Translated from the original French by Marcel Moraud

Jaray, Gabriel Louis

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VI T R A G E D Y  A N D  D E A T H  OF DE L A  SALLE N April 14, 1684, the King signed the letters patent 0 appointing de la Salle governor of all the territory of northern America conquered or  to be conquered, begin- ning with and including Fort  St. Louis of the Illinois (of which Tonty was in command) down to  New Biscay, with power of commanding the French natives, and of appointing governors and commanders under him. De la Salle is the Viceroy of half of the French Empire in America. H e  left La  Rochelle on July 24, 1684, but not until Feb- ruary, 1685, did he reach the channel of a lake which is identified today as being to the west of Matagorda Bay on the Texas coast. In  any case, this bay was very far  from the mouth of the Mississippi, which Beaujeu sought in vain, or  a t  least pre- tended to seek. As everything seems to conspire against success, we may easily believe that Beaujeu, Aigron, and Minet are the instigators of this plot. Aigron, captain of the “Aimable,” which carried munitions and supplies, either permits his ship to run aground on a sand bar, or  deliber- ately scuttles it. T h e  cargo is almost entirely lost. Minet, the only civil engineer of the expedition, refuses to  go ashore, and Beaujeu will not compel him to do so. De la Salle asks for cannon and cannon balls which are aboard the “Joly.” Beaujeu refuses and sets sail for France, March 12, 1685. 37 38 Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle Therefore de la Salle is left with his companions, many of whom are to die in a few weeks. H e  has no cannon balls, no iron for building. H e  is on a fever-ridden coast, with no drinking water save that of the swamps and with just enough food to last one month instead of ten. H e  is in an unknown country, knowing not which way to turn. Leaving Joutel in an improvised camp, he reconnoitres the surround- ing country and discovers a bluff which he considers a favor- able site for the establishment of a fort, which will be known as “Fort  St. Louis.” H e  builds the fort  in June, 1685. It is situated about twenty leagues from the landing-place, on a river which flows to the southwest of a bay called St. Louis Bay, and which he calls, because of the great number of bison which come there to  drink, “Rivi6re aux boeufs” (probably the Garcitas). From the fort  extended a panorama, including the expanse of St. Louis Bay, two leagues to the east. This was the “Great Camp.” Two houses, one of four rooms, the other of two, were constructed. This temporary fort  was placed under the orders of Joutel, and in October, 1685, de la Salle set out with half of his men to  attempt to reach the Mississippi by land. It seems that a t  that time there re- mained less than a hundred of those who had landed. About the middle of February, 1686, according to his brother, Jean Cavelier, it appears that he reached the great river and met there two Indians from the friendly tribe who had accompanied him in 1682 on his descent of the Mississippi and who received him with great demonstrations of joy. A t  any rate, he returned to his main camp, For t  St. Louis, in March, 1686, and left again almost immediately to  look for his ship, “La Belle,” which he had left in a cove and with which he intended to go back to the Mississippi. Dur- ing his absence, his only ship had been wrecked by a blunder Tragedy and Death of de la Salle 39 of the crew. It was a total loss, as well as its cargo, and fifteen men of the twenty had disappeared. From that time the expedition was without communication with the outside world and i t  was impossible to  go back to the Mississippi. The  situation appears hopeless; but i t  would be utter ignorance of the heroic character and indomitable energy of de la Salle to believe for one minute that he was going to give up. For  a whole year, from April, 1686, to  March, 1687, he will strive to  find a way out, and to  take back the survivors to  Fort  St. Louis of the Illinois where Tonty was in command. De la Salle knows the fidelity and the zeal of his lieutenant, but he is unaware of the efforts of the latter to find him, though he has an intuition of it and desires to go to  meet him. In April, 1686, de la Salle with twenty companions sets out again from his main camp in a new attempt to reach the Mississippi. H e  reaches the Cenis tribe," where he is well received, but several of his men desert him and remain among the natives, others fall ill as he does himself, and he has to return to For t  St. Louis with eight men only. Tired, and exhausted, he falls ill again. As soon as he has recovered, he celebrates the Epiphany, and in January, 1687, with the courage which never failed him, he announces that he is going to  seek help. On January 12 he starts. Out of the three hundred original members of the expedition, but forty remain. Twenty stay behind a t  the camp with Lieu- tenant Barbier and Father Zinobe; sixteen accompany de la Salle, among them, Joutel, Father Anastase Douay, and his brother, Jean Cavelier. In March they are again among the tribe of the Cenis, not f a r  from the Red River. On that spot was enacted the tragic drama of March 19, 1687. According to the account of Jean Cavelier, the faith- ful Nica, de la Salle's friend and companion, had killed two 40 Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle bison. A quarrel over the division of the meat breaks out between Moranger, nephew of Cavelier on one side, and on the other side, the surgeon Liotot and a certain Duhault. During the night, the surgeon takes an axe and kills de la Salle's nephew, Moranger, and his two servants, Nica and Saget. When they fail to  return, de la Salle leaves Joutel with the men and equipment and sets out with Father Douay to look for them. T h e  two murderers are lying in ambush in the high weeds. De  la Salle receives a bullet in his head and falls dead. T h e  two murderers strip the body and with insulting words throw it into a thicket and leave it to the mercy of wild beasts. T h e  drama is over." T h e  fate of the companions of de la Salle was no less tragic. Liotot and Duhault then undertook to  take charge of the expedition. One of the men, Hiems, wishing to re- main with the Indians, asked for  his share of the booty which they had taken from de la Salle, but they refused. Another man sided against them and the two murderers were shot point blank. Most of the remaining men then decided to  remain with the Indians. A small number, how- ever, moved on, attempting to follow the wise plan of de la Salle. They were well received by the Akansas, Illinois, and Chaouanon tribes, out of respect for the great French chieftain, whom the Indians believed was still alive. De la Salle's death was kept secret. As if still alive, he continued to afford protection to  the five survivors. They even kept the news from Tonty at  For t  St. Louis of the Illinois, and from the governor of Canada at  Quebec. Jean Cavelier, one of the five, returned to France and revealed the tragic secret to  Seignelay, November 10, 1688. Of all the members of the expedition, only these five men returned, Joutel, de la Salle's brother, Jean Cavelier, his nephew, Nicolas Cavelier, Father Anastase Douay, and a Tragedy and Death of de la Salle 41 certain Teissier. Those who had been left on guard a t  the main camp near St. Louis Bay were surprised by the Indians in January, 1689, and all killed except a few children, who were, as it is reported, found and rescued later by the Spaniards, who also took with them some of the other French who had remained with the Indians. Thus ends the great epic of Robert Cavelier de la Salle. His  heroic lieu- tenant, Henri de Tonty, says: “Such is the destiny of the greatest man of this century.” NOTES ‘Pbre Charlevoix, Histoire et description d e  la Nouvelle France, t.1, p. 456, and t.11, p. 25. ZJohn Finley, T h e  French in the Heart of  America, Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York, 1918, p. 105. 3P. Chesnel, Histoire de Cavelier d e  la Salle, Paris, Maisonneuve, 1901, P. 58. hLavisse, HiJtoire de France, Paris, Hachette, t.VI1, 1906, p. 252. 5 “ Y ~ ~  will do this at your own expense,” stated the letter patent of 1678, including the construction of the new outposts “in the western part of New France, within the next five years.” De la Salle had asked the minister for no credit. He was supposed to recover his expenses with the returns from his concessions of the Illinois. As these existed only on paper, he had to borrow, and it was with funds lent by personal friends that he covered the expenses of his great discovery of 1682. He lost everything, and his friends were never repaid. T h e  sums which he borrowed in France have been estimated by some at 200,000 francs. BChesnel, loc.cit., p. SO. ‘Father Charlevoix said that Cavelier had several conversations with the Marquis de Seignelay, to whom he gave Frontenac’s letter to Colbert (Char- levoix, l o c d . ,  t.1, p. 457). It is true that Seignelay had been Secretary of the Navy since 1676, and, as he was called “Colbert,” like his father, Cavelier might have been mistaken as to his identity, even if he was received by Seignelay. T h e  decision was Colbert’s, who followed with keen interest these colonial questions. Moreover, one may wonder if the Court did not intend to belittle the importance of the rejection of Louis Joliet’s proposals, by involving only the son of Colbert. That  is the rumor that Father Charlevoix seems to have accepted. SHis part  is brought out by Father Marion A. Habig, Franciscan Studies: a critical biography of Father Zknobe Membrk,  New York, 1934, p. 3 0 1 .  BFather ZCnobe left three principal documents: ( i )  A letter dated “from the Mississippi River, June 13, 1682,” to the Father Superior of the Recollets of Quebec. T h e  letter was entrusted to Tonty, who had it carried along with his own to Governor Frontenac. The  original document seems to have been lost, but a copy is available at  the BibliothZque Nationale. Cf. Margry, 42 Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle DCcouwertes et ktablissements francair duns l’ouest et d a m  le Jud de  1’Amhrique septentrionale (1654-1754), Paris, 1876, t.11, pp. 206212. (i i)  A journal of the explorations carried on between 1678 and 1682, which was remitted, November, 1682, to the Father Superior of the Recollets at Quebec. The  original document is lost. It was partly reproduced in 1691, in Father Maxime Leclerq’s book, Premier ktablissement d e  la Foy, 1691, t. 11. (iii) An official account presented to the Court, 1683, still extant. Margry does not reproduce it, but it can be found in Thomassy, D e  la Salle et  ses relations inkdites de la dkcouwerte du Mississippi, Paris, Douniol, 1850. Gravier reprinted it in Dicouwertes et ktablissements d e  Cawelier de la Salle, Rouen, 1870, p. 371. 1OThe first story of the great expedition was written on the way back in a letter of July 23, 1682, from Tonty to Governor Frontenac. This document, unpublished till 1934, is printed in full as an appendix to Father Habig‘s book, cited above in note 8. It is on this document that our account is based. “The  original of Abbot Jean Cavelier’s diary is lost. Extracts were pub- lished in three collections of documents: Shea, Discowery and Explorntion o f  the Mississippi Valley,  New York, 1852; Parkman, Pioneers o f  France in the N e w  W o r l d ,  Boston, 1856; Margry, loc. cit., t.11, pp. 501-509. Father Habig, in his recent book, says that a complete copy of the original in the hand of the well known Baron de la Hontan, has recently been discovered in the Archivo General de las Indias of Seville. A photographic reproduction of it has been made by the Newberry Library of Chicago. ‘*The official deed of the taking of possession of the country of the Akansas was drawn up by the notary of Fort Frontenac, La MCtairie, who accom- panied de la Salle, and was published by Margry, loc. cit., t.11, p. 184. l*Cf. map, p. 9 of “La prise de possession de la Louisiane,” Rewue historique des Antil les,  octobre, 1928. 14The official deed drawn by the notary, Jacques de la MCtairie, was pub- lished by Margry, loc. cif., t. 11, p. 186. l5A detailed account of all these errors has been given by Chesnel, loc. cit., pp. 182-208. Aigron and Minet were, on their return to France, imprisoned in La Tour  de la Rochelle. Beaujeu, more clever, succeeded in escaping punish- ment, although he was perhaps the most guilty of them all. One can read, however, the defense presented in favor of the latter by M. Marc de Villiers. L’expkdition de  Cavelier de  la  Salle duns l e  golfe d u  Mexique (1684-1687), Paris, Maisonneuve, 1931. l6E. Lauvribre, Les premikres explorations en Louisiane, Paris, 1926, pp. 345-350. M. Marc de Villiers places the blame on de la Salle, loc. cit., note 15. “We may wonder if it was not the Red River which de la Salle mistook for the Mississippi, acting on erroneous information given him by the Indians. This error would be amazing if the information that we have on these ex- plorations was not based almost entirely on the accounts written by Jean Cavelier, which are sometimes rather inexact. I8The scene of the tragedy seems to be near the present town of Washing- ton-on-the-Brazos, Texas, not f a r  from the junction of the Trinity River, then called “Rivibre des malheurs,” with Kickapoo Creek (see Lauvribre, loc. cit., note 16, and Marc de Villiers, loc. cit., note IS). 

Tragedy and death of de la Salle

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Tragedy and death of de la Salle

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