Following the Sicilian revolution of 1848, many Italian intellectuals and political figures found refuge in Malta where they made use of the Freedom of the Press to divulge their message of unification to the mainland. Britain harboured hopes of seizing Sicily to counterbalance French expansion in the Mediterranean and tended to support the legitimate authority rather than separatist ideals. Maltese newspapers reflected these opposing ideas. By mid-1849 the revolution was dead.peer-reviewe

Facineroso, Alessia

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The Sicilian Revolution of 1848 as seen from Malta Alessia FACINEROSO, Ph.D. e-mail: alessia.facineroso@alice.it Abstract: Following the Sicilian revolution of 1848, many italian intellectuals and politicalfiguresfound refuge in Malta where they made use of the Freedom of the Press to divulge their message ofunification to the mainland. Britain harboured hopes ofseizing Sicily to counterbalance French expansion in the Mediterranean and tended to support the legitimate authority rather than separatist ideals. Maltese newspapers reflected these opposing ideas . By mid-1849 the revolution was dead. Keywords: 1848 Sicilian revolution, Italian exiles, Freedom of the Press, Maltese newspapers. The outbreak of Sicilian revolution of 12 January 1848 was precisely what everyone in Malta had been expecting: for months , the press had followed the rebellious stirrings, the spread of letters and subversive papers, and the continuous movements of the British fleet in Sicilian harbours. A huge number of revolutionaries had already found refuge in Malta, I escaping from the Bourbons and anxious to participate in their country's momentous events. During their stay in the island, they shared their life experiences with other refugees; the freedom of the press that Malta obtained in 1839 - after a long struggle against the British authorities - gave them the possibility to give free play to audacious thoughts and to deliver them in writing to their 'distant ' country. So, at the beginning of 1848, the papers were happy to announce the outbreak of the revolution: Le nOlizie che ci provengono dalla Sicilia sono consolanti per ta causa italiana . ... Era if 12 del corrente, ed il rumore del cannone doveva annunziare al troppo soflerente papalo siciliano it giorno della nascifa def suo Re. Tuona l'arfiglieria, ed in risposta tufte Ie campane suonano a stormo . Questa chiamafa (tanto desiderata dagli oppressi) chiama i cittadini di [£lite le classi in armi; essi si riuniscono in piu luoghi, e sjidano fa truppa a sloggiarli. 1 mititari . . . attaccano e so no respinti con grave perdita .. . 2 1 Since the failure of the insurrections in the early 1820s. 211 Mediferraneo, No. 496, 26 January 1848. 37 The Sicilian Revolution of1848 as seen ji-om Malta The article came from 1l Mediterraneo, a literary 'refuge' of the exiles landed in Malta. The paper was launched in 1838 by two of the refugees, Carlo Cicognani and Tommaso Zauli Sajani/ and collected the dreams, the struggles, and the ideas of the Italian patriots. The other papers of the island also dedicated their articles to Sicilian events: obviously, this was not always out of love of country, at least not for the love of Italy. The British press never thought about hiding the ambitions of conquering Sicily - to counterbalance French expansion in the Mediterranean ­and considered the revolution of 1848 as a good means for Great Britain to play the lead in the future events in Sicily. So, even the pro-British press considered 12 January as a liberation date , especially the Malta Times a paper which had been launched during the dispute between England and Naples about the Sicilian sulphur monopoly4 and since then it had not failed to reveal the real nature of the British interest in Sicily: Poche navi da guerra inviafe sulle coste siciliane, taglierebbero la Sicilia dal resfo del Continente europeo, e mefterebbero i suoi bellissimi porti, Ie sue ricche valli e rosee coUine con il suo popolo ardenfe e appassionafo a disposi~ione della Gran Bretagna.5 Since then, the favourite targets of British press had been, alternatively, the king of the Two Sicilies and France, the eternal competitor for the control of Sicily with its project of a Mediterranean entirely subdued by its forces. At the beginning of the terrible two-year period, the press exalted the ventures of Sicilian rebels, determined to shake off the Bourbon yoke. In that situation, the press also offered a glimpse of the atmosphere of uncertainty that affected that period. In particular, Maltese editors and British authorities were worried about a possible republican turning point. 'Liberty can only be given to a people in proportion to its virtue,' and that there are so few republics, and ever have been so few, is a demonstrable proof that the people in general are incapable of governing themselves. Both France and England, as well as Italy, have once, in the course of their history, been purely in the hands of the people. But the people did not, and apparently could not govern themselves, or for themselves, and failed terribly, leaving examples of democratic violence and injustice to induce to the end of the time; Good, however, followed evil from this iniquity of strife and anarchy.6 3 Cf. B. Fiorentini, 'II giornalismo a Malta durante il Risorgimento Italiano' , in Yincenzo Bonello, Bianca Fiorentini, Lorenzo Schiavone, Echi del Risorgimento a Malta, Milan, 1982, 34-5. 4The dispute began in June 1838, when the king of the two Sicilies - to avoid the inconvenient presence of the British merchants in his land - tried to hold them back and granted the Sicilian sulphur monopoly to the French company Taix Aycard e C; a solution to the dispute was found in 1840. 5 The Malta Times, No. 26, 19 August 1840. (, Ibid. 38 Alessia Facineroso In that period, the rivalry between France and Great Britain gradually became harsher. The little Mediterranean ' refuge' , as a privileged spectator, followed the evolution of the double rivalry through the pages of its newspapers: the Malta Times took side with the support given to the rebels by the British (together with thousands of arms);7 Il Mediterraneo , instead , ventilated the views of the foreign consuls, the new followers of the Sicilian rebellion: Palermo ju bombardata per nove giorni. e gli abitanti ... sostennero con energia e con vero patriollismo il Juoco dei soldati del lora tiranno. lnjine una protesta di consoli .s"franieri, (meno l'austriaco) e La minaccia def capitano del vapore britannico Bulldog di jar juoeo sui vapori napolitani, jeeero eessare le ostilita.8 Behind the unanimous approval of the revolution there were different interests. The British press took the part of the government, determined to defend Sicily and so to strengthen the separatist tendencies already spread in the land; it was the best way to assure their future protectorate on the island. For Italian patriots, instead, separatism was rather a threat, not worse than the Bourbon threat: they tried to avoid separatism through an active political propaganda for the unity of the nation and were, indirectly, against Britain. In April 1848 a newspapers, the Bullettino Maltese was launched; it was edited by exiles, many of whom were Sicilian. The opening of the first number of the paper welcomed the year 1848: Questo anna segna il eominciamento di una grande epoca ~ l'epoea in cui dal sentiero dell'e.\pia~ione e delle prove c'iniziamo ad una vita di eguaglian::.a, di liberra, di jrate!fanza .... II sangue sparso in Svi::.zera, in Craeovia, in Spagna, in Crecia; i famenfi dell'injelice Polonia e dell'/falia; ... la jerocia dei governi ... erano mofori sufficienti per chiamare l'Europa ad un eomune riscatto, eomineiamento di una comune jelieita.9 The British press reacted to the presence of the new paper with evident annoyance: the Malta Times reacted with especially severe accusations against the Bullettino, creating a dispute about the fortunes of Sicily. Il Mediterraneo also joined the dispute. Its pages were full of explicit references to the Italian Nation that was ready to accept the protection of the allied nations but not their domination. At the end of March, the paper published a speech by Giuseppe Natoli, delegate of the city of Messina at the Sicilian committee, His words were of a violent republican echo and he sincerely admired the French example: 7 The Malta Times, No. 320,3 April 1848. 8Il Mediterraneo, No. 497, 2 February 1848. 9 Bullettino Malfese, No. I, 1 April 1848. 39 The Sicilian Revolution of1848 as seen from Malta II Jatto rumoroso della Repubblica Francese e stato ascoltato con entusiasmo dal nostro popolo, ebbra di vittoria ed orgoglioso di avere (ltterr(lto if dispotismo in casa sua ed accelerat(Jne La caduta aL di juori. Egli ... ha ritornat(J l'amplesso jraterno da libero Italiano a libero Francese, ha esaltato di rivedere Jinalmente un alleato Jorte che ... ridiviene it sostenitore del principio della nazionalita contro ogni esterna aggressione.:o British ambitions fought against political ide.as borrowed from French experience: that model was the antecedent and the most direct reference of the Sicilian democratic political theory. British people also wondered about the strong national mood that was animating the rebellion: on 1 February 1848 Lord Gilbert Minto informed Henry John Temple Palmerston that an Italian national mood was spreading so strongly in Sicily that it could interfere with regional interests and British ambitions. The diplomat was so worried about it that he concluded his report asking for information about the real intentions of the British government. II 40 Alessia Facineroso At that point, the question interested and worried Richard More O'Ferrall, governor of Malta, who had already declared that he did not want to allow Malta to become the centre of Italian immigration. At the beginning of July the governor wrote to Lord Grey, the minister for the colonies: My Lord, My attention has recently been called to an article in the 'Mediterraneo ' newspaper of the 28th ultimo, purporting to be an Address from the Italians in Malta to the Maltese People .. . ; the author presupposing that the Maltese People have an interest and feel themselves bound to uphold the Italian cause, a cause which the Italian refugees have long been in the habits of designating as that of Italian peninsula and adjacent islands, thus insinuating that the Maltese ought from the geographical position of the island to make common cause with Italy and Sicily.14 O'Ferral was against the Italians' liberal claims and called for the immediate expUlsion of the irreverent reporter from the island. However, his claim was not admissible and his fears continued to grow: a few months later the destiny of the revolution would be the same and new rebels would find refuge in Malta. At the end of that troubled year, a new war of words involved the pages of the Bullettino Maltese and the Malta Times. The former newspaper was really involved in Sicilian events and, issue number 21 of November published a resonant letter of a correspondent from Palermo. The letter clearly expressed the resentment of Sicilian people towards the large nations who acted as mediators: Da qualehe tempo qui giornalmente si pubblieano dei giornali repubblieani . II nome di Alberto Amadeo non e benedetto come quando da Stabile fu proelamato re dei sieiliani. Del resto la maggiorita non desidera altro per ora ehe di operare repubbfieanamente, eioe con energia e indipendentemente dalle potenze, ehe si dicollo mediatrici il cui nome eCOSt odiato che potrebbe fa cilmente fruttare fa morte a colora ehe COil esse simpatizzano. Malta's government did not like that letter, and even less did the motherland that had been working to reach a compromise for the Sicilian cause since the previous month. A week later, the Malta Times published the entire letter appeared in the Bullettino and expressed a harsh comment on its author's reliability: We do not know what credit is to be given to the Bullettino's correspondent, but we think the letter contains a good deal of what is vulgarly called Fudge. lo 14 National Archi ve of Malta (NAM), GOY 1-4-1, O'Ferrall dispatch to Lord Grey, 1 July 1848. ISIbid. 16The Malta Times, No. 302,28 November 1848. 41 The Sicilian Revolution of1848 as seen from Malta The reply arrived immediately after: Dieiamo infanto ess'ere mal jondato il sospetTo che ja cadere it Malta Times sulla leTlera pubblieala ... ed aggiungiamo essere sfupida l'osservazione degli editori, poiehi non dovevano riportare nelle eolonne del medesimo joglio un doeumenfo che da qualehe peso alia nosfra corrispondenza.'7 The suspects on British conduct, at that point, could not be hidden: Or bene, Ie fanfaronate (fudge) che il Malta Times vuol aflribuire alIa nosfra leTlera possono riguardare Ie tendenze repubblicane che si manijesfano in Sicilia, di cui in essa si riene discorso . .. Ma perchi si meraviglia di tali tendenze? Giusta la eorrispondenza in discorso iI signor Temple non sembra voler dispiacere al go verno del reo Una sola rertificazione ci induce ajare la lettera di Napoli alia nosfra, ed eehe l'odio contro la mediazione debb'essere cagionato dal sospetlo che si ha riguardo I'lnghilterra, sieeome delle sinistre mire della Francia non si hanno prove ancora. '8 That debate did not arouse the sensations of the establishment and the increasing number of the exiles that arrived in Malta provoked emotion in all the people. The fact of leaving their country meant the failure of their wishes. After the conquest of Messina there was not any hope left; on 10 April 1849, Il Portafoglio Maltese first announced the fall of Catania: Un 'altra citta della eroica Sicilia vien di toccare la sorfe dell'infeliee Messina. Catania e oggi anch'essa caduta in mano dei soldati borbonici . ... Sfiniti in fine i catanesi. sopraft'atfi da una jorza assai superiore, dovertero eedere il campo, e si rilirarono nelle montagne .... Catania fu aflora abbandonata al sacco ed at juoco: e qui s'incominciarono quelle stragi per cui si sono jarti gia distinguere in Messina i barhari dell'Europa. ' 9 Immediately before the paper went to press, the news of the conquest of Syracuse reached the desk. At the end, there was a sad goodbye to the martyrs of the freedom: Come non compiangere quelle tante vittime che pagarono col loro sangue, colla loro vita, il piu santo dei desiderj che pub avere l'uomo, anzi il diritto pil1 sacro, concessogli da Dio, e da un suo pari negatogli - fa fibertafO The last moments of pride of Sicily interested Malta: the press in exile clearly showed that there were hidden forces against the revolution, so it condemned the moderates' ambiguity, the abuses of the national guard, the negative mediation of Boudin's France and the suspicious acts of its comare inglese. 21 17 Bullettino Maltese , No. 178, 30 November 1848. 18Ibid. 19 Il Portajoglio Maltese, 2° paper supplement to No. 570, 10 April 1849. 20 Ibid. 2 1 /1 Mediterraneo, No. 561,25 April 1849. 42 Alessia Facineroso At the end of April, a letter from Palermo announced that the end of the revolution was imminent, 30 miles away: II partito reazionario alia cui testa e il Barone Riso continua le sue negoziazioni col go verno di Napoli per mezzo dell'intrigante Ammiraglio Baudin, La vilta dimostrala da questa partito .. . formera nella storia presente una pagina serina a caratteri di sangue; ed i Siciliani che non hanno rinnegata la lora patria, e che la difesero con tutta la lora possa, ne lrarranno un giorno La piu sterminata vendetta . ... Le truppe napolitane si aspettal10 a momenti, e v'e chi dice che SOI1 distanti 30 mig/ia 22 The day after, Ruggero Settimo boarded the Bulldog, a steamer offered by the London government. By the time the paper was launched, he had already landed in Malta. Following that, the arrivals continued endlessly: at the end of 1849, Malta had at least 600 Italian refugees.23 22 Ibid., No. 562, 2 May 1849. 23 Ct. Fiorentini, 201-9. 

The Sicilian revolution of 1848 as seen from Malta

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The Sicilian revolution of 1848 as seen from Malta

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