestrebtwerden mu~, die Erschtitterung des btirgerlichen Staates durch einewirkliche Volksherrschaft - alles das kann sich unmoglich in denRahmen des heutigen Europas ftigen, in den Rahmen der krassestenmilitaristischen Reaktion, wie sie gerade seit dem Ausbruch desWeltkrieges in allen Liindern ungehemmt und unumschriinkt dieHerrschaft angetreten hat. / Je mehr in Russland die Diktatur desProletariats naht, urn so mehr reift ferner der unvermeidlicheRtickfall der russischen Bourgeoisie in die Arme desKonterrevolution heran:'Rosa Luxemburg considered the seizur of political power byBolshevik as the realization of this forecast. She identified Bolshevik withmass movement. There was no contradiction with them.In 1918, in the manuscript in prison "Zur russische Revolution", shealso admired Bolshevik as follows.Die Lenin-Partei war die einzige, die das Gebot und die Pt1icht einerwirklich revolutioniiren Partei begriff, die durch die Losung: AIle3) Luxemburg, R., "Brennende Zeitfragen", GW, Bd. 4, S. 279.-148-Rosa Luxemburg and Sakae Osugi 149Macht in die Hande des Proletariats und des Bauerntums! denFortgang der Revolution gesichert hat!'In this manuscript Rosa Luxemburg criticized some policies ofBolshevik government. They were problems concerning agrarianquestion, national question and breaking up of the constituent assemblyby force. Furthermore she pointed out the possibility ofthe degeneraton ofBolshevik's dictatorship into the dictatorship ofclique.Ohne allgemeine Wahlen, ungehemmte Presse - undVersammlungsfreiheit, freien Meinungskampf erstirbt das Leben injeder offentlichen Institution, wird zum Scheinleben, in der dieBurokratie allein das tatige Element bleibt. Das offentliche Lebenschlaft allmalich ein , einige Dutzend Parteifiihre vonunerschopflicher Energie und grenzenlosem Idealismus dirigierenund regieren, unter ihnen leitet in Wirklichkeit ein Dutzendhervorragender Kopfe, und ein Elite der Arbeiterschaft wird von Zeitzu Zeit zu Versammlungen aufgeboten, um den Reden der FuhrerBeifall zu klatschen, vorgelegten Resolutionen einstimmigzuzustimmen, im Grunde also eine Cliquenwirtschaft - eine Diktaturallerdings, aber nicht die Diktatur des Proletariats, sondern dieDiktatur einer Handvoll Politiker, d. h. Diktatur im rein burgerlichenSinne, im Sinne der Jakobinerherrschaft:'But she never blamed the seizure of power by Bolshevik. Near theend of this manuscript she confirmed the significance of BolshevikRevolution.4) Luxemburg, R, "Zur russische Revolution", GW, Bd. 4, S. 341.5) a. a. 0., S. 362.-149-150Worauf es ankommt, ist, in der Politik der Bolschewiki das Wesent-Hche vom Unwesentlichen, den Kern von dem Zufalligen zu unter-scheiden. In dieser letzten Periode, in der wir vor entscheidendenEndkiimpfen in der ganzen Welt stehen, war und ist das wichtigsteProblem des Sozialismus, geradezu die brennende Zeitfrage nichtdiese oder jene Detailfrage der Taktik, sondern: die Aktionsfahig-keit des Proletariats, die revolutioniire Tatkraft des Massen, derWille zur Macht des Sozialismus uberhaupt. In dieser Beziehungwaren die Lenin und Trotzki mit ihren Freunden die ersten, die demWeltproletariat mit dem Beispiel vorangegangen sind.")In spite of pointing out the fear of "dictator of clique", she argued theidentity of interest of Bolshevik with that ofthe masses.The reactions against Bolshevik Revolution by imperialists appearedaround the world. The murder of Rosa Luxemburg in January 1919 was asample of them. In Japan Sakae Osugi (1885-1923) was killed byJapanese authorities just after the great earthquake (Kanto-Daishinsai)of September 1923. At that time thousands of Korean were massacred.Osugi was a socialist activist since Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) anda famous writer having influence on the labour movement. Japaneseauthorities regarded him as one of the most dangereous persons.We can read some literatures on the thought and the life of SakaeOsugi in English and in German.1. Sakae Osugi, The Autobiography of Osugi Sakae, translated withannotations by Byron K. Marshall, University of California Press,1992.6) a. a. 0., S. 365.-150-Rosa Luxemburg and Sakae Osugi 1512. Thomas A. Stanley, Osugi Sakae Anarchist in Taisho Japan: TheCreativity ofthe Ego, Harvard University Press, 1982.3. Herbert Worm, Studien ilber den jungen Osugi Sakae und dieMeiji-Sozialisten zwischen Sozialdemokratie und Ararchismusunter besonderer Berilcksichtigung der Anarchismusrezeption,Gesellschaft fUr Natur - und Vtilkerkunde Ostasians, e. V.,Hamburg, 1981.The socialist movement in Japan started about 1900. But Japaneseauthorities suppressed all the opposition movements completely byframe-up of Tenno assasination plan (Taigyaku-jiken, 1910). Some ofsocialists retired from movement, and others emigrated abroad (SenKatayama 1859-1933, Sanshiro Ishikawa 1876-1956).It were only Toshihiko Sakai (1871-1933), Hitoshi Yamakawa (1880-1958), Kanson Arahata (1887-1981), and Osugi that stood still under thebanner of socialism during the World War I. They were not homogeneousin political orientation. Sakai and Yamakawa stood near GermanMarxism. Osugi was in sympathy with anarchism of Kropotkin (IIeTpAJIeKCeeBHQ KporroToKFlH, 1842-1921). Yamakawa, Arahata andOsugi were also influenced by syndicalism. They had some knowledge ofthe divergence of SPD during the World War I, and felt sympathy withRosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht.When they heard of "Feburary Revolution" in March 1917, theyexpected the proletarian revolution following it. But they had littleknowledge of Russian revolutionary movements of this period. They hadno information about the split of Bolshevik and Menshevik. They knewthe names Plekhanov (reoprHH BaJIeHTFlHoBFlQ IIJIexaHoB, 1856-1918), Zasulich (Bepa I1BaHoBHa 3acYJIFlQ, 1849-1919), Deich (neB-151-152rplIrOpbeBlIq JJ:eMq, 1855-1941), but didn't know the names Lenin,Trotsky (JIeB JJ:aBlIAOBlIq TPOUKlIM, 1879-1940), Martov (IOJIlIMOClInOBlIq UeAep6aYM, 1873-1923).The labour movement was promoted in the closing days of the War.In 1920 May Day was held in Japan for the first time. The impact ofBolshevik Revolution make clear the divergence within the socialistmovement. Sakai, Yamakawa and Arahata formed pro-bolshevik group.Osugi didn't take part in this group. He didn't speake so much aboutBolshevik Revolution. Toward the end of 1920 he wrote "the secondrevolution in Russia made a great impression on the mind of the massesin Japan"7) At that time he considered Bolshevik Revolution positive.After that Osugi turned to assume a critical attitude towardBolshevik Revolution. In September 1922 he expressed himself againstBolshevik as follows.Anarchists outside Russia couldn't realize the truth in Russia, anddisliked counter-revolutionary forces. With much of sympathy theywatched the process of the revolution in Russia. However, the truthbecame gradually known. It became clear that the government oflabourers and peseants itself was the most counter-revolutionaryelement preventing from proceeding the revolution. Everyonesupports the revolution in Russia, but no one supports such Bolshevikgovernment. 8)Osugi's critique against Bolshevik went side by side with his critiqueto pro-bolshevik group in Japan (called "Anarchist-Bolsheik dispute").7) Osugi, S., Collected Works (CW) , Vol. 6, p. 74.8) Osugi, S., CW, Vol. 7, p. 74.-152-Rosa Luxemburg and Sakae Osugi 153The way of labour movement and attitude toward parliament werecirtical issues in the dispute. In January 1917 Toshihiko Sakai ran as acandidate at the general election. Osugi found no significance in thiscandidature, and gave sneering laught at Sakai. The antagonismconcerning labour movement was still sharper. Osugi who had influenceon unions of printer, argued for "federalism" in national organization.Sakai, Yamakawa and Arahata argued for "centralism". In September1922 they clashed each other. After this Osugi make clear his attitudetoward Bolshevik Revolution.Osugi had an antipathy against Bolshevik in direct contact withComintern. Comintern tried to approach Sakai group in order to organizea branch in Japan, and invited the delegation to Shanghai. But Sakai andYamakawa didn't have confidence in the messanger. In their place Osugivisited Shanghai in October 1920. He took part in "Conference of FarEastern Socialists", which was organised by Voitinski (BoHTIm C KHH,rpHropHH HaYMoBH'I 3apxHH, 1893-1953). He wanted to know whatBolshevik was with his own eyes. In January 1921, with funds providedby Comintern, Osugi started the journal "Rodo Undo (LabourMovement)", on which both anarchists and new pro-Bolshevik members(Eizo Kondo 1883-1965, Seido Takatsu 1893-1974) expressed theiropinions.In 1922, Kondo recieved much money from Comintern in Shanghai.And he was arrested by Japanese police when he spent that money foramusements on the way to Tokyo. After this Osugi cut his connectionswith Comintern. He had a deep distrust of Comintern and pro-bolshevikgroup. Comintern also disliked Osugi's anti-marxistic orientation. Theseexpericences exerted a great influence upon his view on Bolshevik.-153-154About 1922, Osugi argued against Bolshevik openly. What he put inquestion were the oppression of non-Bolshevik socialists, the suppressionof the riot in Kronstadt, the policy to trade union and the compromiseswith imperialist powers by NEP. He considered these policies as"counter-revolutionary" acts by Bolshevik. In his last year (1923), hetried to visit Berlin through Paris in order to meet Volin (BoJIHH =BCeBOJIOA MHxaHJIOBH'1 EHxeH6aYM 1882-1945). Because Osugihad much interest in Makhno movement (MaxHOBll.\Ha), he wanted totake information about it from Volin. But Osugi was arrested by Frenchpolice, and was repatriated by force.Osugi's critique aginst Bolshevik stems from his view on labourmovement. In his essay "Labour movement and individualism" (October1915), he explained the causes why labour movement charmed him. 9)At first, from the point of view of the tendency of economic evolution,we find labourers the nucleus for construction of the new society.(Second) We have sensitiveness to the oppressions by surroundings,and have an intense instinct to revolt them. . . . . . . Sociology andpolitical economy show me that these oppressions originate from thesame root. And I took thoughts that the revolt aginst oppressionsshould be approved.The most important cause why I am attracted by labour movement isnot feeling of pity for labourers, but feeling that I would like to findthe great power in their lives, to admire the power, and to assimilatemyself into it.Osugi's starting point was the spirit of revolt against surroundings9) Osugi, S., CW, Vol. 6, pp. 252-254.-154-Rosa Luxemburg and Sakae Osugi 155that restrict him. Osugi aimed at displaying his individuality. He foundsuch ideal in the life of labourer. Then he wanted to engage himself tolabour movement. The understanding that labour class construct a newsociety according to the law of social evolution is secondary for him.Displaying one's individuality was charactalistic in Osugi's anarchism.Osugi criticized Bolishevik from this point of view. He couldn't accept theparty that kept mass movement under its control. He refused theorganization that treated individuals as instruments. Although Osugididn't observe the situation in Russia exactly, he saw through Bolshevik'soppressive tendency. Osugi's clitique seems to be related to RosaLuxemburg's clitique against Bolshevik's "Ultra-zentralismus".Osugi's critique was a precursor of estrangement of Japanese veteransosialists from Comintern. Japanese branch of Comintern = JapaneseCommunist Party was established in 1922. Sakai, Yamakawa andArahata became its leaders. But JCP was disorganized soon. Cominternwas surprised at this disorganization, and tried to reorganize JCP. In1927, JCP was reconstructed. But Sakai, Yamakaw, Arahata didn't partin it. They were distrustful of the way of leading of Comintern. Theycontinued socialist movement with their organ "Rono (Labourer andPeasant)". They weren't against Soviet Union. But they criticized theleading of Japanese socialist movement by Cominter. Cominternappointed new members as leaders ofJCP.In Japan JCP wasn't a successor of the tradition of the socialistmovement since Russo-Japanese War. Sen Katayama was a exceptionalperson. Osugi was the first who ciriticized Bolshevik within the veteransosialists.The rule by Bolshevik in USSR continued more than 70 years, and-155-156finished in 1991. It was criticized not only by the Right, imperialists,liberalists but also by the Left. Trotsky who have led BolshevikRevolution condemned the Bolshevik rule as Stalinist regime. But hecontinued to appreciat the siginificance of Bolshevik Revolution. He hadto explain the degeneration of Lenin's Bolshevik into Stalin's clique.Osugi supported Bolshevik Revolution at first. After having recognizedwhat Bolshevik was, he became to be against it, and turned to conciderBolshevik Revolution as negative. Rosa Luxemburg found some points tobe criticized in Bolshevik's policies. But she admired BolshevikRevolution firmly. If she had looked at the situation of Soviet Union after1920 s, what would she have spoken of Bolshevik Revolution?-156-

Rosa Luxemburg and Sakae Osugi -Two Attitudes towards "Bolshevik Revolution"-

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