Maratha Mook (Silent) Morchas are a unique form of collective agitation by a socially dominant but increasingly economically backward community in Maharashtra. This post examines their unique demand to be declared ‘backward’ by the state government to improve their sliding economic status, directly challenging the idea that elite groups do not voluntarily abjure their elite status

Devara, Rajagopal

English

LSE Research Online

Demanding	‘Backwardness’:	A	Reverse	Aspiration	byDominant	Communities	in	IndiaMaratha	Mook	(Silent)	Morchas	are	a	unique	form	of	collective	agitation	by	a	socially	dominant	but	increasinglyeconomically	backward	community	in	Maharashtra.	This	post	examines	their	unique	demand	to	be	declared‘backward’	by	the	state	government	to	improve	their	sliding	economic	status,	directly	challenging	the	idea	that	elitegroups	do	not	voluntarily	abjure	their	elite	status.The	recent	‘Maratha	Mook	Morchas’	(lit.	‘Maratha	Silent	Demonstrations’),	though	outwardly	silent,	are	a	dramaticand	explosive	articulation	by	the	dominant	Maratha	community	in	Maharashtra	for	Reservation	and	resurrection	oftheir	socio-economic	status	through	street	demonstrations.	These	silent	demonstrations	articulate	the	collectivemind,	anger,	and	angst	of	the	community,	and	also	displays	their	warrior	pride	with	dignity.Maratha	demand	for	Reservation	is	not	new	but	has	been	consistently	rejected	by	different	governmentCommissions	in	the	last	several	decades.	The	larger	context	of	the	current	dissent	are	the	unprecedented	socio-economic	changes	in	India	since	economic	liberalisation	began	in	the	early	1990s,	though	the	immediate	trigger	forthe	mook	morchas	was	the	Kopardi	incident	in	2016,	where	a	Maratha	girl	was	raped	and	murdered	by	menallegedly	belonging	to	the	Dalit	community.	Kopardi	provided	the	Marathas	with	the	‘moment’	to	unite,	mobilise	andgalvanise	on	an	unprecedented	scale:	they	organised	more	than	50	mook	morchas	in	2016–17	acrossMaharashtra,	where	hundreds	of	thousands	participated	with	vigour,	and	with	support	and	sympathy	from	othercommunities.	The	state	responded	by	allocating	12	per	cent	and	13	per	cent	Reservation	for	Marathas	in	educationand	public	services	employment	respectively	through	an	Enactment	of	the	state	government	in	2018,	which	wasthen	challenged	by	Jishri	Laxmanrao	Patil	in	the	Supreme	Court	of	India.	The	second	round	of	Maratha	agitationstarted	in	reaction	to	the	September	2020	judgement	by	the	Supreme	Court	of	India	to	refer	the	case	to	a	largerbench	and	to	stay	the	Reservation	provided	by	the	Enactment	of	2018.India’s	economic	liberalisation	fundamentally	altered	the	dynamics	of	the	Indian	economy,	resulting	in	phenomenaleconomic	growth	for	several	years.	The	new	economic	environment	led	to	tumultuous	changes	in	the	traditionalIndian	social	order	where	the	Hindu	caste	system	still	determines	social	status	and	societal	stratification.	Severalhitherto	socially	dominant	groups	—	like	the	Marathas	in	Maharashtra	—	felt	their	dominance	challenged	as	theliberal	economy	opened	access	and	opportunity	to	everyone	across	the	social	spectrum.	Former	‘lower’	and‘depressed’	groups	became	active	beneficiaries	of	economic	prosperity,	openly	challenging	the	earlier	social	order.This	transition	led	to	dissent	and,	eventually,	agitations	by	the	dominant	communities	in	a	country	where	casteremains	an	inseparable	part	of	social	interaction,	and	as	such	is	a	powerful	tool	of	electoral	mobilisation	in	India’sdemocracy.This	dissent,	a	direct	outcome	of	India’s	economic	prosperity,	has	perplexed	both	academics	and	policy	makers,necessitating	the	need	for	a	better	understanding	of	the	evolving	social	phenomena	now	visible.	To	understand	thisbetter,	we	need	to	locate	the	mook	morchas	in	its	socio-historical	context.Caste:	Its	Economics	and	PoliticsSouth Asia @ LSE: Demanding ‘Backwardness’: A Reverse Aspiration by Dominant Communities in India Page 1 of 4		Date originally posted: 2021-01-25Permalink: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2021/01/25/demanding-backwardness-a-reverse-aspiration-by-dominant-communities-in-india/Blog homepage: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/The	Maratha-Kunbi	caste	cluster,	traditionally	an	agrarian	community	of	around	40	million,	comprises	33	per	cent	ofthe	population	in	Maharashtra,	and	has	been	dominant	since		the	formation	of	the	state	of	Maharashtra	in	1960.The	Marathas’	subtle	understanding	with	the	then	ruling	Congress	Party	gave	them	a	long	overdue	share	ineconomic	and	political	resources.		Creating	a	homogeneous	Maratha-Kunbi	cluster	worked	as	a	strategy	for	theCongress	Party	to	win	successively	in	competitive	electoral	politics	in	the	state	until	the	formal	recognition	of	a	newgroup	—	‘Other	Backward	Castes’	(OBC)	—	in	the	early	1990s,	following	the	nationwide	implementation	of	theReport	of	the	Mandal	Commission.	Maratha	dominance	in	Maharashtra’s	is	visible	variously:	in	elections	since	theformation	of	Maharashtra	state,	the	Marathas	have	consistently	won	nearly	50	per	cent	of	the	non-Reserved	seatsin	the	state’s	Legislative	Assembly,	excluding	the	constituencies	reserved	for	Scheduled	Castes	(29	seats)	andScheduled	Tribes	(25	seats)	respectively;		in	54	of	the	288	Legislative	Assembly	seats,	even	without	anyreservation,	only	Marathas	have	always	been	elected;	of	Maharashtra’s	18	Chief	Ministers	since	1960,	12	havebeen	Marathas;	most	of	the	cooperative	sugar	factories	are	headed	and/or	are	managed	by	Marathas,	whileMarathas	are	Chairpersons	in	23	district-level	Cooperative	banks;	about	71.4	per	cent	of	cooperative	institutions	inMaharashtra	are	under	the	control	of	this	community;	all	milk	cooperatives	and	cotton	mills	are	either	owned	orcontrolled	by	them;	and	finally,	75	to	90	per	cent	of	the	agricultural	land	in	the	state	is	owned	by	them.From	the	early	1990s,	however,	this	overarching	Maratha	dominance	saw	a	downward	spiral	as	it	confronted	theeconomic	rise	of	other	social	groups	due	to	economic	liberalisation,	the	decline	of	the	one-Party	political	system,and	the	rise	of	coalition	politics.	The	Maratha-Kunbi	population	obviously	resented	this	loss	of	dominance,	but	theirdissent	has	largely	been	silent,	except	for	a	few	sporadic	violent	incidents.		The	three	key	elements	that	have	cometo	define	Maratha	demonstrations	expressing	dissent	are	—	they	are	silent;	young	women	are	at	the	helm;	andpolitical	leaders	are	consciously	denied	an	active	role,	and	kept	at	back	end	of	the	morchas.	The	disciplined	andsilent	morchas	follow	a	set	formula:	adolescent	girls	aged	14–20	years	old,	from	whom	five	or	six	are	selected	andtrained,	address	the	audience	with	fiery	emotional	speeches	from	a	small	podium,	a	strategy	that	has	connectedeffectively	with	the	cause	of	the	tragic	Kopardi	victim.	Notably,	there	are	no	identifiable	leaders	of	the	agitation	orthe	morchas,	nor	any	one	particular	organisation	mobilising/guiding	them	(which	are	generally	estimated	to	gatherbetween	1–3	million	people).	A	federation	of	over	50	Maratha	organisations	from	all	over	the	state	give	a	call	tomarch	in	a	particular	city,	following	which	Marathas	from	all	over	the	state	converge	on	the	selected	venue.Bird’s-eye	view	of	a	Mook	Morcha,	Kolhapur,	2016.	©	For	copyright	information,	see	below.The	most	visible	feature	of	these	mook	morchas	are	its	focus	away	from	the	Marathas’		traditional	anti-Brahminstance	to	being	anti-Dalit.	In	2016,	the	principal	demand	of	the	mook	morcha	was	the	withdrawal	of	the	‘ScheduledCastes	and	Scheduled	Tribes	Prevention	of	Atrocities	Act	1989’		(in	response	to	the	Kopardi	rape	incident	whichhad	triggered	these	morchas);	the	repeal	of	the	Act	was,	thus,	central	to	the	agitation.	There	were	demands	forReservation	of	public	sector	jobs	and	seats	in	educational	institutions	for	Marathas	as	well,		but	the	real	issue	wasthe	increased	presence	of	Dalits	in	public	spaces,	and	their	concomitant	upward	educational	and	economic	mobilityenabled	by	the	Reservation	system.	Dominant	communities	across	India	—	including	the	Marathas	in	Maharashtra—		had	never	imagined	that	education	or	non-farming/service	sector	jobs	would	ever	topple	social	power	equationsone	day.South Asia @ LSE: Demanding ‘Backwardness’: A Reverse Aspiration by Dominant Communities in India Page 2 of 4		Date originally posted: 2021-01-25Permalink: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2021/01/25/demanding-backwardness-a-reverse-aspiration-by-dominant-communities-in-india/Blog homepage: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/The	Maratha	community’s	economic	and	political	fortunes	has	since	been	marked	by	dwindling	returns	fromagriculture,	fragmentation	of	landholdings,	loss	of	traditional	dignity	associated	with	agriculture,	lack	of	attention	toeducational	training	of	the	youth,	etc	leading	to	resentment	towards	communities	who	have	‘advantage’	(i.e.,	OBCs,Dalits)	due	to	the	national	policies	on	Reservation.	The	situation	became	grim	post-1991	when	economic	reformsfurther	eroded	the	dominance	of	the	Marathas.	The	cumulative	effect	of	these	factors	led	to	the	Marathasexperiencing	progressive	deprivation,	even	though	the	realisation	of	backwardness	due	to	decline	of	agriculture	andfragmentation	of	landholdings	took	some	time	to	concretise	into	collective	action.In	comparison,	the	Dalits	and	OBCs	were	deeply	influenced	by	the	principles	of	their	leader	Dr	B.	R.	Ambedkar	whohailed	that	education	alone	could	emancipate	them	out	of	discrimination	and	disadvantage.	Quality	highereducational	institutions	in	urban	areas	benefitted	Dalits	and	OBCs	due	to	the	reservation	of	places	for	them,	andwho	earnestly	believed	in	the	power	of	education	as	a	tool	to	pull	them	out	of	their	historical	poverty	anddeprivation.	The	Marathas,	on	the	other	hand	—	with	their	traditional	and	symbiotic	relationship	to	land	—	did	notidealise	the	same	vision,	continuing	to	believe	that	power	accrued	from	their	customary	ownership	of	land.	It	is	inthis	processual	context	over	the	years	that	average	Marathas	became	educationally	regressive,	further	wideningthe	educational	distance	between	themselves	and	the	Dalit-OBC	groups.With	economic	liberalisation	and	reforms,	and	the	attendant	boom	in	the	service	sector	which	now	became	theprincipal	motor	of	individual	economic	prosperity	and	social	mobility,	agriculture	lost	its	prominent	position	in	theeconomic	order	in	Maharashtra.	Industrial	and	service	sectors	along	with	IT-driven	enterprises	started	to	propel	theeconomy;	knowledge	and	the	Digital	economy,	along	with	e-commerce	connected	India	to	the	global	economy,	asnewer	and	newer	industries	in	the	Digital	sector	hegemonised	interactions	with	the	world	economy.	Education	andknowledge	became	the	central	pillars	of	this	new	emerging	economy.	As	a	result,	Marathas	began	to	feel	left	out	ofthis	dynamic	economic	and	social	churning,	worsening	their	financial	status	and	slipping	further	into	conditions	ofcognisant	poverty.Demanding	‘Backwardness’The	demand	for	Reservation	as	a	solution	to	bridge	this	growing	economic	distance	therefore	seemed	anappropriate	strategy	to	regain	the	lost	status	of	the	Marathas.	They	now	believed		that	Reservation	in	education,public	employment	and	political	space	enabled	the	backward	communities	to	gain	better	economic	status	andwould	likewise	do	the	same	for	them.		This	concept	of	‘reverse’	aspiration	defines	this	increasing	tendency	todemand	‘backwardness’	(by	asking	for	Reservation	of	places	for	themselves,	and	therefore	making	themselves	atpar	with	traditional	‘lower’/‘depressed’	social	groups)		by	this	dominant	and	‘forward’	group	since	the	communitieswho	have	had	the	advantages	of	Reservation	seem	to	have	improved	economically,	and	their	upward	economicmobility	has	provided	access	to	more	resources	and	better	social	status.Thus,	the	reasons	for	the	participation	of	the	Marathas	in	the	mook	morchas	is	a	result	of	the	conscious	build-up	oftheir	idea	of	social	and	economic	loss	and	deprivation.	Class	consciousness	is	strengthened	by	kinship	bonds	in	thecommunity	as	they	set	out	to	articulate	their	demands.	Traditional	dress	and	colour	(bhagava)	codes,		display	ofswords,	symbols	associated	with	Maratha	culture	amplify	both	kinship	and	community	consciousness.	But	it	isimportant	to	note	that	this	is	a	latent	consciousness	as	is	not	directly	related	to	economic	well-being	or	educationaldisadvantage:	the	consciousness	is	more	political	in	nature.	This	demand	for	backward	status,	expressed	throughsilent	demonstrations,	fundamentally	topples	elite,	post-Marxist	theories	that	argue	that	traditional	elites	do	notnecessarily	give	away	their	position	of	dominance	easily.South Asia @ LSE: Demanding ‘Backwardness’: A Reverse Aspiration by Dominant Communities in India Page 3 of 4		Date originally posted: 2021-01-25Permalink: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2021/01/25/demanding-backwardness-a-reverse-aspiration-by-dominant-communities-in-india/Blog homepage: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/Marathas	in	traditional	attire	at	a	Mook	Morcha,	Thane,	August	2018;	the	inscription	on	their	cap	says	‘EkMaratha,	Lakh	Maratha’	(lit.	‘1	Maratha,	100,000	Marathas’).	©	For	copyright	information,	see	below.The	Maratha	Mook	Morchas’	articulation	of	demands	and	state	response	to	it	will	have	long-	lasting	impact	andimplications.	Similarly	‘deprived’	communities	across	India	will	agitate/demonstrate	and	start	asserting	economicbackwardness	by	using	the	sheer	strength	of	their	numbers,	and	state	governments	may	respond	in	the	same	vein.Success	of	the	agitation	will	mean	a	shift	in	the	narrative	of	Reservations	which	was	designed	in	a	framework	ofdeprivation	for	‘outcastes’,	untouchability,	social	discrimination	and		disadvantage;	the	new	social	realities	of	theeffects	of	the	liberalisation	of	India’s	economy	will	need	to	be	acknowledged;	social	order	will	undergo	change	and,in	the	long	run,	the	basic	social	stratification	will	perhaps	need	to	self-adjust	to	reflect	the	new	economic	scenario.Most	importantly,	the	shift	in	loyalties	of	the	dominant	communities	resulting	from	support/opposition	to	thecommunity’s	demands	will	mean	realignment	of	political	support	bases	of	the	mainstream	political	parties.	Againstthis	possible	background,	the	Maratha	Mook	Morchas	can	be	seen	as	a	milestone	and	turning-point	in	Indian	polity.©	All	3	photographs	Rajagopal	Devara.This	article	gives	the	views	of	the	author,	and	not	the	position	of	the	South	Asia	@	LSE	blog,	nor	the	LondonSchool	of	Economics	and	Political	Science.South Asia @ LSE: Demanding ‘Backwardness’: A Reverse Aspiration by Dominant Communities in India Page 4 of 4		Date originally posted: 2021-01-25Permalink: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2021/01/25/demanding-backwardness-a-reverse-aspiration-by-dominant-communities-in-india/Blog homepage: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/

Demanding ‘backwardness’: a reverse aspiration by dominant communities in India

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Demanding ‘backwardness’: a reverse aspiration by dominant communities in India

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