In the Acholi sub-region of northern Uganda, commercial farmers are experiencing an increasing theft of maize. Arthur Owor and Carolin Dieterle explore the underlying reasons for this and draw attention to the need for more meaningful collaboration between investors and host communities

Dieterle, Carolin

Owor, Arthur

English

LSE Research Online

What	crop	theft	in	northern	Uganda	tells	us	aboutrelations	between	investors	and	communitiesIn	the	Acholi	sub-region	of	northern	Uganda,	commercial	farmers	are	experiencing	an	increasing	theft	of	maize.Arthur	Owor	and	Carolin	Dieterle	explore	the	underlying	reasons	for	this	and	draw	attention	to	the	need	for	moremeaningful	collaboration	between	investors	and	host	communities.This	article	is	part	of	the	#PublicAuthority	blog	series,	part	of	the	ESRC-funded	Centre	for	Public	Authorityand	International	Development.	In	the	Acholi	sub-region	of	northern	Uganda,	commercial	agriculture	is	on	the	rise.	After	a	gruelling	20-year	waragainst	the	Lord’s	Resistance	Army,	the	region	is	experiencing	renewed	economic	growth	and	an	influx	of	privateinvestment	ventures	in	commercial	agriculture.	Taking	advantage	of	the	region’s	favourable	soils	and	climate,	foreignand	domestic	companies	are	setting	up	large-scale	maize,	rice	and	sugarcane	plantations.Many	see	the	expansion	of	commercial	agriculture	as	an	opportunity	to	help	lift	the	region	out	of	poverty	by	providingmuch	needed	employment	opportunities,	boosting	local	and	regional	markets,	expanding	infrastructure,	anddelivering	technological	know-how	–	a	clear	‘win-win’	for	both	the	investors	and	the	host	communities.	However,increasing	instances	of	crop	theft	on	commercial	farms	reveal	that	‘win-win’	scenarios	are	not	an	automatic	outcome.Visiting	a	range	of	commercial	agriculture	projects	across	the	Acholi	sub-region,	we	learned	that	systematic	maizetheft	is	frustrating	many	investors.	In	one	case,	a	police	raid	near	a	maize	farm	in	Nwoya	District	recovered	over	13tons	of	maize	from	a	nearby	village.	Maize	fields	in	Nwoya	District.	Photo	credit:	Carolin	DieterleIt	seems	that	maize	is	being	stolen	for	personal	consumption	as	well	as	for	selling	it	in	local	markets.	A	farm	managerexplained	that	the	growing	market	for	maize	in	Uganda	has	incentivised	communities	to	steal	maize	from	the	large-scale	farms	and	then	sell	it	in	local	markets.In	response,	investors	have	massively	increased	surveillance	on	their	farms,	including	the	installation	of	camerasand	drones	to	oversee	plantations.	Despite	these	measures,	maize	theft	remains	difficult	to	control	as	people	canhide	in	tall	crops	during	the	day	in	order	to	steal	maize	at	night.	If	caught	stealing	crops,	legal	sanctions	and	penaltiesare	usually	the	consequence.	People	can	be	imprisoned,	forced	to	pay	fines	and	sometimes	forced	to	appear	in	thecourts	of	law.Africa at LSE: What crop theft in northern Uganda tells us about relations between investors and communities Page 1 of 3		Date originally posted: 2018-11-20Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2018/11/20/what-crop-theft-in-northern-uganda-tells-us-about-relations-between-investors-and-communities/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/The	problem	has	even	pushed	some	investors	to	diversify	their	crop	production.	A	commercial	farm	in	Amuru	Districthas	recently	switched	from	maize	to	mostly	rice	–	partly	due	to	ongoing	theft	of	maize	by	communities.After	several	years	of	ongoing	maize	theft,	increased	surveillance	measures,	and	strict	punishments,	relationsbetween	investors	and	communities	have	soured	in	some	cases.	In	2016,	a	woman	was	run	over	and	killed	by	atractor	while	taking	maize	from	a	commercial	farm,	further	deepening	tensions.Maize	fields	in	Nwoya	District.	Photo	credit:	Carolin	DieterleBut	is	it	really	the	theft	of	crops	that	is	driving	a	wedge	between	communities	and	investors?	The	rise	in	crop	theftmight	also	be	indicative	of	a	more	general	flaw	in	conceptions	of	what	makes	a	‘win-win’	situation.	Many	investorsbegan	their	farming	ventures	by	liaising	intensely	with	local	communities,	setting	up	contract	farming	schemes,	andmaking	promises	of	social	welfare.	With	time	and	mounting	financial	pressure,	however,	many	have	backed	awayfrom	these	plans,	causing	community	disillusionment.	In	a	bid	to	win	support	from	local	communities,	some	investorsinitially	allowed	them	to	collect	the	remains	of	maize	cobs	after	their	combine	harvester	tractors	passed	through	thefields.	This	had	a	lasting	impact,	conditioning	local	communities	to	gather	free	maize	grains	and	perhaps	creating	aculture	of	dependency	on	the	farming	projects.	When	farm	managers	later	forbade	this	activity,	local	communitiescontinued	taking	maize	unauthorised.How	can	investors	achieve	community	buy-in	without	creating	misunderstandings	and	dependencies	on	theirproject?	It	matters	whether	communities	feel	respected	and	taken	as	serious	counterparts	in	large-scale	farmingprojects.	People	tend	to	not	undermine	something	in	which	they	have	a	stake	and	to	which	they	are	committed.	Thecontinuing	theft	of	maize	might	indicate	that	there	is	little	sense	of	‘pulling	together’	when	it	comes	to	these	projects.The	way	that	investors	have	responded	to	crop	theft,	as	shown	above,	is	also	indicative	of	a	disconnect	betweencommunities	and	investors.	Instead	of	drone	surveillance,	punishment,	or	switching	production	to	crops	that	areeasier	to	survey,	perhaps	more	effort	should	be	taken	to	assess	communities’	needs	and	find	better	ways	to	integratepeople	into	projects.Africa at LSE: What crop theft in northern Uganda tells us about relations between investors and communities Page 2 of 3		Date originally posted: 2018-11-20Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2018/11/20/what-crop-theft-in-northern-uganda-tells-us-about-relations-between-investors-and-communities/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/Researchers	CarolinDieterle	and	ArthurOwor	2018It	needs	to	be	considered	as	well	that	these	farming	ventures	are	taking	place	in	a	complex	setting	of	land	insecurity,poverty,	and	social	inequality.	Most	commercial	farms	use	cutting-edge	modern	technology	and	farming	equipmentworth	millions	of	dollars.	Directly	surrounding	their	farms,	villagers	use	ox	ploughs	and	hand	tools	on	their	householdplots.	The	divide	between	rich	and	poor	is	blatant.	Moreover,	the	sensitive	context	of	recent	post-conflict	recovery,mass	internal	population	displacement,	and	the	influx	of	over	1.4	million	South	Sudanese	refugees	provides	a	settingof	complex	land	ownership	structures	and	competition	over	natural	resources.	Given	these	circumstances,	it	is	moreimportant	than	ever	to	ensure	that	investments	are	actively	building	meaningful	relations	with	local	communities	fromthe	start.	If	a	sense	of	ownership	and	community	participation	is	ensured,	then	more	genuine	‘win-win’	situationscould	be	the	result.Read	more	about	#PublicAuthority	and	visit	our	website.	Arthur	Owor	(@Owor7)	is	the	founder	and	director	of	the	Centre	for	African	Research,	anorthern	Ugandan	research	centre.Carolin	Dieterle	is	doctoral	researcher	at	the	LSE	department	of	International	Development.				The	views	expressed	in	this	post	are	those	of	the	author	and	in	no	way	reflect	those	of	the	Africa	at	LSEblog,	the	Firoz	Lalji	Centre	for	Africa	or	the	London	School	of	Economics	and	Political	Science.Africa at LSE: What crop theft in northern Uganda tells us about relations between investors and communities Page 3 of 3		Date originally posted: 2018-11-20Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2018/11/20/what-crop-theft-in-northern-uganda-tells-us-about-relations-between-investors-and-communities/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/

What crop theft in northern Uganda tells us about relations between investors and communities

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What crop theft in northern Uganda tells us about relations between investors and communities

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