The past two decades have seen a massive rise in the number of foodbanks in Germany, often linked to the country’s welfare reforms. But what are the consequences of foodbanks, beyond simply helping those in need? Stefan Selke argues that the foodbank movement is in fact a backwards-looking policy that sees the solution to social problems in local neighbourhoods, and replaces structural attacks on the causes of poverty with the symbolic relief of its consequences

Selke, Stefan

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11/07/2013The rise of foodbanks in Germany is increasing thecommodification of poverty without addressing itsstructural causesblogs.lse.ac.uk /europpblog/2013/07/11/germany-foodbanks/The past two decades have seen a massive rise in the number of foodbanks in Germany, often linked tothe country’s welfare reforms. But what are the consequences of foodbanks, beyond simply helpingthose in need? Stefan Selke argues that the foodbank movement is in fact a backwards-lookingpolicy that sees the solution to social problems in local neighbourhoods, and replaces structuralattacks on the causes of poverty with the symbolic relief of its consequences. In 1993 the first foodbank (“Tafel”) was founded in Berlin. In the past 20 years, the number offoodbanks in Germany has grown to more than 1,000, as shown in Figure 1 below. Now, over50,000 volunteers across Germany are involved with the collection of  wasted food fromsupermarkets, which is then offered to the poor by local organisations. In the past 20 years foodbanks in Germanyhave been able to extend the range of their users considerably, and now provide more than 1.5 million people (fromchildren to senior citizens) with food.Figure 1 – Growth in number of foodbanks in Germany, 1993 – 2013Source: http://www.tafel.de/die-tafeln/zahlen-fakten.htmlThe main growth of foodbanks in Germany began 2005, when Chancellor Gerhard Schröder’s governmentintroduced the “Agenda 2010” of tax cuts, and cuts to pension and unemployment benefits. Around the same time, anew form of unemployment insurance (“Hartz IV”) was introduced, reducing previous benefit levels and the durationfor which they can be received. In recent decades hardly any other phenomenon has become more prominent in thepublic consciousness, with the foodbank movement being seen largely uncritically and usually celebrated as asuccess. However, the first research projects (e.g. the “Tafel-Monitor” at the Furtwangen University, managed byStefan Selke) into Germany’s foodbanks present paradoxes, discrepancies and consequential costs for thoseaffected and for society as a whole.The current situation 1/5Despite their large number, one can observe regional disparities between the distribution and the accessibility offoodbanks (the supply side) and the distribution of poverty (the demand side). Until now, there has been noindependent data set about the structure of foodbanks, the socio-demography of the users and (often overlooked!)about those who refuse to use foodbanks.By now, the practice of foodbanks has been examined in qualitative research projects. We know that those that usefoodbanks are being placed into a vulnerable situation with both physical and psychological stress factors. Thephysical causes of stress include queuing in public and long waiting times. In interviews the psychological stressfactors named repeatedly were fear (of being seen by others), embarrassment, restrictions (no choice, no right tocomplain) and duties (statements of gratitude, rituals of submission). However, the main stress factor is shame.There is a fundamental conflict in that. Voluntary involvement is seen, on the one hand, as socially desirable while,at the same time many emotionally stressful experiences of shame and denial are accepted and socially permittedby foodbank volunteers.The system of foodbanks is centred on questions of the legal form of foodbanks, the standards of food distributionand the rules concerning access and use. Users of foodbanks often perceive those rules as restrictive,discriminating and stigmatising. The distribution of donations of food by private persons within a volatile system (i.e.without guarantees, and dependent on numerous factors such as the amounts of food, personal feelings etc.) isdiametrically opposite to the German constitution’s criterion of unconditional help in the context of an institutionalisedsystem of solidarity in a welfare state.  A old Russian tailor with celebrates the day at the food bank as an event. At this food banks the “guests” areseparated from the volunteers by a counter. Credit: Stefan Selke2/5 Food bank in the form of a supermarket – the clients can serve themselves. Prices range from 10 to 30 per cent ofthe original supermarket price. Credit: Stefan Selke Queuing at the cash box. The empty racks show that this food bank is not a normal supermarket. Credit: StefanSelkeSocial contexts Foodbanks are a controversial issue in Germany. They make conflicts of social policy visible, that have continued tobe latent for the last 20 years. The mobilising and activation of civic participation means a shift from stateguarantees to merely voluntary or honorary activities. As seen by many critics, this makes the foodbank movement a3/5prototype for a backwards-looking policy about poverty and society, that sees the solution to social problems in localneighbourhoods and replaces structural attacks on the causes of poverty with symbolic relief of its consequences.Moreover, the modification of the foodbanks’ basic legitimacy within a great alliance of “food saviours” is striking.Foodbanks have moved beyond being simply a social strategy (help for the homeless and poor) and areincreasingly adopting an ecological strategy within which they stylise themselves as an environmental movement.However, foodbanks are neither social nor sustainable, at least, when sufficiently refined definitions of socialsustainability are used, not taken from companies’ internal Corporate Social Responsibility ‘guidelines’. The causesof poverty cannot be fought with donations of food. Reducing the over-supply of food does not lead to a reduction inthe amount of poverty.Poverty as a commodity Meanwhile, foodbanks in Germany have become a brand. They profit from their positive connotations by with anenhanced image, which they pass on to industry partners and sponsors. Foodbank users however, consider them tobe a symbol of their own social exclusion and unrealised participation in the majority of society. Foodbanks havebecome established as a firm system that deals with social matters using economic criteria (expansion, marketshare, growth, efficiency, synergies etc.); 20 years of foodbanks are the irrefutable evidence for that. They indicatethe failure of politics, that firstly produces “poverty made in Germany” and then exports it into a private volunteersystem. Here, it is less and less a matter of fighting poverty sustainably, because it is profitable to too many whorecognise poverty as a commodity and draw benefit from it. Foodbanks are a part of such a market in whichsymbolic and economic profits can be achieved from poverty. For example, businesses increasingly use CorporateSocial Responsibility actions as a substitute for taking on real social responsibility. They replace payments of tax,minimum wages and other compulsory actions.Emergency solution instead of long-term solution It is becoming simpler and more normal in Germany to receive public approval for voluntary relief of poverty thanpolitical legitimacy for combating the roots of poverty. The offerings of foodbanks are only the short-term alleviationand management of poverty. The danger behind this is an indirect (and unintended) stabilisation of poverty becausethe tasks of the state are more and more being delegated to supported employers, subsidised agencies and privateplayers.A society should be judged by how it deals with its weakest members. Foodbanks still have their reason forexistence as an emergency solution for those in need, but not as an institutionalised long-term solution. Thisassertion marks both the fundamental boundary shift of the past 20 years and the task of a new orientation. It wouldbe regrettable if foodbanks were to lead only to socially well arranged needs for many. The question is therefore notwhether voluntary commitment makes sense, but where and how it is appropriate.Please read our comments policy before commenting .Note:  This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy, norof the London School of Economics.Shortened URL for this post: http://bit.ly/12lTfWT _________________________________About the author4/5Stefan Selke – Furtwangen UniversityProfessor Stefan Selke is professor of sociology and social change at the Furtwangen University inGermany. Foodbanks have been his research field since 2006. He has published five books andnumerous arcticles on different aspects of foodbanks. As a public sociologist he often appears in themedia. Currently he manages the research project “Tafel-Montor“ about foodbanks in Germany.5/5

The rise of foodbanks in Germany is increasing the commodification of poverty without addressing its structural causes

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