Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić has nominated Ana Brnabić as the country’s next Prime Minister. Brnabić, whose appointment is now largely a formality, will be Serbia’s first female and openly gay Prime Minister. Koen Slootmaeckers argues that while many observers outside the country have portrayed the appointment as a step forward for LGBT rights in Serbia, the decision says far more about Vučić’s attempts to advance the country’s EU accession process

Slootmaeckers, Koen

LSE Research Online

Ana Brnabić, Serbia’s new PM. ( biografija.org)2017-6-18Tactical Europeanisation: Why Serbia’s decision to appointan openly gay PM is no great leap forward for LGBT rightsblogs.lse.ac.uk /europpblog/2017/06/18/serbias-decision-to-appoint-an-openly-gay-pm-is-no-great-leap-forward-for-lgbt-rights/Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić has nominated Ana Brnabić as the country’s next PrimeMinister. Brnabić, whose appointment is now largely a formality, will be Serbia’s first female andopenly gay Prime Minister. Koen Slootmaeckers argues that while many observers outside thecountry have portrayed the appointment as a step forward for LGBT rights in Serbia, the decisionsays far more about Vučić’s attempts to advance the country’s EU accession process.The news that Serbia is set to have its first openly gay and female Prime Minister has generated aresponse from the global LGBT community and Western media that can best be described asecstatic. As the news developed on the evening of 15June, my Twitter and Facebook feeds wereoverwhelmed with people congratulating Serbia for this‘historic’ appointment: a double first for the county. Manymedia outlets noted that given less than a decade agothe 2010 Pride parade in Serbia was marred by riots,the appointment of Ana Brnabić demonstratesremarkable progress for the country.As the BBC put it, “Just a few years ago, theappointment would have been unthinkable. But EUhopeful Serbia can present it as proof of increasingtolerance.” And although the BBC remained cautious inits interpretation of the political meaning of theappointment, its local correspondent, Guy De Launey,argued that the symbolism of Brnabić’s appointmentcarries real weight. Whilst the EU has not yet formallycommented on the developments, one can anticipateSerbia will be commended for their progress on LGBTrights. Indeed, already on Friday, the European Parliament Intergroup on LGBTI Rights, shared the news on itsFacebook page as “Wonderful news from Serbia”. However, should we really consider the appointment as proof ofthe progress made in Serbia? When the appointment is placed in its full context, the answer is arguably no.Tactical EuropeanisationI would not wish to claim that the appointment of an openly LGBT person as Prime Minister has no positiveimplications for LGBT people in Serbia. One can optimistically imagine, for instance, that it sends a message toLGBT people that they can make it professionally in Serbian society even if they are open about their sexuality. Butit is important to be cautious with such interpretations, particularly if we are to take these political developments asproof of Serbia’s progress from a country where less than a decade ago LGBT people were beaten on the streetswhile organising a pride parade.Indeed, rather than taking this development at face value and considering it as a sign of Serbia’s progress in LGBTrights, the appointment of Brnabić is a continuation of Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić’s politics of tacticalEuropeanisation. Under this approach, LGBT issues are used to speak to the EU’s self-proclaimed LGBT-friendly1/3Pride parade in Belgrade, 2010. Aleksandar Macasev (CC BY-SA 3.0)identity without engaging with LGBT issues domestically.In the past, and again with the appointment of Brnabić, international observers have often responded to smallimprovements in LGBT rights with great enthusiasm, as if every small step taken in the Serbian context towards theprotection of LGBT people represents a major shift in the country – moving from backwards and homophobic tomodern and LGBT friendly. Such a superficial reading not only reifies a problematic East-West dichotomy, but moreimportantly, it hides the underlying politics in which LGBT rights have been instrumentalised by the Serbiangovernment to guarantee and advance Serbia’s progress in the EU accession process.Indeed, the latest developments are merely a continuation of existing practices in Serbian politics regarding LGBTissues. My research on LGBT rights in Serbia has shown that advancements in the protection of LGBT rights are tobe read against the context of Serbia’s EU accession process, as ‘homonationalist’ moves to demonstrateEuropeanness without engaging with the lived experiences of LGBT people in Serbia.For example, consider the anti-discrimination legislationwhich was adopted in 2009 as part of the EU visaliberalisation process. Despite being in place for almosta decade, the implementation of the law remainsminimal. Here, the lack of political engagement and willto stop the discrimination of LGBT people is a significantbarrier to the implementation. My research has shownthat the institutions which are responsible for protectingcitizens from discrimination (the ombudsman and thecommissioner for the protection of equality) often faceindirect political pressure to speak out on the topic, butnot to pursue politically sensitive cases. The country’santi-discrimination strategy (2013) and action plan(2014) remain under-implemented and little is beingdone to improve court practices regarding anti-discrimination cases or to improve treatment of LGBTvictims by police officers. Tackling the roots of hatecrimes and discrimination remains a topic that is low onthe political agenda.The tactical use of LGBT rights becomes even more visible when one considers the Pride Parade events. WhenPride reappeared in Belgrade in 2014, this was done with an eye on the political capital the government would gainby successfully protecting such events (as shown here and here). The return of Belgrade Pride is best understoodas what can be labelled ‘tactical Europeanisation’, i.e. an act of compliance to communicate to the EU a readiness toEuropeanise by aligning oneself with certain ‘European norms’. International observers have treated Pride as alitmus test for Europeanness and the protection of the 2014 and subsequent Belgrade Prides were aimed largely atadvancing the EU accession process.This being the case, the uncritical engagement of international observers with Serbian LGBT politics has done agreat deal of harm. While Serbia was widely commended by international observers for holding Pride events, thePride parade itself has been ‘co-opted’ by the state, making it a ritual march void of local LGBT politics. Indeed,Vučić – who described Pride as a leisurely walk – used the event to emphasise the state’s (or his) power andsovereignty. The militarised nature of the Pride parade transformed it into a ‘Ghost Pride’, i.e. a state toleratedmanifestation of Pride which takes place in a militarised ‘transparent closet’ that keeps LGBT people’s visibilitystrategies invisible and outside the public sphere.A real step forward?2/3The appointment of Brnabić represents a similar instrumentalisation of LGBT issues to distract internationalobservers from what is actually happening. Several elements of the recent developments suggest that the new PMmight not have a significant impact on LGBT lives in Serbia. First, there is the fact that although Brnabić is appointedas Prime Minister, Vučić reportedly clarified that she would only lead the technical working of the government, whilethe current acting Prime Minister Ivica Dačić – known for his homophobic statements – is set to oversee the politicalworkings of the new cabinet. Such a division of labour makes it relatively unlikely that the government will taketangible actions to improve LGBT people’s lived experiences. In fact, it is quite likely that Brnabić will become ashield for EU criticism on Serbia’s LGBT record. And in all likelihood, the EU will fall for it, as how can one perceive acountry with a gay Prime Minister to be homophobic?Aside from the international politics underlying the appointment, there is little hope that the new Prime Minister willimprove the lives of LGBT people in Serbia. Although she may be a suitable role model for the country’s LGBTpopulation, it is doubtful whether she will have a significant impact on wider attitudes towards LGBT people. In fact,the comments made on Brnabić’s sexual orientation, both by herself and Vučić, might actually reinforce thecommonly held opinion that any discussion of sexual orientation should be kept “within four walls”.Consider, for example, the statements made when Brnabić was first appointed as a minister last year. At the time,Vučić said that he was only interested in her results and that “her personal choices” do not interest him. Similarly,she commented on the commotion around here sexuality by saying: “Hopefully this will blow over in three or fourdays, and then I won’t be known as the gay minister.” Although I do not want to claim that Brnabić’s sexualorientation should be made the central point of discussion, the constant displacement of it to the private sphere doesnot help in overcoming the stigma that exists in Serbia around LGBT issues.Against this background, the appointment of Brnabić should be welcomed with some healthy scepticism and shouldnot be taken as more than it is. It is a politically symbolic appointment, but we should wait for concreteachievements on the ground before we conclude that Serbia has made progress in protecting LGBT people. I wouldurge those observing Serbia from a distance (also those within the European institutions) to listen more closely toindividuals who have been engaged in analysing Serbia’s politics in greater detail. Indeed, many of those withgreater proximity to the topic have argued that appointing Brnabić not only contributes to the further consolidation ofVučić’s semi-authoritarian power, but also serves as a smoke screen to divert attention away from the increasingdemocratic backsliding within the country. Hopefully the coming months and years will prove this scepticism wrong,but it is about time international observers realise that symbolic politics are just that, symbolic.Please read our comments policy before commenting .Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy, norof the London School of Economics._________________________________About the authorKoen Slootmaeckers – Queen Mary University of LondonKoen Slootmaeckers is a PhD Candidate at Queen Mary University of London.3/3

Tactical Europeanisation: why Serbia’s decision to appoint an openly gay PM is no great leap forward for LGBT rights

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