This paper deals with German demonstratives from the der, die, das (DPros) and dieser, diese, dieses (DemPros) paradigms. We investigated the hypothesis that DPros can refer to a discourse referent that is information structurally prominent when the speaker is available as perspective- taker while DemPros are not sensitive to perspective taking. The second hypothesis is that DemPros show a stronger preference towards the last-mentioned referent than DPros. We con- ducted an experiment combining offline- and online-measurements. Our results suggest that perspective plays a role in pronoun resolution and that prominence gives rise to more nuanced preferences among several antecedents
