The president and prime minister of the Czech Republic are both Eurosceptics, and there has been speculation that the country might follow the UK out of the EU. But, argues Benjamin Whitlock (University of Aberdeen), this overlooks a long history of cultivating a 'European' Czech identity, in which the country and its predecessors are placed firmly in a European intellectual tradition. This contrasts sharply with ingrained British Euroscepticism

Whitlock, Benjamin

LSE Research Online

First	Brexit,	then	Czexit?	Unlikely	–	Czech	attitudes	toEurope	are	very	differentThe	president	and	prime	minister	of	the	Czech	Republic	are	both	Eurosceptics,	and	there	hasbeen	speculation	that	the	country	might	follow	the	UK	out	of	the	EU.	But,	argues	BenjaminWhitlock	(University	of	Aberdeen),	this	overlooks	a	long	history	of	cultivating	a	‘European’Czech	identity,	in	which	the	country	and	its	predecessors	are	placed	firmly	in	a	Europeanintellectual	tradition.	This	contrasts	sharply	with	ingrained	British	Euroscepticism.In	January	2018,	Miloš	Zeman	was	re-elected	President	of	the	Czech	Republic.	The	openlyEurosceptic	and	distinctly	pro-Russia	Zeman	seems	determined	to	continue	his	war	of	words	with	the	EuropeanUnion.	Last	autumn,	the	populist	and	anti-establishment	ANO	emerged	as	the	largest	party	in	the	Chamber	ofDeputies.	The	rise	to	power	of	its	leader,	the	new	Prime	Minister	Andre	Babis,	bears	a	striking	similarity	to	DonaldTrump’s.	Both	are	billionaire	businessmen	and	managed	to	take	the	top	job	by	running	anti-establishment	and	anti-immigrant	campaigns.	Combine	this	with	the	fact	that	parliament	is	debating	a	new	law	making	it	easier	to	holdnationwide	referendums,	and	a	Czech	exit	from	the	EU	looks	increasingly	plausible.But	those	who	confidently	predict	Czexit	may	be	disappointed.	As	with	the	UK,	there	are	cleareconomic	disadvantages	for	the	Czech	Republic	if	it	leaves	the	EU.	But	that	alone	would	be	unlikely	to	prevent	aleave	vote.	Despite	the	relentless	economic	focus	of	the	Remain	campaign,	economics	was	not	the	dominant	factorin	Britain’s	Leave	vote.	Rather,	identity	appears	to	have	been	key	–	and	it	is	how	Czech	identity	relates	to	the	idea	ofbeing	‘European’	that	will	shape	the	outcome	of	any	Czexit	referendum.Part	of	an	altar	wing	showing	the	martyrdom	of	Jan	Hus.	Photo:	Hussite	Museum	in	Tábor	viaEuropeana	and	a	CC-BY-NC-SA	licenceWriting	in	2017,	Nicholas	Boyle	showed	how	the	2016	referendum	was	the	result	of	a	sustained	crisis	of	identity	thatBritain,	and	in	particular	England,	had	faced	since	the	end	of	Empire.	Unable	to	accept	that	it	was	no	longer	peerless,Britain	opted	to	quit	the	EU	rather	than	reconcile	British	identity	with	the	cosmopolitan	idea	of	Europe.This	is	in	stark	contrast	to	the	way	Czech	identity	is	constructed.	Rather	than	deny	its	essentially	Europeancharacter,	Czech	civil	society	and	the	Czech	government	show	a	consistent	desire	to	integrate	their	national	storyinto	that	of	cosmopolitan	Europe.	They	seek	to	locate	the	Czech	Republic	and	its	medieval	predecessor,	theKingdom	of	Bohemia,	within	European	history,	and	major	historical	figures	as	Europeans.LSE Brexit: First Brexit, then Czexit? Unlikely – Czech attitudes to Europe are very different Page 1 of 2		Date originally posted: 2018-03-12Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2018/03/12/first-brexit-then-czexit-unlikely-czech-attitudes-to-europe-are-very-different/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/Charles	IV,	Holy	Roman	Emperor	and	King	of	Bohemia,	is	described	as	the	‘Father	of	the	Nation’	and	votedthe	Greatest	Czech	of	All	Time;	commentators	are	keen	to	stress	his	international	reputation	and	his	role	as	oneof	greatest	Holy	Roman	Emperors.	In	2016	the	Czech	Republic	celebrated	his	700th	anniversary	with	a	series	ofcelebrations	and	museum	exhibitions	which	highlighted	the	importance	of	Charles	IV	to	the	Czech	national	story	andnational	identity.	He,	the	Empire	and	by	extension	the	Czech	Republic,	become	an	integral	part	of	the	story.This	idea	of	Czech	national	heroes	playing	a	leading	role	in	European	history	can	also	be	seen	in	the	way	13th-century	cleric	Jan	Hus	is	presented.	Hus	achieved	European-wide	infamy	due	to	his	attacks	on	the	Catholic	church,gaining	many	followers	(known	as	Hussites)	and	instituting	reforms	within	the	Bohemian	church.	He	was	burnt	at	thestake	for	heresy	and	became	a	national	hero	whose	followers	started	the	Hussite	rebellion	against	the	Catholicchurch	and	the	Holy	Roman	Empire.	While	he	is	often	presented	as	part	of	the	battle	for	Czech	independence,historians	invariably	mention	his	links	to	the	English	theologian	John	Wycliffe	and	how	Martin	Luther	would	draw	onhis	writings	a	century	later	when	he	triggered	the	Protestant	Reformation.	(Luther	said	“We	are	all	Hussites”.)This	desire	to	locate	the	Czech	nation	as	an	integral	part	of	Europe	is	in	no	way	a	modern	phenomenon.	Rather,the	integration	of	Charles	IV	and	Hus	into	a	wider	European	history	began	decades	ago.	After	gaining	independencefrom	the	Hapsburg	monarchy	in	1918,	Czechoslovakian	politicians	and	intellectuals	engaged	in	a	sustained	debateon	the	international	status	of	the	new	republic.	Drawing	on	the	fact	that	Czechoslovakia	had	been	one	of	the	victorsof	the	First	World	War	and	on	the	reputation	of	certain	historical	figures,	the	debate	centred	on	whether	Czech-dominated	Czechoslovakia	should	be	considered	genuinely	European,	alongside	France,	Britain	andGermany.	Surprisingly,	the	debate	focussed	not	only	on	the	claim	that	it	possessed	‘European’	characteristics	suchas	political	and	economic	power,	but	also	whether	it	needed	to	possess	a	colonial	empire.	Acquiring	colonies	wasregarded	as	key	to	becoming	a	‘grown	up	nation’.These	debates	on	the	European	character	of	Czechoslovakia	came	to	an	abrupt	end	with	the	Munich	crisis	of	1938.The	subsequent	occupation	by	Nazi	Germany	and	the	postwar	Communist	government	suspended	the	debate	onthe	European	nature	of	Czech	identity.	But	following	the	restoration	of	democracy	in	1989,	Czechs	again	began	tolook	at	how	being	Czech	relates	to	being	European.	In	the	1990s,	this	centred	on	EU	membership	and	the	idea	of	a‘return	to	Europe’,	picking	up	many	of	themes	that	had	been	abandoned	in	1938.The	end	of	Communist	rule	and	the	transition	to	a	free	market	economy	revealed	hidden	tensions	between	the	twohalves	of	Czechoslovakia.	For	the	Czechs,	market	liberalisation	represented	a	return	to	the	interwar	period,	and	areaffirmation	of	their	capitalist	golden	age.	Slovakia,	which	had	experienced	significant	industrial	development	underthe	Communist	planned	economy,	viewed	liberalisation	less	favourably.	Both	populations	greeted	the	breakup	ofCzechoslovakia	with	mixed	feelings.	But	Czechs	saw	it	as	a	way	to	increase	the	speed	of	economic	reforms,geopolitically	moving	the	new	Czech	Republic	firmly	towards	the	West	and	accelerating	their	‘return	to	Europe’.With	the	birth	of	the	new	republic,	Czech	nationhood	and	identity	would	be	understood	in	civic	as	opposed	tonationalist	terms	that	centred	on	the	country’s	accession	to	the	EU.	The	desire	to	gain	entry	to	the	‘European	club’shaped	the	way	Czechs	viewed	themselves,	and	the	construction	of	a	distinct	Czech	identity	was	caught	up	in	theeconomic	and	political	reform	process.	In	1995	Czechs’	identification	with	‘Europe’	was	ranked	as	the	third	highest	ofthe	countries	surveyed,	and	significantly	higher	than	many	established	EU	members.	While	tensions	between	Czechand	European	identity	did	–	and	continue	to	–	exist,	the	Republic’s	accession	to	the	EU	in	2004	was	seen	positivelyby	the	majority	of	Czechs.Today	Czechs	continue	to	debate	the	relationship	between	Czech	and	European	identity.	However,	the	two	arenot	generally	presented	as	being	incompatible.	Czech	schoolchildren	study	both	Charles	IV	and	Jan	Hus	and	placethem	into	a	wider	European	context.	The	experience	of	the	UK	referendum	suggests	that	future	membershipreferendums	are	likely	to	be	emotional	affairs	based	on	how	people	understand	their	identity.	Those	hoping	forCzexit	would	do	well	to	remember	that	Czech	identity	has	arched	towards	being	European	for	decades,	if	notcenturies.This	post	represents	the	views	of	the	author	and	not	those	of	the	Brexit	blog,	nor	the	LSE.Benjamin	Whitlock	is	a	doctoral	student	at	the	University	of	Aberdeen,	researching	supranational	government	in	theEU,	Austro-Hungarian	Empire	and	the	British	Commonwealth	in	the	interwar	period.	LSE Brexit: First Brexit, then Czexit? Unlikely – Czech attitudes to Europe are very different Page 2 of 2		Date originally posted: 2018-03-12Permalink: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2018/03/12/first-brexit-then-czexit-unlikely-czech-attitudes-to-europe-are-very-different/Blog homepage: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/

First Brexit, then Czexit? Unlikely - Czech attitudes to Europe are very different

http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/88937/1/brexit-2018-03-12-first-brexit-then-czexit-unlikely-czech-attitudes.pdf

First Brexit, then Czexit? Unlikely - Czech attitudes to Europe are very different

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