An unpublished curse tablet in the Musée Bargoin depicts a horse head demon, which is also attested in DTAud 155A, 167, and 248. The images on the first two items were published by R. Wünsch, and I discovered the drawing of DTAud 248 in the bequest of Audollent. The Roman Alexamenos-graffito, which is usually considered an Anti-Christian caricature, is probably another representation of the horse head demons used in the context of chariot races.La tablette de défixion inédite de la collection du Musée Bargoin est illustré d’un démon à tête de cheval, tout comme celles du DTAaud 155A; 167 et 248. Les relevés des deux premiers objets ont été publiés par R. Wünsch, j’ai découvert celle du DTAud 248 dans l’héritage d’Audollent. Le démon à tête de cheval des courses de chariots figure probablement aussi sur le graffiti romain d’Alexamenos, qui est considéré généralement comme une caricature anti-chrétienne

Németh, György

Revistes Catalanes amb Accés Obert

153SEBarc xi, 2013, pp. 153-162
György Németh, The Horse Head…
Sylloge Epigraphica Barcinonensis (SEBarc)
xi, 2013, pp. 153-162
issn 2013-4118
data de recepció 24.9.2012
data d’acceptació 12.10.2012
The Horse Head Demon
György Németh*
Abstract: An unpublished curse tablet in the Musée Bargoin depicts a horse head demon, 
which is also attested in DTAud 155A, 167, and 248. The images on the first two items were 
published by R. Wünsch, and I discovered the drawing of DTAud 248 in the bequest of 
Audollent. The Roman Alexamenos-graffito, which is usually considered an Anti-Christian 
caricature, is probably another representation of the horse head demons used in the context 
of chariot races.
Resumé: La tablette de défixion inédite de la collection du Musée Bargoin est illustré d’un 
démon à tête de cheval, tout comme celles du DTAaud 155A; 167 et 248. Les relevés des 
deux premiers objets ont été publiés par R. Wünsch, j’ai découvert celle du DTAud 248 dans 
l’héritage d’Audollent. Le démon à tête de cheval des courses de chariots figure probable-
ment aussi sur le graffiti romain d’Alexamenos, qui est considéré généralement comme une 
caricature anti-chrétienne.
Keywords: horse head demon, Seth-Typhon, defixio, Alexamenos-graffito
Mots clé: démon à tête de cheval, Seth-Typhon, défixion, graffiti d’Alexamenos
Two fragments of an unpublished lead lamella from the private collection of Au-
guste Audollent are kept in the Musée Bargoin1. Inventory number is found only on 
the smaller fragment (72-1-217), which is 95 mm wide and 75 mm high. The bigger 
fragment, measuring 90 mm both in height and in width, formed the top right corner 
 * ELTE University Budapest.
 1. I owe a debt of gratitude to Mme Chantal Lamesch, the conservateur of the Musée Bargoin, for 
her support of my research, and also to the mayor of Clermont-Ferrand, who consented to the publica-
tion of the photos taken from the finds, which are the property of the town. This study forms part of 
OTKA [Hungarian Scientific Research Fund] programme no. K 81332 (Ancient magic, parallel researches: 
Curse tablets and magic gems), and the Zaragoza project titled Espacios de penumbra: Cartografia de 
la actividad magico-religiosa en el Occidente del Imperio romano (Ref. FFI 2008–01511 / FISO).
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
of the lead tablet and it preserved the edge of the original on the right and part of the 
edge on the left. The smaller fragment formed the bottom right corner of the tablet, 
preserving parts of the original edges. Consequently the unbroken lamella used to 
be somewhat wider at the bottom than at the top. The inventory of the museum 
reveals that the item was found in the amphitheatre of Bir-el-Djebbana in Carthage, 
thus we have good reason to assume that it was used to manipulate a race2.
Scarcely anything can be worked out from the inscription of the larger fragment. 
The defixio was probably written in Latin, since the letters are not Greek. Still, one 
of the few clusters of decipherable Latin letters (telet) may be part of Greek telête. 
Traces of several written lines can be seen on the smaller fragment. These letters might 
be read on the spot with a microscope, but I did not have a chance to try. The most 
significant part of the larger fragment is a drawing frontally depicting a naked male 
figure in standing position. The creature, portrayed with an erect phallus, holds a 
wand and a palm branch (i.e. a symbol of victory) in its extended right hand. Magic 
characteres are inscribed under the branch and over the creature’s left shoulder3. Its 
left arm rests next to the body. A star consisting of four lines can be seen between the 
legs4. The facial part of the head (facing right) was broken off, yet the back of the neck 
and its hair does not hint at a human being. Though the ears are not visible, either, 
the magician probably intended to portray a human figure with a horse head. We can 
find such horse head demons in the drawings of Roman curse tablets published by 
Richard Wünsch, which were clearly designed to manipulate chariot races5.
Wünsch described the demons as having a donkey’s head and identified them 
with Seth6. K. Preisendanz pointed out that Wünsch’s interpretation is wrong and 
the tablets depict a horse head demon but do not mention either the name of the 
demon or that of Seth7. Preisendanz labelled this demon as gnostic and brought it 
into connection with Eulamon8.
 2. However, I have to remark that the inventory of the museum does not always provide authentic 
information. According to this register, the provenance of a lead container (inv. nr. 72.1.201) with a 
lead tablet broken into three parts is Bir-el-Djebbana, though the find was presented to Audollent by 
Dr. Louis Carton’s widow and although it is indeed from Carthage, nothing confirms that it was found 
in the cemetery of Bir-el-Djebbana. Moreover, at two other tablets (inv. nr. 72.1.275 and 72.1.276) the 
register records «Afrique du Nord», though we know that these items were found in the Fontaine aux 
mille amphores in Carthage, see G. Németh, «Audollentiana», in ActaClDebrec 48, 2012, p. 144.
 3. For a male figure with an erect phallus and naked upper body, wearing a short under-dress, also 
holding a wand in the right hand see item nr. 10 in R. Wünsch, Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus 
Rom, Leipzig 1898, p. 12. The text of the lamella was re-edited by Audollent (DTAud 149).
 4. The same type of star can be seen between the legs of Hekate in a Bologna defixio against Por-
cellus, see C. Sánchez Natalías, «The Bologna defixio(nes) Revisited», in ZPE 179, 2011, p. 204; C. 
Sánchez Natalías,«Fistus difloiscat languat … Re-reading of defixio Bologna 2», in ZPE 181, 2012, 
p. 141.
 5. Wünsch, Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln…, cit., nr.16A=DTAud 155A, 20B=DTAud 167.
 6. Wünsch, Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln…, cit., pp. 86–114.
 7. The name of Seth occurs in a Roman curse tablet from the fountain of Anna Perenna, see J. 
Blänsdorf, «The Texts from the Fons Annae Perennae», in R. Gordon, F. Marco Simón (edd.), Magi-
cal Practice in the Latin West, Leiden, Boston 2010, p. 218.
 8. K. Preisendanz, «Fluchtafel», in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 8, 1972, pp. 1-30.
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
1. Fragment A of 72-1-217
Preisendanz mentioned a curse tablet (DTAud 248) found in the amphitheatre 
of Carthage and dated to the 3rd century by A. Audollent, who provides the follow-
ing description: «Daemon stans longis auribus et asinine (?) capite insignis, pateras 
(?) duas sinistra gerens, fascem (?) dextra.» The curse is meant to harm a gladiator 
named Ziolus, yet Audollent did not publish its drawing — a deficiency remarked 
also by Preisendanz. As opposed to the Roman material, this curse is not against 
chariot racers. Notwithstanding, we can assume that the tablet contained the draw-
ing of the horse head demon. Audollent described the ears as those of an ass (with 
question mark), since Wünsch envisaged donkeys in the Roman drawings, because 
this made them fit the set of gnostic Seth-spells9.
 9. For Seth in magical texts, see J. Fossum, B. Glazer, «Seth in the Magical Texts», in ZPE 100, 
1994, pp. 86-92.
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
2. Fragment B of 72-1-217
Audollent’s drawing is today in the archive of Clermont-Ferrand10. It depicts a 
naked creature with an animal head holding a longish object, perhaps a whip in 
its right hand. The head is portrayed in side-view, looking at the object in the right 
hand. The left arm is not visible, though we see the figure in front view taking a 
step or standing astride. A long mane is hanging down to the chest of the creature. 
The ears are not those of a donkey; they rather resemble the pointy ears of a dog or 
a horse. The face has disappeared in a breach of the lamella. The figures of DTAud 
248 and the unpublished defixio in the Musée Bargoin are both portrayed naked 
 10. Németh, «Audollentiana», cit., pp. 141-142.
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
in front view, stretching out with their right hand and turning their head towards 
the object in their hand. The mane of the figure in Clermont-Ferrand does reach 
the chest but only the corner of neck and shoulder. The genitals are not visible in 
DTAud 248, though originally they might have also been depicted in the drawing.
Consequently, this anonymous demon is attested only in defixiones manipulat-
ing amphitheatre or circus games. There is, however, another drawing of a similar 
horse head creature: the famous graffito from the Palatine Hill in Rome, portray-
ing a crucified human figure with a horse’s or donkey’s head, accompanied by a 
Greek inscription: Ἀλε|ξαμενὸς | σέβετε (= σέβεται) | θεόν11. The drawing has been 
interpreted (with few exceptions) as a caricature mocking Christians since its dis-
covery in 185612. Heikki Solin’s authoritative edition summarizes the debate on the 
interpretation of the inscription and the image. It was pointed out directly after the 
discovery that ancient Jewish people13 (and later also Christians) were commonly 
accused of worshipping a donkey’s head: Audio eos turpissimae pecudis caput, asini, 
consecratum inepta nescio qua persuasione venerari: digna et nata religio talibus 
moribus14. Minucius Felix gave a witty rebuttal to these conceptions: Inde est quod 
audire te dicis, caput asini rem nobis esse divinam. Quis tam stultus ut hoc colat?15 
Solin dated the drawing to the 2nd/3rd century16 but he does not expressly classify it 
as a caricature of Christ17. Nevertheless, he posited that «I cristiani non usarono mai 
pubblicamente la croce sotto nessuna forma prima di Constantino»18.This assertion 
queries the Anti-Christian reading of the graffito.
The ears of the crucified figure are unquestionably shorter than those of an ass, 
thus they rather take after horse ears19. In my view, the head has been interpreted as 
that of a donkey under the influence of Minucius Felix and Tertullian. This theory 
was reinforced by the inscription itself, since Alexamenos worshipped the crucified 
figure as a god. Indeed, crucifixion reminds all Christians to Christ. However, we 
know from Plautus that crucifixion was a common punishment of slaves as early 
 11. GR I 178 (b); ILCV 1352 C. adn.; IGCVO 402; SEG 14, 618; 46, 2293; 47, 1512. The best 
edition: H. Solin, M. Itkonen-Kaila (edd.), Graffiti del Palatino I: Paedagogium, Helsinki 1966, p. 
209, no. 246. «Uomo crocifisso visto di dietro, con testa di asino (o di cavallo?)…».
 12. A. Helttula, «Epigraphical Laughter», in S. Jäkel, A. Timonen (edd.), Laughter down the 
Centuries, vol. 2, Turku 1995, pp. 145-159; P. Lombardi, «Le iscrizioni greche cristiane nei Musei 
Vaticani», in I. Di Stefano Manzella (ed.), Le iscrizioni dei cristiani in Vaticano. Materiali e contributi 
scientifici per una mostra epigrafica (Inscriptiones Sanctae Sedis 2), Città del Vaticano 1997, pp. 45-51.
 13. Iosephus Flavius, Contra Apionem, 2. 7; Tacitus, Historiae, 5, 4.
 14. Minucius Felix 9, 3.
 15. Minucius Felix 28, 7. Further references to the worship of the donkey head among Christians: 
Tertullian: Apologeticum, 16, 1-8; Ad nationes 1, 11; 14.
 16. Itkonen-Kaila, Solin, Graffiti del Palatino…, cit., p. 47.
 17. It is referred to only in an accidental remark, see Itkonen-Kaila, Solin, Graffiti del Palatino…, 
cit., p. 46: «caricatura di Cristo».
 18. Itkonen-Kaila, Solin, Graffiti del Palatino…, cit., p. 210.
 19. As seen also by A. Alföldi, see Itkonen-Kaila, Solin, Graffiti del Palatino…, cit., p. 211.
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
3. Fragment A of 72-1-217, drawing of G. Németh
4. DTAud 248, drawing of 
A. Audollent
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as in the 3rd century BC20. Therefore, a non-Christian Roman was more likely to 
see a punished criminal in the drawing, and definitely not Christ, who was perhaps 
entirely unknown to him.
R. Wünsch studied the Alexamenos-graffito in great depth, drawing a connec-
tion between the crucified figure and the demons of the Roman curse tablets — all 
with a donkey’s head, as he saw them. He identified the demons with the Egyptian 
deity Seth, the murderer of Osiris21. Since Seth was commonly depicted with an ass’s 
head, Wünsch thought that drawings on the tablets are unequivocal portrayals of 
the donkey head Seth-Typhon. Another important element of his argumentation is 
based on another inscription from the Palatine Hill, reading Ἀλεξαμενὸς fidelis. If 
this inscription was written by a friend of Alexamenos or by Alexamenos himself, 
then the crucified Seth-Typhon cannot be interpreted as a caricature. This notion 
seems to be confirmed by a capital Y of considerable size inscribed at the right side 
of the image, next to the head of the crucified figure. Wünsch connects this symbol 
to the Y-shaped character inscribed next to head of Seth on the curse tablets. He 
writes: «Dieses Y aber ist natürlich ein geheimes Kultzeichen, nur dem Eingeweihten 
bekannt und verständlich; ein Spötter aber würde sich nie die Mühe gemacht haben, 
solch einzelnes Zeichen, das Seinem Spotte an Schärfe nichts hinzufügen konnte, 
anzubringen»22. Consequently, he regards the crucified figure with an ass’s head not 
as mockery but rather as evidence for the syncretism of the Seth-Typhon cult and 
of Christianity.
However, Heikki Solin highlighted the untenable points of this bold hypothesis. 
He proved that the Y is a subsequent element of the image, deriving from a second 
hand, thus it is no evidence to assume a secret, mysterious symbol, whereas the 
inscription Ἀλεξαμενὸς fidelis «non sembra affatto autentica», therefore it cannot 
support Wünsch’s hypothesis, either23. E. Staedler considers the word Ἀλεξαμενός 
not a name but a participle meaning «I have been set free» i.e. from the madness of 
chariot racing24. In spite of this appealing assumption, it is more probable to pre-
sume that this part of the inscription contains a personal name and not a participle. 
Furthermore, Staedler’s explanation requires an extensive (though highly uncertain) 
complementation of the inscription25. It is important to remark, however, that the 
 20. Plautus, Miles gloriosus, 372-373. According to Dionysius Halicarnasseus (5, 51, 3.), crucifixion 
was applied as early as in 501 BC but most scholars disbelieve this early date, see W.A. Oldfather, Livy 
I.26 and the supplicium de more maiorum, TAPhA 39, 1908, 49-72.
 21. Wünsch: Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln…, cit., pp. 86-118. The Alexamenos-graffito is treated 
on pages 110-114.
 22. Wünsch: Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln…, cit., p. 112.
 23. Itkonen-Kaila, Solin, Graffiti del Palatino…, cit., p. 211.
 24. E. Staedler, «Das „Spottkruzifix“ vom Palatin: ein Votivbild?», in Theologische Quartalschrift 
117, 1936, pp. 253-260.
 25. In the translation of H. Solin, see Itkonen-Kaila, Solin, Graffiti del Palatino…, cit., p. 211: 
«(io) che mi sono liberato (dal disgraziato incantamento, grazie all’aiuto di questo dio, io dico a voi tutti 
che vedete questo disegno): adorate (questo) dio».
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
5. DTAud 155A, drawing of R. Wünsch 
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
6. DTAud 167, drawing of R. Wünsch
Paedagogium building, where the Alexamenos-graffito was found, was situated in 
the direct neighbourhood of the Circus Maximus, thus in this area the occurrence 
of an inscription referring to circus games is much more probable than an Anti-
Christian caricature. Moreover, chronologically it is very difficult to support this 
latter possibility, since we have seen that the cross was not yet used as a Christian 
symbol in the 2nd/3rd century.
To sum up, there are more arguments hinting at the link between the Alexame-
nos inscription and the horse head (not donkey!) demon of the curse tablets, and 
it seems less likely that the graffito was a pagan joke of an early Christian-mocker. 
Wünsch was right to argue for the connection, still, the identification of the demon 
and Seth-Typhon or his explanation referring to gnosticism is not sustainable any 
more. Simple Roman people wagering money at chariot races, who sometimes even 
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György Németh, The Horse Head…
employed magical practice to secure victory for their teams, were probably not very 
well-informed in gnostic literature. However, it is obvious that the anonymous de-
mon of chariot races had the head of a horse and not of an ass. What could be the 
original function of the Alexamenos-graffito? Most probably we should consider 
Alexamenos an ill-fortuned gambler who lost all his property at chariot races. The 
image depicts the demon of the races crucified as a disobedient slave. Alexamenos is 
standing in front the cross, watching the painful agony of the demon that destroyed 
him financially. The inscription may indicate that Alexamenos (used to) worship a 
deity that makes his followers bankrupt.
7. The Alexamenos-graffito onianze
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