Contains reports on one research project.National Institute of Mental Health (Grant 2 PO1 MH-13390-06)National Institutes of Health (Grant 5 TO1 HD-00111-07

Kean, Mary-Louise

DSpace@MIT

XI. LINGUISTICSAcademic and Research StaffProf. R. JakobsonProf. M. HalleProf. N. A. ChomskyProf. B. A. BrodyProf. S. BrombergerProf. J. A. FodorProf. M. F. GarrettProf. K. L. HaleProf. J. W. HarrisA. D. AndrewsM. H. AronoffIvonne A. BordeloisJoan W. BresnanA. D. CarstairsNomi ErteschikR. A. FaraciR. W. Fiengo, Jr.F. R. HigginsD. KahnEllen J. KaufmanProf.Prof.Prof.Prof.Prof.Prof.Prof.Prof.S. D. JoshiJ. J. KatzR. P. V. KiparskyG. H. MatthewsW. A. O'NeilD. M. PerlmutterKrystyna PomorskaJ. R. RossGraduate StudentsMary-Louise KeanT. J. KlokeidJudith KornfeldH. B. LasnikW. R. LebenJoan MalingSusan E. MartinG. L. MilsarkR. T. OehrleSylvia S. PermeslyDr. S. R. AndersonDr. R. A. DemersDr. J. HankamerDr. R. L. HornDr. G. W. LinkDr. H. ParrettDr. H. Rosemont, Jr.E. W. BrowneL. A. JacobsonP. B. PlateroEmily N. PopeA. S. PrinceA. C. QuicoliP. T. SchwennElizabeth SelkirkDorothy SiegelJ. R. VergnaudMary Lou WalchT. A. WasowE. S. WilliamsA. ARE GLOTTAL STOP AND h SONORANTS?Within distinctive-feature theory, there are three major class features: syllabic,consonantal, and sonorant. A rigorous definition of syllabicity is beyond the scope ofthis report. For the present purposes it is sufficient to say that all vowels are[+syllabic], as are vocalized liquids, nasals, and obstruents. Consonantal is the fea-ture used to characterize sounds that are produced with a major constriction of theair flow in the mouth. Thus occlusives, fricatives, affricates, liquids, and nasal con-sonants are all [+consonantal]. A sonorant is a sound that allows for spontaneousvocal-cord vibration.1 Liquids, nasal consonants, glides and vowels are [+sonorant].Given these three binary features, there are eight possible combinations.Consonantal(a) Vocalized liquids and nasals(b) Vocalized obstruents(c) Liquids and nasal consonants(d) Occlusives, fricatives and affricates(e) Vowels(f)(g) Glides (w, y, h, 7)(h)Syllabic+Sonorant+This work was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (Grant2 PO1 MH-13390-06) and the National Institutes of Health (Grant 5 TO1 HD-00111-07).QPR No. 106 151(XI. LINGUISTICS)There seems to be no apparent explanation for the absence of a sound characterizedF-consonantal]as -syllabic , as in row (h). It will be argued that ? and h should not be clas-L- sonorant iF-consonantal -consonantal-sified with the glides w and y as -syllabic , but rather as -syllabic+sonorant j-sonorantF-consonantal]By characterizing the glides, w, y, h, and , as -syllabic the following gen-L-sonorant jeralizations can be made.(-consonantal](2) (a) [-consonantal] (and +sonorant ; glides and vowels.(b) [-syllabic]; glides, liquids, nasal consonants, and obstruents.(c) +sonorantbic]; glides, liquids, and nasal consonants.I shall call the classes defined by features in (1) and (2) natural classes. This schemapredicts that w/y and 2/h will function as a natural class and provides no natural wayto account for dissimilar patterning of w/y and ?/h. It should be noted that the feature[+sonorant] is redundant in specifying the class of glides and vowels. If ? and h weremarked [-sonorant], it would still be possible to characterize the class of glides andvowels by using the feature [-consonantal].The feature specifications generally posited2 for the glides are given in (3).w yconsonantalsyllabicsonoranthighlowbackstiff vocal cordsslack vocal cordsconstricted glottisspread glottis+ + + ++ + -- - + +- - + -- - - +To refer to w and y as distinct from ? and h, one might employ the features-consonantal-syllabic . Having to resort to a cavity feature such as [+high], however, means+highthat in any language containing all four glides there is no natural means to account forthe class of vowels and w and y within the present theory.In Klamath, an Amerindian language spoken in Southern Oregon, all four glides areQPR No. 106 152(XI. LINGUISTICS)phonemic. w and y, but not ? and h, in some instances, pattern with the vowels. 3In Klamath there is a series of "reduplicative" prefixes in which a short vowel ofthe adjacent syllable to the right is copied. 4v(4) cwe: kaLo: pape: nhipe: watwa: qaplo: qato: kaLo: la'is tough''eats soup''is naked''bathes''smears''smear pitch onsomeone's head''hair falls out''comes apart'Vsnecwe: kasnoLo: pahespe: nhihespe: wasatwa: qasoplo: qapoto: kapoLo: la(causative 1)(causative 1)(causative 2 )(causative 2 )(reflexive)(reflexive)'pull hair out''pull apart'I shall not go into the morphological processes involved in the formation of these pre-fixes, but assume that morphological formation yields strings like [sne+cwe: ka] and[sna+paga].When a reduplicative prefix precedes an open syllable with a short vowel, the vowelof that syllable deletes.(5) pagantopatoqaItoqadelo: gakacateka'smokes''spoils''is scared''thumps''attacks ''cut off the head''be in pieces'snap asnontpahostqasoltqasedlo: gapakcapetka(causative(causative(causative 2 )(reflexive)(reflexive)'pull off someone's head''pull off bit by bit'When a reduplicative prefix precedes a closeddoes not delete but rather undergoes reduction. 5V(6) wejliqlinbonwametgalkatsgaqosqlinvpcin'lisps''choke ''drinks''carries a pack''toothfalls out''sprain''choke''twist'snewajlisniql@anhosbanwahesmatgalpakatsgapoqa sli: naqliql anv vpcipc ansyllable with a short vowel, the vowel(causative 1)(causative 2)(causative 2)(causative 2)'pull someone'stooth out''sprain by pulling'(distributive)(distributive)QPR No. 106 153(XI. LINGUISTICS)w and y vocalize as o(:) and i(:), respectively, in the environments C C andC #. When a reduplicative prefix precedes a syllable with the underlying formCV C, we find, on the surface, a vocalized glide.(7) njoyl a 'is numb' snonji: lia (causative 1)qayLya 'puts on a belt' hasqi: Lya (causative 2)siwga 'kills' hiso: ga (reflexive)pewqya 'embraces' sepo: qya (reflexive)siwga 'kills' siso:qa (distributive)gayka 'is silly' gagi: ka (distributive)To account for this, one might want to argue that vowel w/y sequences vocalize;however, since the items in the left-hand column of (7) are well formed, such a solu-tion is impossible. Another means of accounting for the vocalized glides in (7) mightbe to reduce the vowel preceding the glide (by analogy with (6)) and then vocalizesequences of the form w}. Such a solution will predict incorrect derivations suchas that in (8).(8) [ de + dewy ]de da wy* de do: y'shoot a bow and arrow(distributive)'Vowel ReductionVocalizationVocalization always applies to the rightmost of two adjacent environments and the cor-rect form of the distributive of dewy is dedwi and not *dedo:y.If the short vowel of a syllable following a reduplicative prefix is always deletedbefore a glide, then vocalization will follow correctly. These facts suggest formulationof a rule of Vowel Deletion as in (9).7(9) V 0 [Redup.PrefixC VC [+cons][+syl] X #]0 0 L -cons-syl I JIt is possible for more than one reduplicative prefix to precede a stem. By applyingrule (9) linearly from right to left and using the rule of vocalization mentioned above,the correct derivations of the items in (10) are obtained. 80) (a) [ si [si(10) (a) [ si [ si + yiwgobli ]]s ywgoblis yo: goblisisyo: kobli'push back a container(distributive /reflexive)'Vowel Deletion (9)VocalizationOther RulesQPR No. 106(XI. LINGUISTICS)V(b) [ sa [ sa + daqca ]]sa s daqcasesdEqc@Sv(c) [ po [ po + qoca ]]po po qcapopaqca'scratches (distributive/reflexive)'Vowel Deletion (9)Other Rules'bend by pulling (distributive)'Vowel Deletion (9)Other RulesRule (9) fails to account, however, for data with ?. Glottal stop lengthens a pre-ceding vowel in the environment V C and deletes in preconsonantal position. 9(11) Underlying Surface? iyah ?wabgso + ?odi:la?iyahwapkso:di: laNow consider the derivation in (12)Deletion (9) and the glottal stop rules.'will hide plural objects''puts plural objects underneath (reflexive)'that would result from the application of Vowel(12) [ so [ soso s"0 S0 S+ ?oyo:qaD D?yo: qaD yo:yo: qa'shaves (distributive/reflexive)'Vowel Deletion (9)Glottal Stop DeletionThe derivation in (12) by use of rule (9) yields the incorrect result. By case (b) ofrule (9), so+?oyo:qa goes to so+?yo:qa on the first application of Vowel Deletion.) ) D )Case (b) of (9) then applies to the string so+so+?yo:qa and yields so+s+?yo:qa. TheD Dglottal stop then deletes, yielding so+s+yo:qa; however, the surface form ofso+so+?oyo:qa is, in fact, soso:yo:qa. Therefore (9b) must be blocked from applyinga second time so that the vowel does not delete before a cluster beginning with glottalstop. Rule (9) must be reformulated as (13).10(13) V / [Redup. COPrefix[-syl] [+syl]VC 0  -- c-cons-syl+highA test of rule (13) would be to consider data in which there is a consonant clusterwith an initial h in the environment of Vowel Deletion. Rule (13) predicts that in sucha case the short vowel will not delete.(14) [ ha + sbahtnbli ]not applicableh sb ht mbli'dries off again (reflexive)'Vowel DeletionOther RulesQPR No. 106 155(XI. LINGUISTICS)Rule (14) yields the correct output, thereby offering support for the statement ofrule (13).Rule (13) is not, however, descriptively adequate. Consider the items in (15).(15) (a) naky + a nakya 'closes'(b) na + naky + a nanakya 'closes (distributive)'(c) naky + tk naki:tk 'closed'(d) na + naky + tk nankitk 'closed (distributive)'As predicted by rule (13), the short vowel in naky does not delete in (15b). Contrary tothe prediction of (13), the short vowel of naky does delete in (15d), providing an environ-ment for Vocalization. One might argue that (13) is indeed adequate if Vocalization isordered before Vowel Deletion; however, this cannot be the case. First, it has been shownabove that Vowel Deletion does precede Vocalization (see (7) and (8)). Second, as hasbeen pointed out, 6 the vowel length of a vocalized glide is determined by the cluster pre-ceding it. Note that in (15c) y vocalizes as i: and in (15d) y vocalizes as i. In (15c)y vocalizes as a long vowel because it is preceded by a weak cluster; y in (15d)vocalizes as a short vowel because it is preceded by a strong cluster, and a strongcluster must arise as the result of the application of Vowel Deletion. Therefore, VowelDeletion must precede Vocalization. To account for (15d) rule (13) must be refor-mulated.[+syl](16) -- 0 [Redup. C V C ([-syl]) -cons- ] ([-syl] X) #]Prefix -sylI+highJRule (16) not only accounts for the facts cited above, but also makes the predictionthat, given sequences of the form CVCVV- preceded by a reduplicative prefix, VowelDeletion will not apply. There is a rule in Klamath which takes iV sequences to yV. 1 1If this rule is applied to the string Prefix + CVCiV prior to the rule of Vowel Deletion(16), the input to (16) would be Prefix + CVCyV. Vowel Deletion would not applyto such a string (just as it does not apply in (15b)). Thus, there is no crucial orderingbetween the i-to-y rule and Vowel Deletion. As there are no phonological rules whichmust precede Vowel Deletion, and since Vowel Deletion makes crucial use of morpho-logical information, it is not unreasonable to assume that Vowel Deletion is a morpho-logical rule and-, therefore, ordered before the phonological rules. This ordering leadsto derivation such as that in (17).(17) [ to [ togia: ldk ]] 'little horns (distributive)'not applicable Vowel Deletion (16)to togya:ldk i-to-ytotaqya:ltk Other RulesQPR No. 106 156(XI. LINGUISTICS)Rule (16) suggests that vowels and w and y are a class. Given the present featuresystem, we are unable to make any general characterization of this class. If, however,F-consonantal]and h are characterized -syllabic as suggested above, then there is a naturalL-sonorant Jmeans of designating the class of vowels, and w and y. Rule (16) can then be refor-mulated as (18) by using the features s-consoantal] to characterize the class of vowelsL+sonorantand w and y.(18) Vowel DeletionV - 0'/[Redup. CO V CO  ([-syl]) -cons yl X) #PrefixRule (18) makes the claim that underlying na+nakytk goes to nankytk (and then nankitkby Vocalization) for the same reason that se+delo: ga goes to sedlo: ga.Phonological features cannot be evaluated solely on their adequacy for phonologicaldescriptions. They must also reflect articulatory and acoustic properties of sound. Ithas been shown here that the present definition of sonorants as sounds that allow forspontaneous vocal-cord vibration is not adequate in terms of phonological descriptions.It is necessary, therefore, that the notion of sonorance be redefined in terms of someother articulatory or acoustic parameter.In giving a potential definition of the feature sonorant, data in addition to those citedabove must be taken into consideration. If we classify glottal stop as [-sonorant], howare the glottalized glides, w and y, to be classified? There are two modes of articu-lation for glottalized glides; one involves preglottalization and a sudden onset (as inChontal and Navaho), and the other, sometimes called the Californian type, is lessstrong and appears to involve creakiness during the glide (for example, the glottalizedglides in Maidu and Klamath).lZ In Klamath the glottalized glides pattern with the nor-mal glides and vowels, as is shown in derivation (19).(19) [ mbo + mbod:+ dk ] 'wrinkled up (distributive)'mbo mbd' dk Vowel Deletion (18)mbo mbdi dk Vocalizationmbompditk Other RulesI conclude from this that the glottalized glides in Klamath must be [+sonorant]. InChontal wherein the glottalized glides are preglottalized and have a sudden onset theglides pattern with the consonants rather than with the vowels.13 Strong phonologicalsupport for a definition of the feature sonorant which distinguishes between these twotypes of glottalized glides would be provided by a language in which the nor-mal glides do not pattern with glottalized glides of the type found in ChontalQPR No. 106 157(XI. LINGUISTICS)and the glottalized glides pattern with the obstruents. Alternatively, such aparameter would be unsupported phonologically by a language in which glottalizedglides of the type found in Chontal pattern with the normal glides and vowels.What is clear from the Klamath data is that at least some glottalized glides must be[+sonorant].In any attempt to define the feature sonorant, we must also consider the voicelessglides, W and Y. In Klamath, the voiceless glides, like the glottalized glides, arephonemic. The voiceless glides have been described as having a voiced onglide and thenbecoming voiceless.14 W and Y pattern with the normal glides in Klamath, as is illus-trated in (20).15(20) [ ha + haYkanga ] 'tracks around (distributive)'ha hYkanga Vowel Deletionha hyhkanga W/Y Breakingha hi: hkanga VocalizationTherefore, in Klamath, a voiceless glide would be [+sonorant]. Not all voiceless glidesare produced as those in Klamath; in some languages they are produced with a voicelessonglide.16 In a language where such glides are phonemic, do they pattern with the normalglides and vowels, or do they pattern with the obstruents ? This is a question whichmust be considered in defining the feature sonorant. The only conclusion that can bedrawn here is that at least some voiceless glides must be [+sonorant].It has been the aim of this report to show that the feature sonorant as now definedis not adequate for phonological descriptions. I have also tried to point out some of theareas that must be considered in attempting to redefine sonorance.Mary-Louise KeanFootnotes and References1. Note that the feature sonorant is not to be confused with the voiced-voiceless dis-tinction. See N. Chomsky and M. Halle, The Sound Pattern of English (Harper andRow Publishers, Inc., New York, 1968), pp. 300-302, for some discussion of thenotion spontaneous voicing.2. The vocal-tract features employed in (3) are discussed in M. Halle and K. H. Stevens,"A Note on Laryngeal Features," Quarterly Progress Report No. 101, ResearchLaboratory of Electronics, M.I.T., April 15, 1971, pp. 198-213.3. The source for the data discussed here is M. A. R. Barker, Klamath Dictionary(University of California Press, Berkeley, 1963).4. There are two causative prefixes in Klamath which differ in degrees of causation;snV- implies more forceful causation (usually by direct or applied force).5. a reduces to a when unstressed in closed syllable and word finally; other shortvowels reduce in closed syllables, with some restrictions. When reduction occursand how it is to be formulated is not of importance here.QPR No. 106 158(XI. LINGUISTICS)6. In general, a glide vocalizes as a long vowel if it is preceded by a weak cluster (ashort vowel followed by one consonant), and vocalizes as a short vowel if it is pre-ceded by a strong cluster (a consonant cluster or a long vowel followed by a con-son ant).7. The label "Redup. Prefix" on the bracketing of rule (9) is not meant to imply thatthe rule applies within the prefix. Rather it is meant to stand for the appropriatebracketing labels, e. g. , causative, reflexive, etc.8. The notion of linear rules is developed in C. D. Johnson, "Formal Aspects ofPhonological Rules," POLA 11, Phonetics Laboratory, University of Californiaat Berkeley, 1970. A right-to-left linear rule applies first to its rightmost domainof application and then moves to the left, applying to each successive domain inturn.9. Glottal Stop only causes lengthening on a preceding vowel if an immediately suc-ceeding vowel has been deleted by some prior rule. Given the underlying formso+?odi:la in example (11), Vowel Deletion applies to yield so+?di:la, therebyproviding an environment for vowel lengthening and deletion of the glottal stop.10. Environment (a) of rule (9) is [+cons][[+syl], while environment (a) of rule (13)is [-syl] [+syl]. This change in features is necessitated by the fact that Vowel Deletionmust be able to apply to delete a vowel before glottal stop or h when eitheris followed by a vowel.11. There are, to my knowledge, no VV sequences on the surface in Klamath.12. E. Sapir, "Glottalized Continuents in Navaho, Nootka, and Kwakiutl," in D.Mandelbaum (Ed.), Selected Writings of Edward Sapir (University of CaliforniaPress, Berkeley, 1968); H. S. Uldall, "Maidu Phonetics," Int. J. Am. Lin-guistics 20, 8-16 (1954); V. Waterhouse and M. Morrison, "Chontal Phonemes,"Int. J. Am. Linguistics 16, 35-39 (1950).13. V. Waterhouse and M. Morrison, op. cit.14. M. A. R. Barker, Klamath Grammar (University of California Press, Berkeley,1964).15. In postconsonantal position W and Y go to wh and yh, respectively, therebycreating an environment for Vocalization. W and Y occur freely in postvocalicand preconsonantal positions; for example, haYkanga, 'tracks around', ciWpa,'bends'. Vowel Deletion provides an environment for the rule of W/Y Breakingto apply in (20), taking ha+hYkanga to ha+hyhkanga. W/Y Breaking must beordered before Vocalization. If Vocalization were to apply to ha+hYkanga, it wouldyield ha+hi:kanga and leave no source for the h that occurs on the surface fol-lowing the vocalized glide, hahi: hkanga.16. W. Smalley, Manual of Articulatory Phonetics (Practical Anthropology, New York,1968).QPR No. 106 159

Linguistics

http://dspace.mit.edu/bitstream/1721.1/56308/1/RLE_QPR_106_XI.pdf

Linguistics

Abstract

Similar works

Full text

Available Versions

DSpace@MIT