Will Catalonia secede from Spain? Montserrat Guibernau explores why many Catalonians now hope that it might. She argues that Catalonia’s subsidization of less affluent regions, which leaves the region worse off, is a major root of discontent

Guibernau, Montserrat

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blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2012/05/29/catalonia-secession/The rise of secessionism in Catalonia has emerged out of thewill to decide the region’s political destiny as a nationMay 29 2012Will Catalonia secede from Spain? Montserrat Guibernau explores why many Cataloniansnow hope that it might. She argues that Catalonia’s subsidization of less affluent regions,which leaves the region worse off, is a major root of discontent.With 23% unemployment (rising to 40% among young people), the deepening of theeconomic crisis is hitting Catalans hard. Resentment against the Spanish government’seconomic policies and dissatisfaction with politics prevail: In the Catalan society, those whoare ‘dissatisfied with democracy’ rose to 49% in March. Catalonia, a traditionally prosperousregion, sees its wealth and status downgraded as it looses competitiveness and lacksresources and saving for infrastructure while accumulating annual deficit of 8% of GDP due to the financialarrangements imposed by the Spanish state. In this context, support for Catalan fiscal autonomy (PacteFiscal) is rising fast and secession, for the first time in Catalan history, appears as a legitimate option.Catalan nationalism emerged in the 1960s as a progressive social movement defending democracy andfreedom against Franco’s dictatorship, demanding a Statute of autonomy for Catalonia and amnesty for theregime’s political prisoners. Franco’s death in 1975 allowed a transition to democracy led by members of hisown regime. Catalonia played a key role in the democratization of Spain by strongly supporting EUmembership; providing economic and industrial leadership and being committed to solidarity towards Spain.Vitally, Catalan nationalism was instrumental in overcoming the 1993 crisis and strongly supported Spain tofulfil the conditions to join the Euro. However, it was felt by many that Catalan loyalty and support did not payoff as Spain reinforced centralism.In my view the roots of secessionism and the so-called ‘right to decide’ originate in the second mandate ofPrime Minister Aznar and the landslide victory of his Popular Party (PP) in 2000. Soon after the election,sympathy and understanding towards Catalan demands for further autonomy and recognition were replacedby hostility embedded in a neo-centralist, conservative and neo-liberal political discourse. The Popular Partywas dismissive of claims for greater autonomy for the historical nationalities (Catalonia, Galicia and theBasque Country) and adopted an arrogant attitude towards former political allies. In this period a boicotagainst Catalan products –in particular ‘cava’ (sparkling wine) – developed in Spain.In Catalonia, growing dissatisfaction with the Aznar government guaranteed strong support for J.L. RodriguezZapatero, the leader of the Socialists Workers Party (PSOE) in the 2004 election. Most people received thePSOE’s victory with joy and regarded Rodriguez Zapatero as sympathetic to Catalan political aspirations; anassumption which proved wrong after he was unable, or unwilling, to stand up by his promise to support thenew Statute of Autonomy to emerge from the Catalan Parliament; a project led by fellow socialist andPresident of Catalonia, Pasqual Maragall.The draft Statute of Autonomy – supported by 90 per cent of the Catalan Parliament – was significantlymodified by the Spanish Parliament and Senate to fully comply with the Constitution prior to being approvedby both chambers. The Statute was finally endorsed by the Catalan people in a referendum 18th June 2006.However, the Statute was immediately challenged in the Spanish High Court: the PP challenged 51 per centof the text and the Spanish Ombudsman (PSOE) challenged 48 per cent.The Spanish High Court issued its verdict 28th June 2010: it suppressed 14 articles of the Statute andmodified a further 30 relating to symbolic, financial and judicial aspects as well as state investment inCatalonia, creating an unprecedented situation. On July 10th 2010, over one million people demonstrated inBarcelona against the Spanish Hight Court decision. Their motto: ‘We are a nation. We decide’. Thedemonstration was led by Jose Montilla, the then president of Catalonia. Shortly after that, fresh elections tothe Catalan government resulted in a change of government; Artur Mas, leader of the nationalist party CiU,became president of Catalonia.According to the latest available data Catalonia’s average contribution to the Spanish Central Administrationand Social Security corresponds to 19.40 per cent of the total. In contrast, Catalonia receives 14.03 per cent.After contributing to Spain’s Solidarity Fund, Catalonia is worse off than those autonomous communitiessubsidized by the Fund and finds itself below average in per capita spending.The 2012 Budget presented by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy does not contemplate the State paying back itspending debts to Catalonia. According to the Statute these include, €759 million for 2008 and €219 million for2009. In addition, the State’s investment in infrastructure in Catalonia has been reduced by 45 per cent, andnow stands at 11 per cent of the total, far from the 18.6 percent that would be an equal share for Catalonia.In December 2009, with the support of 15000 volunteers, 166 Catalan cities held referendums on Catalonia’sindependence. The referendums were not legally binding, but they contained an important symbolic content.Participation amounted to 27 per cent, and 94.71 per cent voted in favor of Catalonia’s independence. To datethe Spanish State forbids the holding of a legally binding or consultative referendum in Catalonia.In 2011, 42.9 per cent of Catalans supported independence, and at present support has risen to 44.6 percent. In Catalonia the enthusiasm for democracy associated with the initial phase of the transition todemocracy is gone. Lack of trust in politicians and institutional politics accompanied by central bad economicmanagement and open hostility to Catalan demands has alienated a rising number of citizens. Only 4.4percent of Catalans consider that they have too much autonomy, 24 per cent are satisfied with the currentlevel and 65.7 per cent are frustrated by insufficient autonomy. Today 30.8% are in favor of Cataloniabecoming a state within a federal Spain and 29% want it to become an independent state.The rise of secessionism in Catalonia emerges out of the will to decide upon its political destiny as a nation. Itquestions the assumption that it is possible for a nation without its own state to flourish and develop within alarger state containing it, and within which it is not considered as an equal partner.Please read our comments policy before commenting.Note:  This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of EUROPP – European Politics andPolicy, nor of the London School of Economics.Shortened URL for this post: http://bit.ly/KWQfNn__________________________________About the authorMontserrat Guibernau – Queen Mary University of LondonMontserrat Guibernau is Professor of Politics at Queen Mary University of London. Her mostrecent publications are For a Cosmopolitan Catalanism (Angle, 2009), The Identity of Nations(Polity Press, 2007), Catalan Nationalism (Routledge, 2004), Nations without States (Polity,1999) and The Ethnicity Reader (Polity, 2010). She is Co-editor of Nations and Nationalism,and Política y Sociedad, and a member of the Scientific Committee of the CanadianResearch Chair in Quebec and Canadian Studies (UQAM), and a member of the managingcouncil of the Related posts:1. An independent Scotland would face little European opposition to membership of the European Union.2. Does devolution bring welfare improvements? Evidence from Spain shows that giving Scotland andWales the power to set speed limits might save lives across the UKThis entry was posted in EU institutions, government and politics and enlargement, Justice and home affairs(including immigration, asylum policies etc), Montserrat Guibernau, South Europe and tagged Catalonia,independence, nationalism, secession, Spain, states, taxes. Bookmark the permalink.

The rise of secessionism in Catalonia has emerged out of the will to decide the region’s political destiny as a nation

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