The ability to carry out free and fair elections faces an imminent threat, particularly in polarised electoral contexts. Latin America could place itself in the vanguard by exploring pilot schemes that monitor new digital trends and help to harmonise technology, democracy, and citizenship, writes Renata Ávila (Ciudadano Inteligente)

Ávila, Renata

English

LSE Research Online

Election	observation	urgently	needs	to	adapt	to	theera	of	big	dataThe	ability	to	carry	out	free	and	fair	elections	faces	an	imminent	threat,	particularly	in	polarised	electoralcontexts.	Latin	America	could	place	itself	in	the	vanguard	by	exploring	pilot	schemes	that	monitor	newdigital	trends	and	help	to	harmonise	technology,	democracy,	and	citizenship,	writes	RenataÁvila	(Ciudadano	Inteligente).•	Disponible	también	en	español•	Também	disponível	em	portuguêsFor	elections	to	be	free	and	fair	they	require	transparency,	equality,	and	honesty	in	campaigning,	as	well	as	accessto	information	that	enables	voters	both	to	make	informed	decisions	at	election	time	and	to	exercise	oversight	in-between	elections.	These	foundations	are	set	out	in	the	Charter	of	the	Organization	of	American	States		and	act	as	aguide	for	electoral	commissions	and	election	observers.However,	the	procedures	and	practices	employed	by	these	bodies	are	becoming	increasingly	ineffective	inaddressing	the	issues	raised	by	modern-day	election	campaigns	and	processes,	and	in	particular	their	digitaldimension.Election	observation	needs	to	incorporate	digital	elements	now	crucial	tocampaigning	(Cancillería	del	Perú,	CC	BY-SA	2.0)Faced	with	rapid	techno-social	change,	election	officials	and	observers	have	to	rely	on	conservative,	inflexible	rules,drawn	up	from	a	classically	positivist	perspective:	these	rules	leaves	them	with	more	questions	than	answers.They	are	also	deprived	of	the	tools	needed	to	perform	the	task	of	regulating	and	overseeing	the	processes	whichguarantee	fair	elections,	rendering	them	powerless	to	deal	with	worrying	digital	trends	that	disrupt	voter	behaviour(Facebook’s	influence	being	just	one	example).Not	just	billboards,	TV,	and	radio	ads:	the	new	campaign	landscapeMonitoring	and	reporting	on	physical	election	campaigns	is	in	itself	no	easy	task,	given	problems	of	geographicalaccess	and	hidden	or	undeclared	expenses.	Electoral	authorities	have	drawn	up	clearly	defined	rules	to	controlelectoral	expenses	and	prevent	campaigning	prior	to	official	electoral	periods,	but	these	are	only	partially	effective.LSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data Page 1 of 5		Date originally posted: 2018-11-09Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2018/11/09/election-observation-urgently-needs-to-adapt-to-the-era-of-big-data/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/The	picture	becomes	considerably	more	complicated	when	a	campaign	is	digital,	decentralised,	and	personalised.Nowadays,	campaign	development	and	investment	to	boost	results	is	done	ex	ante.	Parties	or	candidates	that	canafford	to	do	so	invest	beforehand	in	sophisticated	databases	and	political-marketing	platforms	that	allow	them	toexploit	social	media	much	more	effectively	than	their	rivals.Geolocation-based	messaging,	consumption	profiles	by	geographic	location,	psychometric	profiles	which	are	skewedtowards	certain	electoral	pledges,	age,	social	class,	and	habits	–	the	most	effective	campaigns	mobilise	andtransform	all	of	this	information	to	better	target	voters.	Legal	requirements	on	the	reporting	of	related	expenses	is	stillvery	much	a	grey	area.The	modelling	of	sophisticated	data	prior	to	and	during	an	election	campaign	can	be	the	crucial	factor	for	partiesoperating	in	highly	polarised	political	environments,	where	a	one	percent	shift	can	prove	decisive.Issues	around	privacy	and	the	buying	and	selling	of	personal	information	are	also	at	stake.There	have	been	repeated	abuses	in	the	compilation	and	analysis	of	large	voter-related	databases	(or	“big	data”)	inLatin	America.	The	question	arises	as	to	whether	we	should	insist	upon	greater	coordination	between	data	protectionauthorities	(in	those	countries	where	they	exist),	human	rights	commissions,	and	electoral	bodies	such	that	politicalparties	have	to	account	in	detail	for	all	of	the	data	and	digital	infrastructure	used	in	campaigning.	Such	a	requirementis	increasingly	necessary	to	ensure	free	and	fair	electoral	contests.Connection	patterns	within	social-media	networks	can	influence	access	to	information	aboutelections	(Chris	Moore,	CC	BY	2.0)Imbalances	in	access	to	campaign	informationNew	technologies	also	pose	a	challenge	to	notions	of	transparency	and	unfettered	access	to	information	in	electionprocesses.	A	significant	number	of	voters	rely	exclusively	on	social	media	to	receive	such	information,	but	withoutunderstanding	the	logic	or	method	of	automatic	filtering	and	curation	carried	out	by	digital	platforms.	The	questionbecomes	how	to	demonstrate	or	measure	instances	where	a	social-media	algorithm	gives	greater	prominence	tocertain	content	or	a	certain	candidate.Social	media	platforms	are	black	boxes.	Complex	algorithms	guide	their	behaviour,	but	since	these	algorithms	areprotected	as	trade	secrets,	they	are	not	subject	to	old-style	ethical	or	electoral	rules	that	cover	journalists	andtraditional	forms	of	media.	For	example,	there	is	no	way	of	guaranteeing	that	they	don’t	violate	prohibitions	ondistributing	certain	content	before	voting	takes	place,	though	this	temporary	restriction	on	the	free	circulation	ofinformation	exists	in	electoral	legislation	throughout	Latin	America.LSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data Page 2 of 5		Date originally posted: 2018-11-09Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2018/11/09/election-observation-urgently-needs-to-adapt-to-the-era-of-big-data/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/Given	the	ability	of	these	platforms	to	generate	messages	which	are	segmented	and	targeted	at	certain	audiences,voters	effectively	receive	an	election	manifesto	tailor-made	to	their	preferences.	Is	this	trend	equally	or	more	worryingthan	when	radio	and	television	airtime	for	political	parties	was	distributed	unequally?	What	are	the	ramifications	forthe	informed	voter?While	media	bias	and	coverage	of	candidates	can	be	measured	objectively,	the	problem	of	monitoring	how	news	isdistributed	and	highlighted	on	social	networks	remains	unresolved.	Two	voters	with	almost	identical	profiles	consumemedia	in	very	different	ways,	just	as	two	very	different	people	can	have	very	different	readings	of	the	same	politicalsituations,	as	the	Facebook	Tracking	Exposed	project	showed	in	the	case	of	French	elections.	Is	democraticdialogue	possible	if	content	does	nothing	more	than	reinforce	our	existing	position	and	we	close	our	ears	to	opposingviews?Suppression	and	manipulation	of	voters	by	anonymous	external	campaignsIn	terms	of	the	honesty	of	elections,	there	are	a	number	of	important	factors	to	consider.	These	include	“reversecensorship”	arising	from	the	torrent	of	misleading	information	on	social	networks	as	well	as	attacks	carried	out	bypolitical	“bots”,	the	latter	occurring	frequently	in	Mexico	and	increasingly	across	the	rest	of	Latin	America.There	are	an	estimated	48	million	bots	on	Twitter	(and	many	others	on	Facebook)	working	to	weaken	critical	voices,drown	out	legitimate	demands,	and	practically	wipe	smaller	parties	off	the	social-network	map.Social	media	can	have	both	positive	and	negative	effects	on	democracy	(detail	of	EuropeanParliament,	CC	BY-NC-ND	2.0)The	simplest	and	cheapest	service	in	Latin	America	–	whether	for	governments,	opposition	parties,	or	pressuregroups	–	is	provided	by	so-called	“net	centres”.	These	companies	can	be	hired	to	promote	political	campaigns,defend	the	government	of	the	day	(as	in	the	case	of	Guatemala),	and	even	plan	social	media-based	smearcampaigns	to	amplify	unfounded	messages	via	social	networks.	Legitimate	public	discourse	thus	ends	up	buriedbeneath	a	tidal	wave	of	misinformation,	all	in	exchange	for	a	paycheck.	This	is	the	reality	of	“online	imagemanagement”.The	key	issue	here	is	how	to	address	these	growing	problems	while	at	the	same	time	respecting	the	right	toanonymity,	freedom	of	expression,	and	provisions	against	prior	censorship.	When	combined	with	the	lack	ofaccountability	typical	of	private	companies,	respecting	these	rights	can	leave	net	centres	impenetrable	to	scrutiny.LSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data Page 3 of 5		Date originally posted: 2018-11-09Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2018/11/09/election-observation-urgently-needs-to-adapt-to-the-era-of-big-data/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/In	addition,	interference	by	parapolitical	actors	or	foreign	governments	can	take	place	in	complete	secrecy	and	at	thebehest	of	anyone	with	access	to	voters’	personal	information	and	enough	money	to	pay.	Near-imperceptibleinterference	is	also	enabled	by	two	related	factors:	the	access	to	sensitive	data	enjoyed	by	organisations	such	as	theNational	Security	Agency	(NSA)	through	the	PRISM	programme	revealed	by	Edward	Snowden,	and	the	closecollaboration	between	companies	like	Facebook	or	Twitter	and	the	Departments	of	State	and	Defence.Further,	the	lax	approach	to	cybersecurity	of	data	authorities	themselves	means	that	even	they	lose	millions	of	itemsof	voter	data	every	year.	This	combines	with	the	growing	data	brokerage	industry	to	increase	the	probability	of	cartelsor	parallel	groups	managing	to	exploit	techniques	of	manipulation	and	swarm-based	forecasting.	It	is	likely	thatrevelations	about	the	activities	of	Cambridge	Analytica	are	merely	the	tip	of	the	iceberg.	How	can	processesessential	to	democracy	be	safeguarded	in	this	context?A	new	era	for	election	monitoring	and	new	mechanisms	for	democratic	participationThe	ability	to	carry	out	free	and	fair	elections	faces	a	new	and	imminent	threat,	which	is	not	specific	to	Latin	America.This	threat	arises	in	polarised	electoral	contexts,	and	there	are	two	possible	courses	of	action	in	response.Either	we	do	nothing	and	risk	sparking	a	crisis	that	undermines	trust	in	electoral	processes	or	we	take	immediatesteps	to	identify	and	adopt	best	practices	in	this	area.Electoral	missions	can	no	longer	ignore	the	need	for	oversight	and	vigilance	when	it	comes	to	the	use	of	newtechnologies,	and	neither	can	they	be	limited	to	superficial	auditing	of	the	electronic	transmission	of	election	results.We	are	now	dealing	with	more	complex	phenomena	and	actors	that	spill	over	national	jurisdictions.	Platformscontrolled	by	the	tech	giants	of	Silicon	Valley	are	at	the	heart	of	this,	finding	themselves	confronted	by	questionswhich	relate	essentially	to	the	public	interest.Creating	a	research	lab	on	digital	electoral	practicesThis	article	leaves	many	questions	unanswered:	given	the	lack	of	information	and	research	on	the	subject,	trying	toanswer	these	questions	at	this	stage	would	be	irresponsible	and	premature.	Rather,	these	trends	should	beobserved	from	a	local	perspective	and	analysed	critically,	while	also	bearing	in	mind	the	political,	social,	and	culturalcontexts	of	our	countries.Future	elections	in	Latin	America	represent	an	opportunity	to	try	out	this	kind	of	observation,	to	explore	pilot	schemeswhich	monitor	the	trends	discussed,	and	to	place	Latin	America	in	the	vanguard	by	harmonising	technology,democracy,	and	citizenship	with	established	structures	of	election	monitoring.	Together	we	need	to	identify	emergingand	recurring	phenomena	that	abuse	technologies	new	and	old	to	undermine	electoral	processes.By	working	closely	with	electoral	authorities,	election-monitoring	bodies,	and	NGOs	promoting	digital	rights,	freedomof	expression,	privacy,	and	civic	education	we	will	be	able	to	make	informed	proposals	that	can	address	rapid	andongoing	changes	in	the	nature	of	elections.Identification	and	tracking	of	new	practices	will	make	it	possible	to	trial	different	technical	measures,	public-policysolutions,	electoral	regulations,	and	privacy	laws.	This	will	allow	us	both	to	defend	and	to	strengthen	citizens’	rights.Now	is	the	time	to	join	forces.To	take	part	in	this	research	lab,	please	get	in	touch	via	elecciones@digitalcolonialism.orgNotas:•	The	opinions	expressed	here	are	of	the	authors	and	do	not	reflect	the	position	of	LSE•	This	article	is	a	translation	of	a	piece	published	by	Oficina	Antivigilancia	with	a	CC	BY	3.0	licence•	Translated	by	Daragh	Brady•	Featured	image	credit:	Marcos	Oliveira/Agência	Senado,	CC	BY	2.0•	Please	read	our	Comments	Policy	before	commentingLSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data Page 4 of 5		Date originally posted: 2018-11-09Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2018/11/09/election-observation-urgently-needs-to-adapt-to-the-era-of-big-data/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/Renata	Ávila	–	Ciudadano	InteligenteRenata	Ávila	is	an	international	human	rights	lawyer	and	expert	on	digital	rights.	She	is	ExecutiveDirector	of	Ciudadano	Inteligente	(“Smart	Citizen”),	an	NGO	which	aims	to	strengthen	democracy	andreduce	inequality	in	Latin	America	by	fostering	transparency	and	citizen	participation	through	thecreative	use	of	information	technology.	Ávila	is	also	a	member	of	the	board	of	Creative	Commons	andan	adviser	to	the	Courage	Foundation,	which	supports	whistleblowers	and	informers	in	danger.	She	isthe	co-author	of	Women,	Whistleblowing	Wikileaks	(OR	Books,	2018)	and	is	currently	writing	a	book	on	digitalcolonialism.LSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data Page 5 of 5		Date originally posted: 2018-11-09Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2018/11/09/election-observation-urgently-needs-to-adapt-to-the-era-of-big-data/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/

Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data

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Election observation urgently needs to adapt to the era of big data

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