Tucker, Richard

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HIMALAYA, the Journal of theAssociation for Nepal andHimalayan StudiesVolume 13Number 1 Himalayan Research Bulletin Article 111993Governments, Villagers, Markets and EcologicalStress: History and ControversyRichard TuckerUniversity of MichiganFollow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalayaThis Research Report is brought to you for free and open access by theDigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@MacalesterCollege. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal ofthe Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorizedadministrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For moreinformation, please contact scholarpub@macalester.edu.Recommended CitationTucker, Richard (1993) "Governments, Villagers, Markets and Ecological Stress: History and Controversy," HIMALAYA, the Journal ofthe Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 13 : No. 1 , Article 11.Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol13/iss1/11Governments, Villagers, Markets and Ecological Stress: History and Controversy Richard Tucker The practice of large scale timber extraction in Himalayan forests extends over two centuries. There has been a century of professional forestry administration, but barely two decades of joint forest management between local people and outside "expetts." Serious depletion of the Outer Himalayan forests began in the 1770s with the extension of metropolitan market demand from Calcutta up the Ganges into the Terai sal forests. By the early nineteenth century most forest cover of tile north Ganges districts was gone, replaced by agricultural production, while ti1e Nepali side of U1e border was under increasing logging pressure. However, it was not land clearance per se tllat began to alarm tile government of British India,so much as tlle rapid loss of construction timber. The imperial regime established a Getman-rooted forest management system after tile 1850s U1roughout tile Indian Himalaya, emphasizing timber extraction for distant markets and permanent presetvation of forests in remote mfragile watersheds. Villagers' needs were to be assured as well, but over ti1e years that priority was moved to ti1eadministrative periphery. Marginal forests and woodlands adjacent to villages were left outside ti1e Forest Departments' sphere. Forestry officials were not responsible for tiwse lands and Revenue Department officers rarely paid much attention to managing ti1em. Hence, official records give little detail on how specific villages managed their forest resources under tile constrictions imposed by tile new system. In one region, we have reconstructed in considerable detail U1e continuity from pre-colonial to post-colonial times: tlle Kumaon hills just west of Nepal. In ti1e Kumaon hills village forest panchayats were established in U1e early 1920s witi1 mixed results. The only detailed study of ti1eir functioning indicates tllat tlley have maintained tlleir forest resources sustainably only where village structure is relatively unstratified and free of factionalism. My current work attempts to assess ti1e extent to which Uw forest administration actually intervened in harvesting and marketing ti1e wide variety of non-timber forest products which have always been essential to botll village subsistence and biological diversity. I am willing to suggest ti1at in ti1ese aspects of tlle meeting-ground between forests and villagers on ti1e one hand, and markets and managers on tlle oti1er, life continued for ti1e most part in a pattern of peaceful rivalry until tile 1960s, when people began to feel tlle scarcities of marketable non-Limber products such as medicinal herbs . The experience of village forest panchayats was somewhat different in the Punjab hills of Kangra valley. My preliminary survey several years ago indicated ti1at these panchayats rarely functioned at all. After Indepedence tile Indian govenunent placed urgent emphasis on economic mobilization ti1rough planning mechanisms under tlle early Five-Year-Plans. The recent colonial past was seen as having 24 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIII (1-2) 1993 severely inhibited the economy's response to a growing population and its needs. In line witi1 ti1at ideology, forest policy placed urgent emphasis on accelerating Limber extraction as a contribution to productivity, understood in market terms. The generation of Indians who had inherited U1e Forest Service from U1eir British mentors were caught in a bind between meeting ti1e production targets of "scientific" or "ndustrial" forestry and defending or improving whatever forest cover still remained-U1e oilier side of "scientific" forestry. Like foresters internationally, they were badly prepared to understand or cope witi1 U1e intricate social issues of how rural communities manage natural resources when left to U1emselves. Most international aid programs of ti1at quarter-century showed similarly serious tlaws in U1eir understanding of U1e social dimensions of forest use. Forest villages U1roughout U1e subcontinent faced an even more severe dilemma since U1ey were being challenged by boU1 commercial and administrative pressures. In many places, relations between villagers and officials slowly deteriorated. By ti1e end of ti1e 1970s, new proposals for revising t11e forest law were stressing t11at U1e Forest Departments should have more autiwritarian powers. In response, by 1980, an unprecedented political coalition of tlJCir opponents was able to slow t11at drive. For a decade new, more cooperative approaches made little headway at t11e national level. In Nepal, U1e high degree of isolation from foreign intluence postponed U1e confrontation between peasant and state until U1e 1950s. In U1e more densely populated areas of t11e Katlunandu valley and t11e middle hills, U1e situation was complicated by polarized land tenure paltems and tl1e complications of landlord tenures. In terms of villagers' vulnerability, landlords were in some ways t11e equivalent of government officials in t11e British districts of U1e Indian Himalayas. When t11e confrontation between peasant and state came in Nepal, it was probably more severe t11an in India, in t11e quite sudden imposition of U1e 1957 Forest Law. Yet by tl1e late 1970s, Nepal's retl1inking of villager .-forester relations surely matched t11e most innovative local and state level experiments in India. WiU1in U1e past decade, historians have entered ti1e discussion over t11e relations between t11e state (colonial or Princely) and peasant communities. In many ways, historians and administrators still inhabit two separate intellectual worlds. For t11e most pmt, academic conferences still center t11eir attention on t11e nature of t11e colonial state or t11e traditional Himalayan kingdom, U1e historical structure of peasant communities in t11e mountain region (witl1 or witlwut landlord regimes), or t11e character of peasant resistance to U1e capitalist economy and t11e bureaucratic state. All of U1ese issues are vitally important, yet U1ey are phrased in a way which needs translating into a somewhat different language and conceptual framework in order to speak directly to policy dilemmas. Few analytical links have been convincingly made in specific local settings between human processes, changes, soil erosion, declining perennial water sources, U1e depletion of vegetation cover, or U1e longterm biotic impacts of domestic livestock-to say not11ing of keeping wildlife in t11e zoological sense. We don't have enough full -spectrum local studies. The Nepal-Australia project was t11e paUl-breaking exception, accomplished by long-sustained multi-disciplinary teamwork. The continuing uncertainty over t11ese issues is illustrated by Lawrence Hamilton 's letter in t11e latest issue of Mountain Research and Development, in which he praised t11e field research of K. S. Valdiya and S. K. Bartarya on U1e decline in water flow from springs in t11e Gaula River catchment of Kumaon. But, ever U1e skeptic, Hamillon goes on to challenge t11eir suggestion t11at human-caused deforestation is necessarily tlle cause of tllat decline, or t11e only cause. His call for more ti10rough and convincing analysis of U1e specific human impacts on tl1e mountains indicates U1e continuing weakness of our collective work in drawing tl1ose interactions between changing human systems and changing natural systems. I believe U1at most historians are still ignoring t11e long-term trends in village forests in India, many of which were severely depleted before Independence in 1947. Several oilier key issues me still not well dissected, such as U1e relative pressures between commercial logging and village subsistence; the tllree-way relations among villagers, foresters and timber contractors; the fiscal functioning of timber markets, and changing use of U1e vast array of non-timber forest products. And we are only in U1e early stages of research on villagers' perceptions and memories of U1eir own relations to t11e lm1d. HISTORY and CONTROVERSYfTucker 25 Finally, let me briefly consider U1e global perspective on U1ese issues, as illusu·ated by U1e forestry debate at the Earth Summit conference last June. It is disconcertingly evident U1at U1e debate over global forests at Rio was split along lines similar to ilie fissures which we are discussing in ilie Himalayan region. The official Forest Principles and the NGO Forest Treaty differed sharply over ilie question of who is to have effective decision-making power in allocating access to forest resources. Where does this leave us regarding grass-roots and tree-roots initiatives and U1eir consequences? We can now begin to see a wide variety of village traditions, disruptions and reorganizations over U1e past two centuries, and villagers' working relations wiili outsiders in recent years. Blanket hostility to village-level management traditions has been, at worst, destructive, or at best, blind to vitally valuable cultural resources. Conversely, the now-familiar romanticization of villagers as ecological sages has turned out to be at ilie very least over-generalized, and intellectually generated by a reaction against U1e neo-colonial state. Somewhere in U1e middle ground between iliese two poles is where we work now, in settings that vary enormously and change unpredictably. Finding iliat middle ground and su·engiliening ilie working relations between academic analysis and working expetience will keep us all busy. Dr. Richard Tucker is a Professor at the University of Michigan. His research includes ecological change in the Himalayan mountain system and the environmental history of U.S. interests in the developing world. 26 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN Xlll (1-2) 1993 

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Governments, Villagers, Markets and Ecological Stress: History and Controversy

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