14 41} 6134 8668114WOMEN, LEISUREAND BINGO12 31 41X 44JWf 67RACHAEL DKEY with MARGARET TALBOT058123T A S CKJH83TRINITY AND ALL SAINTS' COLLEGEn?"l SVJ3.11 -B5 WW 1982Dixey, Rachael andWOMEN, LEISURE AND BINGObyRachael Dixey with Margaret TaibotTrinity & All Saints' College 1982Research sponsored by theNational Association of Licensed Bingo and Social ClubsCopyrightRachaei Dixey wrth Margaret Talbot1982ISBN Number 0 9507984 1 XFurther copces available from;Price £6Handling Charge £2Women and Leisure Research,Trinity & Ali Saints'College,Brownberne Lane,Horsforth,Leeds LS18 5HDCONTENTSPageIntroduction iChapter I : Bingo, Gambling and Leisure 1Chapter II : Approaches 11Chapter III : A Note on Methodology 19Chapter IV : The Community Study 21Chapter V : The National Survey 94A Summary of the Findings 161Community Study Questionnaire 172183193Chapter VI :Appendix :ReferencesBibliographyLIST OF FIGURESFigure 1Figure 2Figure 3Figure 4Figure 5Figure 6Figure 7Figure 8Figure 9Figure 10Figure 11Figure 12Figure 13Figure 14Page: Percentage of players in each agegroup playing at afternoon andevening sessions 105: Percentage of men and women playingat afternoon and evening sessions 105: Age groups of players 1982 113: Number of 18-25 year olds and 76 yearolds playing 1960-82 as a percentageof total bingo players 113: Occupational status 120: Occupational categories 120: Frequency of playing by occupationalstatus 125: Average visits per week by age group 125: Percentage of admissions in each agegroup " 125: Amount spent at one bingo session 134: Mode of transport to the clubs 134: Percentage of each age group whichplays alone 141: Involvement of spouse in bingo 141: Reasons for playing by age 141LIST OF TABLESPageChapter ITable1234567Clubs Licensed for Bingo 1970-80 2Club Ownership of the Five Major Operators 2Estimated Bingo Profits 2Money staked on bingo 1970-80 3Daily admissions to bingo clubs 3The Bingo Playing Population 1972-80 4Proportion of the population whichplays bingo7.1 Men and women in each age group 47.2 Social class 47.3 Men and women in educational categories 58 Composition of the bingo playing population8.1 Age 58.2 Socio-economic position 58.3 Education 59 Regional variations 510 Proportion of players which is male, byregion 611 : Regional distribution of clubs 6Chapter IVTable123-67,891011121314151617Constraints on going out in the evenings 37Categories of activities 40Visits to facilities, by age group 46Visits to facilities, by age group 47Attendance at theatre, by age group 57Sports involvement 58Activities in a typical week 61Newspapers 67Respondents' categorisation of activities 68Visits to social clubs, by age group 69Visits to working men's clubs, by age group 69Visits to pubs, by age group 70Visits to restaurants, by age group 70PageChapter IV (cont)Table1819202122232425262728293031323334353637383940Visits to cinemas, by age groupInvolvement in gamblingPerception of activities as gamblingInvolvement in bingo, by age groupRanking of visits to facilities weekly,by age groupBingo playing venuesCombinations of venues for playing bingoFrequency of bingo playingPlayers and non-players : car ownershipPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playersPlayers and non-playershousingmarital statuschildrenhouseholdcompositionpaid employmentstandard oflivingplanning aheadchurch-goinggambling ~;holidaystelevisionTV channelsbookshusband'sinvolvement ingambling717575767676777789899090909090909191ar91919192,PageChapter VTable1 : Areas included in the sample, with townsand number of questionnaires in each area2 : Size of clubs in sample3 : Proportion of seating capacity filled, byarea4 : Distribution of players between sessions:!4.1 : % male and female at afternoon/eveningsessions4.2 : % playing at afternoon/evening sessions,by area4.3 : % playing at afternoon/evening sessions,by age group4.4 : Age composition of afternoon and eveningsessions55.15.25.35.466.16.26.36.477.17.27.388.18.28.399.19.29.39.49.59.69.7Distribution of players between sessions: 2% usually playing at afternoon/eveningsessions, by sex% usually playing at afternoon/eveningsessions, by area% usually playing at afternoon/eveningsessions, by age% usually playing at afternoon/eveningsessions, by occupational categoryProportion of female and male playersTotal sample% male and female players, in areas% male and female players , in age groups% male and female players at sessionsAge groups of players% of players in each age group% of men and women in each age group% of players, in age groups, by areaAge of starring to play bingoMen and women - age of starting to playMean age of starting to play, by age groupMean age of starting to play, by areaNumber of years bingo has been playedTotal sample, by calendar yearTotal sample, by areaGrowth of bingo playing, 1960-1982 -Age structure of the bingo playingpopulation 1960-1982Age structure of the bingo playingpopulation 1960-1982 : average age, by yearStructure of the bingo playing population1960-1982: % male and female, by yearStructure of the bingo playing population1960-1982: occupation, by year959898100100100100100102102102102102104104104104104106106106106108108108108110110110112112114114115Chapter V (cont)PageTable1010.110.210.310.41111.111.211.311.411.51212.112.212.31313.113.213.313.413.51414.114.214.31515.115.215.31616.116.216.3Occupational Status 116% male and female players in occupationalcategories 116% players in occupational categories, byarea 116% players in occupational categories, byage 116Activity rates of women in generalpopulation and in sample, by area 116Occupation of main breadwinner in player'shousehold 118% breadwinners in occupational categories,by player's sex 118% breadwinners in occupational categories,by area 118% breadwinners in occupational categories,by age 118Occupational categories of generalpopulation 118Occupational categories of samplepopulation 119Presence of children in household% male and female players with childrenunder 16% players with children under 16, by area% players with children under 16, by ageFrequency of playingFrequency of playing.Frequency of playing.Frequency of playing,Frequency of playing,by sexby areaby ageby occupationWeekly admissions, age groupRegularity of playingRegularity of playing, by sexRegularity of playing, by areaRegularity of playing, by ageNumber of books played .% men and women playing each number ofbooks% playing each number of books, by area% playing each number of books, by ageFruit machines% men and women playing on fruit machines% playing on fruit machines, by area% playing on fruit machines, by age121121121121122122122122122122124124124124126126126126128128128128Chapter V (cont)Table1717.117.217.31818.118.218.31919.119.219.319.419.52020.120.220.32121.121.221.32222.122.222.322.42323.123.223.32424.124.224.32525.125.225.32626.126.226.3Interval games% men and women playing interval games% playing interval games, by area% playing interval games, by ageDrinks from bar% men and women buying drinks from bar% players buying drinks from bar, by area% players buying drinks from bar, by age"Spend per head""Spend per head", by sex"Spend per head", by area"Spend per head", by age"Spend per head", by employment statusOpportunity index: likelihood of spendingmore than £5, by occupational category ofbreadwinnerPerception of costPerception of cost, by sexPerception of cost, by areaPerception of cost, by ageProximity of club to home% men and women playing at nearest club% playing at nearest club, by area% playing at nearest club, by ageTransportMode of transport, by sexMode of transport, by areaMode of transport, by ageMode of transport, by sessionBingo as main leisure activity outside home% men and women for whom bingo is mainleisure activity% men and women for whom bingo is mainleisure activity, by area% men and women for whom bingo is mainleisure activity, by agePatterns of companionship in clubPatterns of companionship, by sexPatterns of companionship, by areaPatterns of companionship, by ageInvolvement of spouse% men and women whose spouses play bingo% players whose spouses play bingo, by area% players whose spouses play bingo, by ageReasons for playingReasons for playing, by sexReasons for playing, by areaReasons for playing, by agePage129129129129130130130130132132132132133134136136136136136136136136138138138138138140140140140142142142142142142142142144144144144PageChapter V (cont)Table27 Club preference27.12«T Oi e A27.32828.128.228,32929.129.229.33030.130.230.33131.131.231.33232.132.232.33333.133.233.33434.134.234.33535.135.235.3Reasons for playing at one particular club,by sexReasons for playing at one particular club,by areaReasons for playing at one particular club,by ageChanging clubsReasons for changing clubs, by sexReasons for changing clubs, by areaReasons for changing clubs, by age groupPlaying at other clubs% men and women playing at more than oneclub% playing at more than one club, by area% playing at more than one club, by ageSeat preference% men and women preferring to sit in 'own'seat% players preferring to sit in 'own' seat,by area% players preferring to sit in 'own' seat,by ageImportance of bar% players regarding bar as important , bysex% players regarding bar as important, byarea% players regarding bar as important, byageImportance of bingoPerceived importance of bingo, by sexPerceived importance of bingo, by areaPerceived importance of bingo, by age groupBingo as gamblingPerception of bingo as gambling, by sexPerception of bingo as gambling, by areaPerception of bingo as gambling, by ageNon-licensed bingo% men and women playing at non licensedfacilities% playing at non licensed facilities, byarea% playing at non licensed facilities, byageIncrease/decline of bingo playing% men and women playing more/less often% playing more/less often, by area% playing more/less often, by age145145145145146146146146146146146146148148148148148148148148150150150150150150150150152152152152154154154154Chapter V (cont)Table3636.136.236.33737.137.237.3Reasons for playing moreReasons for playing more often, by sexReasons for playing more often, by areaReasons for playing more often, by ageReasons for playing lessReasons for playing less often, by sexReasons for playing less often, by areaReasons for playing less often, by agePage156156156156156156156156LIST OF PLATESFacing pagenumberPlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlatePlate234567891011121314151617Many bingo premises have architecturalmerit in their own right 8Party bingo in the interval 9Calling the play 9"Only a game"? 9Every day is budget day 32Servicing others 32The waiting game - public transport 32Daughter, mother, grandmother 33Young wives 33Neighbours 33Being out together 78Sitting where you like 78Celebrating retirement 78Playing to win 79Happy winners 79ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSiNo project is possible without the guidance, support and goodwill ofa large number of people. Without the funding provided by the NALBSC, andthe confidence placed in us by Charles Stringer, the research would not havebeen initiated.Without the co-operation of the public - so willing to give their time,effort, opinions and personal details and to receive nothing in return exceptthe experience of doing so - data collection would not have been possible.Special thanks are therefore extended to the many thousands of bingo playersand non bingo players who took part.A number of individuals have helped in specific ways:At Trinity and All Saints' College: firstly, Audrey Howarth has workedtremendously hard in typing the report and also in transcribing some of thetaped interviews. Hilary Roberts gave invaluable help in data collectionand coding; Dennis Laverty drew the graphs and charts, Ted Grinham took mostof the photographs, Peter Jobbings and Edna Fox did the bulk of the printingand Kay Brandon helped with the construction of questionnaires. The LearningResources Service has helped with equipment and sources of literature. Finally,Barbara Montford and Jean Williams gave important moral support over the twoyears.In the community of Armley: Martin Whillock, the Area Community EducationOfficer, was most helpful, as were Paula Fleming, Pam and Owen Conway, allthose at Armley Lodge and Hall Lane community centres, Peter Rayner Ltd.,Woolworths, Asda and Makro.In the bingo industry: Bridget McDermott was especially supportive; alsoRonald Singleton and Gwyn Singleton, Geoff Massey, Eddy Lee and Kate Wheeler,Chris Brown, Jack Sambrook, Paul Wild, Bill Hearn, Frank Newsome, Don Deakin,George Pannett, Laurie Clark, Roger Budd, Jim Walker. Thanks to all the owners,managers and staff of the clubs visited.For hospitality around the country: Tony Edwards, Merryn and Dave Cooke,Deborah and Dave Hibberd, Maggie Pearson, Mrs. Iris Dixey, Pauline and GordonHeron, Mr. and Mrs. Roberts, Hilary Lucy.Also, thanks to Jackie Bousfield for transcribing some of the tapes; to LeedsUniversity computer service for use of computer facilities; to Gill Brent andJudy Davies of the Leeds Women's Photography Collective, for use of photographs;and to Mr. Crowson, of "Speedprint Ltd.", for his advice and help in printing theplates, pages and covers and binding the report.". . . The square root of 5929—77 . . .The human chromosome count—48 . . ."AN ACADEMIC APPROACH TO BINGO ?Cartoon by Mc.Murtry reprinted by permission of Punch Publications Limited.INTRODUCTIONIt was Jane Austen's Emnia who said that half of the world does not understandthe pleasures of the other. The tendency of human beings to apostrophise or merelyto ignore those leisure activities which they do not or cannot understand and thoseof which they disapprove, provides a fascinating perspective for tne study of humandifferences in leisure behaviour. This tendency is illustrated, in party politicalterms, by Mr. Jack Straw, M.P., speaking in the House of Commons on proposed increasesin bingo duty on 6 July 1981:"It is an attack on women with families and on middle-aged women...The Chief Secretary sneers at that. He has probably never seen abingo ticket in his life ..... It is a class issue and a sexistissue. It is also, as the gambling statistics show, an issuebetween North and South ....... "In the same debate, another opposition H.P., Mr. welsh, in supporting Jack Straw'sobjections to the proposed increase in duty, unintentionally revealed that the issueis not so simplistic as to be explained merely by class, gender and region, when hesaid:"My wife plays bingo, I am pleased that she does. When NorthernMembers of Parliament stop here six days a week, like most LabourMembers do, their wives are entitled to some sort of pleasure .....My wife must now travel 2\ miles to Brodsworth to play binge, and Ido not complain about that. However, if the tax is further increased,I shall have to put my foot down. I do not mind my wife playing bingo,but I doubt whether I shall be able to afford the fare for her to gofrom one area to another."A woman's leisure behaviour is also influenced by personal relationships, by personalspending power, by availability of transport, and perhaps above all, by her perceptions(and those of others) of her duties in connection with her roles of wife and mother.When this project began it attracted no little attention from the press, radio andtelevision. The idea of academic staff actually being interested in bingo was evidentlyso unusual - bizarre, even - that the first six months of the project was spent stavineoff requests for interviews and information about the project. Gradually, however, themedia seemed to progress from the patronising, rather cheap attitude of the DailyTelegraph : (1)"Why do women play bingo? Because it is sociable (and they do notlike football?).... Bingo is now a fit subject for academic study..... about why they are doing it, whether they really enjoy it,and why they are not playing games or disco dancing.",to David Ward's sensitive and well-written piece in the Guardian (2) wnen describing theresearch as aiming"to investigate the truth of the standard middle class assumptionthat all bingo players are working class female morons and thatthe poor dears would be better off with bridge or badminton orflower arranging.... Working class women ... will be given thechance to talk about an important part of their lives."The tabloids, too, have been sympathetic to the aims of the research - although a cynicmight well wonder whether their recent circulation drive through newspaper bingo has hadanything to do with their apparent interest in academic research into bingo playing. Thekeenest interest, however, has come from columnists of women's pages and presenters ofradio and television programmes aiming at audiences composed mainly of "captive wives"at home. Their awareness that many of their readers, listeners or watchers, were infact bingo players, and that the media had frequently failed to make real contact withbingo players, possibly made researchers an attractive intermediary between producersand consumers of the media:"It also makes bingo players pretty defensive, when faced with ajournalist." (3)The defensiveness generally exhibited by bingo players was illustrated by .their enthusiasmfor the way bingo had been discussed with open tnindedness in television interviews:usually, they said, they were made to feel guilty or stupid for playing.Other reactions to the announcement of the commencement of the research project, likethose of the media, illustrated the "great divide" between bingo players and non-bingoPlayers. One member of (non-academic) staff at the College, purple in face, banged hisfist on the table, declaring "It (bingo) should be stopped"! He had never been in a bingoclub, and he did not know personally any people who played.These differences highlight some of the difficulties faced by any researcherattempting to gain insight into women's leisure behaviour and the relationshipsbetween men, women and leisure. "Leisure - an inappropriate concept for women?"is the title of a government backed report published by the Australian Departmentof Tourism and Recreation (4). The title refers to the problem, met by manyresearchers, of attempting to use sets of meanings and concepts which seem relevantto paid employment - leisure relationships, when dealing with women with and withoutpaid jobs, whose perspectives appear so distinctive - and yet who display as many"leisure differences" within their gender group, as those displayed between them-selves and men. In particular, the enormous differences in the extent and natureof participation in leisure activities elicited by the leisure sociography datamountain, between men and women, between working class and middle class women, andbetween working class men and women, call into question the validity of any possiblegeneralisations or theory making based on simple structural or demographic variables, .until the relationships between these people, their activities, and their socialmilieux are examined in more detail.This project, therefore, grew from an awareness of the importance of sex/genderto understanding leisure behaviour, particularly in concert with social class; andalso from the apparent anomaly of men and women from the same social background, evenwhen married to each other, living different, almost totally separate in some cases,life styles while still playing complementary roles within their life situations.Some of the unquestioned assumptions about women's behaviour, it seemed, needed to bequestioned:"A woman is expected to find sufficient interest and satisfaction inher home and family whereas it is accepted that a man needs widerinterests extending beyond the home." (5)"It was evident that the demands of the familial and occupationalobligations interfered with the leisure of these women. Whileinterference was acknowledged, none of the respondents felt deprivedin their leisure. These women accepted it as a natural element inbeing a wife and mother." (6)It was also evident that women themselves often do not see their behaviour as problematic,in spite of its being treated so by policy makers and providers. It appeared from theliterature that women were in a "no-win" situation. Either women were ignored byresearchers and providers alike; or they were labelled as non-participants in leisureactivities and therefore as problematic; or they participated in 'deviant' or 'trivial'leisure activities and again were labelled problematic - as in the case of bingo. Aroundthese definitions of women as problems, there grew a mythology which seemed ripe forchallenge -"However, the fragmentation of research and concepts has led to 'myth-making'; myths are often the basis of research projects, especiallywhen the subjects of the myths are seen to constitute a social problem.An example of sucb a myth is the anxiety expressed by social commentatorsabout the effects on the children of working class women playing bingo:'The Police Superintendents' Association feels that the (bingo) clubshave been the cause of some family neglect and, in particular, thatchildren are too often left to their own devices when the father is atthe public house and the mother at the bingo club.'What is significant here is the fact that it is the women's behaviourwhich is seen to constitute the problem, and not the men's. The factthat the findings of both the Hoyal Commission and Cornish largely refutethis myth will not immediately reduce public belief in it. The value ofboth reports to researchers lies in the identification of the real socialfunctions served by the bingo clubs for working class women ..... Thesesocial benefits, and the ways in which they axe provided by bingo, couldwell be a useful focus for study by providers wishing to increase or widenleisure participation by working class women: 'learning the language' wouldbe an essential prerequisite of such study." (7)Bingo, therefore, stood out as a suitable activity on which to focus a study on womenand leisure. It appeared in the leisure sociography as the only activity which workingclass women do, outside the home, in any great numbers; its'players are predominantlyfemale; and the little sympathetic literature about bingo which did exist seemed torelate to problems in the lives of women which had also been identified in community andfamily studies. These problems included women's experience of isolation and loneliness(the 'privatisation of women') (8); women's low levels of participation in other leisureactivities; boredom; role strain; and lack of personal space, time and money.The sociology of leisure has tended to exclude women:",... concentration on male occupations, most frequently blue collar,together with an insistence on viewing 'work' purely in terms ofwage labour, left out of account in almost every case the whole areaof women's leisure." (9)iiilINot only was a new focus needed, but also a recognition that the work-leisurerelationship was not useful in the study of women's leisure - and, indeed, thatit could be positively misleading:"Men's and women's priorities differ because men see themselveschoosing between paid employment and leisure; women more oftenhaving to strike a balance between paid employment and theirdomestic responsibilities." (10)Women playing bingo was thus identified as the problem - the first of the four 'P's'in the leisure provision process - problems, policy, planning and provision. It was hopedthat the findings from the research would help policy makers, planners and providers findways of closing the gap between recreational provision of facilities and services and womenthemselves. Lynn Pearson (12) refers to this gap:"A part-time cleaner from Weoley Castle played bingo once or twicea week at the community centre, and really enjoyed it, but herhusband didn't seem to approve. He said to her, 'This young lady'strying to get you better social facilities, and all you want isanother three bingo halls!' "The policy maker does seek to know what people want, to aid in planning and provision. Hisdifficulty lies in the lack of articulation of "wants", especially from working class women.Even if those wants are articulated, they may be scorned, as in the above quotation - orthey may be totally misunderstood or misinterpreted. It is this group of potential users/consumers who often seem most out of step with potential suppliers. This lack of communi-cation may not in fact lie with the women's lack of ability to articulate their needs.Indeed, it is a rare occurence that they are given a chance to do so. The project aimedto give working class women an opportunity to voice their worries, concerns and pre-occu-pations, in a publication which, would inform policy makers, planners and providers.However, Hilary Land (13) makes the point that many senior policy makers are not onlymale, but are married to women who do not go out to work, and therefore are not in a positionto appreciate the constraints under which many women operate:"A study of the family situations of, and assumptions about women'sfamily responsibilities of senior policy makers, the majority ofwhom are men, might also be a revealing study."The Sports Council has recently set targets for the next ten years, one of which isto "close the gap between men's and women's participation" in sports (11): it aims: therefore,to increase women's participation in indoor sports from 3.1 million to 4.1 million and inoutdoor sports from 4.3 million to 5.7 million, within the next five years. TVith 6 millionregistered players of bingo, and many more playing in unlicensed premises, it seemedreasonable that providers of other leisure activities might learn something from the reasonswhy women play bingo. In particular, the ability of bingo to attract older women is notshared by other leisure activities."However, during this time of isolation (being at home with youngchildren) ..... a woman can lose much of her confidence andawareness of the community so that when the time comes for her tore-enter society there appears to be little open to her." (14)Rather than merely noting what bingo has to offer, however, it would also be necessaryto discover whether bingo per se was the attraction to women, and if so, what was attractive -or whether other activities, if presented in similar ways or perceived as fulfilling thesame functions, could be as popular. Furthermore, given the continuing popular belief inthe 'myths' surrounding bingo, of family neglect and irresponsible spending, it would alsobe necessary to explore the images of bingo held by different groups in the population - notso that differences could be measured, but to try to establish why these differences cameto form the basis of social prejudice.During the planning stages of the project, therefore, the only female member of theGaming Board was contacted for her advice on the kinds of approach which she felt would beuseful. Mr. Stephens, Secretary to the Board, replying for Mrs. Hunter Jones, gave helpfuladvice regarding the need to consider in more detail the regional differences which hadalready been identified by their own figures and by the NALBSC's census figures. His letteralso underlined the need to consider the non-licensed bingo played in various types of clubs.The industry was contacted through personal correspondence with individual companies,and through the British Bingo Association and the National Association of Licensed BingoClubs. In the realisation (perhaps cynical), that the more traditional funding bodies wouldbe unlikely to support a research project on women and bingo, they were also "sounded out"on the possibility of partial or whole sponsorship of the project. Subsequently, a meetingwas held at the London office of NALBSC to discuss possible co-operation on the project.The objectives of the proposed project, to consider the benefits of bingo for woiren,appeared to appeal to the members of the NAL3SC, who by law are not allowed to advertisetheir clubs, and whose industry has suffered in the past from a hostile press and poorpublic image. Ideas and information were exchanged, and the nature of the proposedsponsorship arrangement was thoroughly discussed. It was agreed that the shape of theresearch would be wholly under the control of the research team and that the NALBSC wouldwholly fund the research, getting in return an objective, academic view of the industry,and information which night be useful to market research through informal feedback from theresearchers. As Charles Stringer, then Vice-President of the Association, told "CoinSlot" (15) the trade journal:"..... a serious, academic and objective look at the game might helpto dispel the farcical and ludicrous image of bingo which is some-times presented to the general public."and later told David Ward of the Guardian:"(they) have total control andpublish, warts and all."publish what they want toThe Association has kept its word: the C28,450 budget has been provided without pressureto alter in any way the shape of the proposed research. In addition, the researchershave received a great deal of co-operation and help from the industry, in large part dueto the good offices of the Association.age and otherAccordingly, the objectives of the research were listed thus:1. To examine the composition of bingo audiences, in terms of sex,social characteristics.2. To examine the 'popular' image of bingo held by players and non-players.3. To examine social relationships within bingo clubs (i.e. whether playerscome alone or with family and friends; nature of contact with other players,etc. )4. To establish the relationship of bingo playing with women's family and othercommitments.It was envisaged that data would be collected through observation, scheduled and structuredinterviews, questionnaires and weekly timetables. In the event, all of these methods wereused.The design, operation and reporting of the research has been achieved predominantlyby the Research Fellow, Rachael Dixey, whose previous experience in interviewing women wasinvaluable. The ccncepticn and overall shape of the research has been the responsibilityof Margaret Talbot, along with the administrative details. Hilary Roberts was appointedas Research Assistant and trained by the Research Fellow to assist with administration ofquestionnaires in the national sample survey and with data processing.All the research team were new to the industry, and none had played bingo before: itcould even be said that all had been brought up to believe that there were better thingsto do than bingo! During the course of the research all gained an empathy with bingoplayers, at the same time experiencing some elements of culture shock, in studying leisurebehaviour in a commercial setting for the first time, and recognising the profit motive,while appreciating the appeal of the "razzamatazz" of some bingo provision. Above all,perhaps, was the impression of warmth and friendliness given towards the researchers in allbut a few cases, by bingo players.In the case of this project, then, it could be claimed that a real attempt has beenmade for the ivory towers of academia to meet and understand "real people" - bingo playersand providers are "real people".iivBINGO, GAMBLING AND LEISURE1. The Sixties - Two Gaming Acts and the Bingo BoomIt is rather more than 20 years since the 1960 Betting and Gaming Act came into force.During these 20 years, commercial Bingo was not only 'born1 but has assumed the proportionsof very big business. Bingo was made possible by the Betting and Gaming Act which stipulatedthat members of clubs could gamble. In what could then be regarded as a loophole of the Act,those in the declining cinema business saw the possibility of using their existing premisesfor a purpose which, would prove more profitable. Soon after the introduction of the ActNewman reveals that "the first sets of premises started to appear with astounding, and to manyobservers, highly alarming rapidity." (.1) In September 1961 The Times wrote "The bingo crazehas taken almost everyone by surprise... Cinemas, dance halls, piers, unemployment assemblyhalls have gone over to it wholesale." (2) In the same month The Times noted that Meccashowed an increase in its group trading profit in the first half of 1961 of £179,000 over theprevious year. "New types of entertainment can bring a fast return to companies aware of thechange in public taste." (3) Mecca was indeed one of the first companies to realise thepotential of bingo. By 1963 a National Opinion Poll indicated that 12% of the adult populationwas involved in commercially organised bingo, and by 1966, 24%. (4)Such rapid growth, was not confined to biago playing. The Betting and Gaming Act, whichhad been designed to clear up the confusion and anomalies in Britain's gaming laws, actuallymade the country, in legal terms, into one of the most permissive regarding gambling. Thegambling industry as a whole underwent a period of rapid expansion. The granting of licencesfor betting shops began in 1961 and by June 1st of that year 8,800 had been issued. -By June1st 1962 there were 13,340 licences in operation. C5) Official betting turnover increased by154% in 1961. C6) William Hill's Trade Department increased its weekly turnover from between£75,000 - £90,000 in 1960/61 to £250,000 - £300,000 in 1962/63. (7) Casinos were rapidlyestablished.The early 1960's has been described as a time which saw "the greatest gambling boom outsidethe State of Nevada:" (.8) Once the effects of the Act were known, concern mountedwhether it was too liberal. It was felt that Britain had gone from partial prohibition tocomplete emancipation and a throng of press articles appeared describing "The Setting ShopSociety", England was "A Gambling Island". The Evening Standard asked "Why have the Englishbecome Gambling Mad?" whilst the Sheffield Telegraph described Britain as "A nation of bingoplayers, Premium Bond holders, tax-dodgers, speculators and take-over bidders". The woman'smagazine Nova added with disdain. "The amount we spend on bingo is equal to the entire nationalbudget of Uganda". (9)In recognition of this concern, the Government passed tae Gaming Act of 1968 in an effortto check the uncontrolled growth of gambling. Those who have been involved in the Bingoindustry since its inception regard 1960-1963 as the Golden Age of Bingo. It was a time offrantic competition with other clubs, of daring promotional stunts, large prizes and the mixingof bingo with other forms of gaming. The 1968 Act established the Gaming Board to enforce theAct and to perform the role of watchdog over the gambling industry. Every aspect of bingobecame subject to strict regulations.The Gaming Board displayed the tendency of the British legal system to wish to 'protsct'women from themselves and it was firm la its view of how biago should develop. It wrote:"Bingo is a very popular game, especially among housewives, and it soonbecame apparent to ths Board that the half-a-million or so women who play eachday should not he exposed to the temptations of hard gaming. Parliament hadtaken a benevolent view of bingo provided it remained a neighbourly form ofgaining played for modest stakes..... We felt that having separated bingo fromhard gaming we should encourage the bingo proprietors to develop the social sideof the activity. Competition would, it was thought, stimulate the developmentof other amenities. Well run bingo and social clubs were already beginning tomeet a need for organised recreation and social life which had not previouslybeen catered for." (10)By 1970 the Gaming Board could comment. "It seems clear that bingo has come to stay inBritain." (11)2. Bingo in the 1970:s and 80' sThe 1968 Gaming Act came into force in 1970, the year the Gaming Board observed thatbingo had come to stay. According to the Sunday Times, this yaar saw "marked changes andushered in the more salubrious, social-club atmosphere of the modern Bingo Hall; same old cardscertainly, and the monotony the outsider sees, but more plush and glitter for tne devotees andbetter management", (12) The boom days of bingo were over; since 1970 the industry hasconsolidated its earlier gains and upgraded its facilities in an attempt to maintain its market.The Shape of the Industry;The Gaming Act 1968 provided a secure legal framework within which the bingo industrycould work. Clubs now had to go througn a strict legal process in order to obtain a licence;only about half the clubs in operation in 1968 acquired a licence. Before a licence isgranted, the applicant must prove the existence of demand in the vicinity of the proposed club.The market is aot particularly easy to enter and the licensing system effectively filtersnewcomers. It is felt by the industry that the system also protects inefficient clubs as itTable 1 : Clubs Licensed for Bingo 1970-3019701971197219731974197519761977197819791380Licensed15101672178218131820178017751740172016971661Operating1687163916901675163415951599(source: G.3. Statistics 1968-76a G.B. Report 19SO)The number of clubs in operation has declined slightly so that in 1982, approxinately1,600 are in operation. The market is shared between individuals with perhaps one or twolicences and who own approximately 28% of the clubs, small organisations with approximately11% of the clubs, and larger organisations with approximately 61%. Of the larger organis-.ations, five 'giant' companies control one quarter of the clubs - Rank, Granada, Mecca,EMI and Ladbrokes. It is likely that these companies have more of the market share in ter.Tsof admissions and income than their share of club ownership would suggest.Table 2 : Club Ownershia of the Five Maior OoeratorsMeccaRankEMILadbrokeGranada197612660153S3281980123691037135 (source: 1976 Sunday Mirror 8.S.76;1980 personal communication)The larger companies have arrived in bingo through two main routes - through the cinema,variety theatres and dance halls business, or through the betting and casinos business.EMI, Granada and Mecca fall into the former category and Zetters, Coral and Ladbrokes into ;:helatter. Another important component is the sector which started in fairgrounds and amusementarcades (.the colourful 'showman' tradition which livens up NALBSC meetings). The largercompanies also vary in their policy towards expansion. EMI, for example, suddenly founditself in the business in 1975 when it acquired 158 clubs from the unfortunate Star Group.It has since sold many of the poorer premises and now has approximately 96 clubs. Granada,on the other hand, adopted a policy of slow, steady expansion, with a relatively snail numberC35 in operation! of high quality clubs. Ladbrokes and Corals decided in the early 1970'sto diversify and to expand their interests from bookmaking and gaming. Other importantbingo circuits operate more on a regional than a national basis - Hutchinson, Noble,Caledonian, Top Flight, Jim Walker, for example. These tend to operate clubs in smallertowns and rural areas, whereas the larger organisations tend to occupy the city centre sitesonce occupied by large cinemas. Jim Walker, for example, based in Wakefield, has 44 clubsscattered throughout the small mining villages of South Yorkshire. His clubs epitomisebingo as a neighbourly game played for small stakes in former cinemas, whereas the largerorganisations have gone 'up-market' sometimes spending up to £-i million on refurbishing clubs.Granada in particular have been bold in investing money at a time when the bingo market as awhole is not seen to be expanding. Granada has been praised "for its record of maintainingfine cinema buildings whilst others have been criticised for not doing so. Rank, for exampleannounced in June 1931 the closure of 29 cinemas around the country, some of which, it can bespeculated, may be converted for bingo. In the past Rank has disposed of bingo clubs whichhad not admitted more than 3,000 people per week, although it has since changed this policy.Certainly the larger organisations find small clubs unprofitable (in their terms) whereindividual operators would make a reasonable living from them.The profits which are made from bingo tend to be disguised by the accounting methods ofthe large companies. Estimates may be made, however, of the pre-tax bingo profits of themain organisations:Table 3 : Estimated Bingo Profits1980 1976 1930£5.5m. Granada £0.75m. £2.So.£4.Om. Zetters £0.22m. £'0.6m.£ 2.5m.£2.1m.£1.5m. (source: 1976 Sunday .Mirror 8.9.76;1980 cersonal communication)MeccaRankEMILadbrokeCoral1976£5m.£2. 2m.£1 . 5m.£1. 3m.£1. 1m.1llubs.|s aIn belich90% of the money staked on bingo (i-e. spent on cards) is returned to the consumer, andthe remaining 10% goes to the government in tax. Profits are made only on entrance -charges (usually between 15p. and 40p.), on the sale of drinks, snacks and on the fruitmachines and interval games such as mechanised cash bingo.Trends in Bingo Playing:A number of sources provide statistical descriptions of the bingo playing population.Bingo companies collect their own data regarding admissions to their clubs, but these arenot available for public scrutiny. The Gaming Board is the principal public body whichprovides figures on the number of people playing bingo in commercial bingo clubs. TheBoard, however, is concerned primarily with observation of the 1968 Gaming Act, and isnot particularly concerned with the composition of the bingo playing population. Itmonitors the number which plays bingo, the proportion of men and women, and the proportionwhich, is aged less than 30 years. As the figures are published every two years, theyprovide useful longitudinal data; but the Board itself admits that, fcr example, incalculating that the number of players had fallen from 5.8 million to 5.7 million between1378 and 1980, the sample was not large enough to claim complete accuracy. The TargetGroup Index (.TGI) provides a more detailed picture of the socio-economic characteristicsof bingo players. The TGI, however, is primarily concerned with bingo players as a'target group' of consumers and also.reflecting the costs of market research, theirpublished data is very expensive to buy. Two government publications, the General HouseholdSurvey and Social Trends, provide additional data. Neither, however, is concernedprimarily with, leisure, and in the past playing bingo has been included in a single categoryof activities with 'going out for meals' and 'dancing', thereby producing figures which areinsufficiently detailed. Social Trends now provides useful data on bingo players by sexand age group.The data that is available is not standardised. Some include bingo played only atcommercial bingo clubs and others include bingo played elsewhere. Some sources includethose who have played only in the four weeks prior to the survey and others operate overa longer time period. A number of works, for example the Royal Commission on Gamblingand Downes et al's study provide additional data. All sources of data, however, includebingo playing as part of a wider study and are limited in scope and depth. No studyhas been carried out with the main aim of focusing on bingo players, or solely with compilinga detailed statistical description of their activities. It was this "data gap" which thepresent study hoped to fill.The amount of bingo duty (.i.e. the 10% tax) received by the government is publishedeach month by the Customs and Excise department. They show that the amount of moneystaked on bingo rose by £146.42 million between 1970 and 1980. Stake money rose by 50%between 1978 and 1980 and trebled between 1972 and 1980. In real terms however, the.amount of money staked fell. (Table 4).Table 4 : Money staked on bingo 1970-80 (Emillions)1970.197113721973137413751976137719781973Current143165184211236277239334383418Prices.4• 5.3.1.2.0..2.2.1.31978 Prices402.407.423.445.429.405,375.362.383.369.00000 ;0000o% ChangeMoney Terms+ 10.8+ 11.4+ 14.3+ 11.9% ChangeReal Terms+ 1.4+ 4.3+ 5.3- 4.2+ 17.3+ 8.0+ 11.7* 14.6+ 9.2- 6.- 8- 4.0+ 5.6- 4.2The Gaming Board surveys show that daily admissions to clubs fell throughout the1370.'s (.Table 5) and the number of regular players fell from 5.8 million in 1978 to5.7 million in 1980. CThe Gaming Board does not claim accuracy for this figure).In 1972 and 1S74 the Gaming Board estimated that 15% of the adult population playedbingo at commercial clubs, and this fell to 14.2% in both 1976 and 1978, and to 14.0%in 1380.Table 5 : Daily Admissions to Bingo ClubsYear Number % Change1372 461,2541974 468,478 +1.61976 453,950 - 3.11973 424,038 - 6.61980 412,311 - 2.8-3-The Target Group Index suggests that a smaller percentage of the total populationplays bingo than indicated by the Gaming Hoard. (Table 5).Table 6 : The Bingo Plaving Population 1972-1980 as a proportion of the totalpopulation of Great Britain1972197319741975197619771978197919801981Men11.310.910.811 .110.59.38.38.68.4Women14.814.014.014.013.113.312.613.313.1Total13.112.512.412.611.811 .310.510.9Other sources offer different estimates. The Royal Commission on Gambling (1977)found that 4% of the adult population (i.e. men and women) played commercial bingo"regularly". The General Household Survey (1979) found that 3% had played in the fourweeks prior to the interview. Downes et al (1976) found that 11% of men and 10% of womenplayed "regularly" and 17% of men and 16% of women "occasionally or more". Newman's smallsample found that 17% of men and 34% of women played, giving a combined total of 21% (1.972)A Daily Telegraph poll in 1972 found that 15% of women and 6% of men played.One reason for the variation in estimates is the exclusion of non-commercial bingo.The Royal Commission on Gambling suggested that there were 19,000 members' clubs in whichbingo could be played and that probably as much bingo was played in non-licensed clubs asin licensed clubs. Downes et al, by including working-men's clubs, actually suggest thatmore men play bingo than women.Composition of the Bingo Playing PopulationThe Target Group Index provides a comprehensive analysis of the bingo playing populatio(Tables 7 and 3). Table 7,1 shows that players are drawn from the older age groups; table8.1 shows that 72.3% of m.als players and 82.3% of the female players are aged more than35 years. Table 7.2 shows that 86 6% of male players and 82.8% of the female are drawn frosocial classes C2,D,E, whilst 49.7% of the men and 42.8% of the women left school aged 14 orless. Chis is related to the age of the players. Downes et al comment, "it is, almostexclusively, a working-class pastime". (14) (Their emphasis).The Gaming Board showed that the proportion of male players compared to female playersrose from 16% to 17% between 1978 and 1980. Throughout the 1970's the proportion of womenplayers remained at around 64%. The Target Group Index however gives a breakdown of 37%of players being male and 63% female.Table 7 : PROPORTION7.1 Proportion of MAge Group15 - 1920 - 2425-3435 - 4445 '- 5455 - 6465+7.2 Proportion of eABClC2Di?OF THE POPULATIONen and Women in eacMen2. 35.97.58.811 .510.79.6ach social class whMen1.54.110.414.212.0WHICH PLAYS BINGOh age grouD which rjlavs Bineo (%)Women3.913.613.113.516.115.311.2ich nlays Bingo (%)Women2.87.817.020.715.4-4-7.3 Proportion of Men and Women in each educational category which plays Bingo (<"„)Still studyingMen1.0Women2.5Finished at -14Table 819+17/181615or less: COMPOSITION8.1 Age composition152025354555- 19- 24- 34- 44- 54- 6465+0.92.46.010.614.0OF THE BINGOof the BingoMen3.67.017.016.420.617.817.61.94.111.219.217.1PLAYING POPULATIONplaying population (%)Women6.69.017.114.717.017.118.58.2 Socio-economic composition of the Bingo playing population (_%)ABClC2DEMen3.210.343.036.07.5Women3.513.737.931.713.28.3 Educational profile of the Bingo placing populationMen WomenStill studying 0.8 1.2Finished at -19+17/18161514 or less1.12.613.831.949.80.93.616.534.942.9Regional Variations in Bingo PlayingSignificant regional variations exist in the frequency and incidence of bingo playing.Table 9 snows the proportion of the population in each of the standard regions which playsbingo.Table 9 : Regional variations : proportion of men and women in each Standard Regionwhich plays BingoGreater LondonSouth East /East AngliaSouth WestWalesWest & East MidlandsNorth WestYorkshire a HumbersideNorthScotlandMen Women5341510811199.2.6.9.2.6.4.5.3.41088201315132S16.0.8.2.2.0.9_ 2.6.6 (source: Target Group Index 1981)Table 10 : Proportion of Players which is Male, byGreater LondonSouth EastEast ingliaSouta WestWalesTest MidlandsEast MidlandsNorth WestYorkshire & HujibersideNorthScotland19252116101610131221rable 11 : Regional Distribution of ClubsColumn 1% TotalPeculationNorth 5.6Yorkshire & Humberside 8.9Scotland 9.3East Midlands 6.8Wales 5.1North West 11.8East Anglia 3 . 4South 'Vest 8.0West Midlands 9.3Greater London 12.9South East IS.3OperatingClubs9.012.711.07.27.312.24 . 37.36.57.614.2Column 3 : Index*Column 2 4-Column 116014211310514310312691695877Column 4% PopulationPlaying Bingion One Sisht2.402.131.931 .401.401.131 .11.84.79.62Column 1 shows the percentaga of the total population found in each region.Column 2 shows the percentage of the total clubs found in each region.Column 3* if clubs were distributed evenly throughout the population, the indexwould equal 100 (the North has the most clubs per head of populationand Greater London the least).Column 4 shows the percentage of the total population found playing bingo on thenight of the Gaming Board Survey (thus in the North, 2.4% of the region'spopulation was playing bingo on the night of the Survey).In tae North standard region, one quarter of all women play bingo. This region alsohas the largest ratio of clubs per head of population; with 5.5% of the national population,it has 9.0% of the clubs. With 35% of the population in the northern parts of Britain, 45%of the bir.go clubs are found here. Downes et al found that 13% of men and 12% of ivomenplayed "regularly" in Sheffield compared with 9.5a- men and 9% women in Swansea, and 2% ofmen and 1% women in Wanstead. This regional distribution of bingo playing mirrors thedistribution of the social classes throughout Britain.3. Links with the PastWhilst it can be said that the 1960 Act ushered in a new gambling age, it is not knownwhether the level of gambling was radically higher than previously, or whether it wassimply more visible, more organised and involved larger amounts of money. Gambling, andcondemnation of it, have been present in British society for centuries: "like prostitution,it is ancient, widespread and widely disapproved." (15) In Elizabethan and Georgian timesgambling in the form of lotteries were organised by the state and in effect were used asa form of taxation as thay ensured the upward redistribution of wealth. During the 18thCentury gambling developed as a major cultural activity; amongst the aristocracy inparticular could be seen the excesses of gambling mania (16) but the mania was also prevalentamongst "the very lowest orders of the people' (so described by Lord Seyon in 1796), with athriving gambling sub-culture amongst the urban poor. France writes that gambling was"the chief amusement of women, as well as men" (17),whilst the West 5nd of London "literallyswarmed with gambling houses". (18)-6-In the Nineteenth Century the situation changed. The embryonic capitalist classadopted a moralistic condemnation of gambling and attempted to regulate it. Legislationwas introduced to close casinos and gambling houses. Control of gambling has never beenparticularly successful, however, and from 1880 gambling, particularly among the working-class, rose on a scale which was new in both size and character. (19) At the turn ofthe century, Booth's social surveys of London reported on the phenomenon -"All must bet, women as well as men. Bookies stand about and meet men asthey come to and from their work." (20)In one year, 1910, £52 million was staked on horses and £48 million on football. Duringthe first World War there was a rapid increase in betting relating perhaps to the insecurityof those years. One commentator notes that the increase was "mainly among women". (21)(his emphasis). In 1926, the year of the general strike, 10,000 people attended a singlemeeting at the newly opened Belle Vue greyhound racing track in Manchester. (22) By 1932,£200 million was bet on horses, and approximately 10 million people did the football pools.Fuller describes the situation which persisted until the Second World War:"mass engagement in illegal betting by the workers, repressive legislationcombined with vociferous denunciation and tacit laissez faire from the rulingclass, and a consuming over-indulgence on the part of the aristocraticappendage." (23)By the 1950's, with the erosion of religious values and the introduction of PremiumBonds by Macmillan's government, the time was- ripe for the official sanctioning of gambling.The 1960 Betting and Gaming Act caa be seen as a recognition of the existing 'mass' natureof gambling and the extent of illegal gambling. The government recognised the potentialrevenue it would gain from taxes on gambling.In the same way that the Act saw the acceleration of gambling activity rather than anew trend, so too did it see the acceleration, not the introduction, of commercialinvolvement in popular pastimes. Walvin (24) has shown that by the 1860's many of the oldforms of leisure had disappeared; as urbanisation and industrialisation reshaped leisure,it was logical that new forms of leisure should grow from, and in response to, the new workpatterns. By 1900 many of the new leisure forms were infiltrated or controlled bycommercial interests. Innovations in technology (e.g. film) linked with infusions ofcapital (e.g. cinema building) .allowed the leisure industries to capture mass marketsbetween the turn of the century and the Second World War. Between 1905 and 1920 75 cinemaswere built in Leeds alone. (25) Leisure that was commercially organised fitted in with thestructured week and the industrial work pattern; it also allowed casual usage and limitedcommitment.The involvement of commercial interests brought a fundamental change. Entertainmentwas now "bought" rather than "made"; a dichotomy emerged between leisure producers andleisure consumers. According to Meller, due to the growth of music halls," 'Popular tastewas being formed by commercial entertainment" by 1905 in Bristol. (26) Wild in Rochdaledocuments how "leisure provision was increasingly removed from any kind of popular control."(27) In the first days of cinema, films were imported and shown by individuals, and dancehalls were likewise run on a local basis. Wild notes how the first purpose built dancehall in Rochdale became "inevitably part of the Mecca empire." The commercial opportunitiesof the 1880's saw the birth of companies such as Mecca which have become, by the 1980's,'giants'of the leisure industry. Mecca started in 1884 by selling coffee to men on theirway to work - the name 'Mecca' derives from the blend of coffee used. Through cateringthe company entered dance halls and variety theatres and later was quick to penetrate newactivities as they arose. Mecca was the first company to run bingo on a commercial basis.The 1960 Act then, saw the start of neither the commercial exploitation of leisure norof large scale gambling. In addition, bingo itself was not new. The bingo mogulsappropriated an old game and restructured it for a mass audience. The concept of a game ofchance with numbers dates back centuries, to tumbule in 17th Century Italy, lotto in Britainin the 1880's, and housey-housey and tombola to the Army and Navy respectively ia theirattempts to occupy the troops. Its first commercial appearance was in the USA in the 1930's,where it "reflected the forced economics of that unhappy decade"; people played in the hopeof "taking home a ham, a box of groceries, a tin of coffee or one of the rare money prizes."(28) It was played in working-men's clubs in the 1940's and 1950's, whilst the CatholicChurch, not sharing the objections to gambling shown by Protestants, used bingo sessions tofinance entire school building programmes.4. Breaks with the PastWhilst it is possible to place bingo within an historical context and to see itbringing together the historical pattern of working class gambling and the historical trendof commercial provision for leisure, the 1960 Act did bring certain changes, apart from theobvious change in making a former illegal activity legal.Firstly, the control of the new gambling industry passed to a new group of neople.There emerged"..... a highly respectable entrepreneurial sector ...Perfect businessmen likeCyril Stein of Ladbroke's with his accounting and banking background, took overfrom Rogue Honest Joe as the men behind the emergent safe industry of huge turnoversand high profits and low overheads .... the legalised gambling entrepreneurs hadcome to stay." (29)-7-The industry underwent a rapid ' respectablising ' process and it almost appeared thatthe more the government placed taxes en gambling, the more it legitimised the activitiesof the industry. The industry itself built a power base:"During the 1960's trade associations, like the Casino Association, andindividual club owners themselves were prepared to hire distinguishedprofessional consultants and to engage in expensive litigation ia order tosafeguard their interests. The formation of further trade associations,with influential top officials, together with the growth of conglomerateshas increased the pressure which the commercial gambling lobby, consciousof its economic power, is able to bear on the government." (30)Secondly, in the years since the I960 Act, (but not due to it) a small number of lar^e :firms have come to dominate the leisure industry. The leisure industry has become a collusive!oligopoly, with several large firms dominating individual sectors cf the leisure market, andwith the same firms having an interest in a wide range of leisure and aon-leisjre sectors.Analysis of the leisure industry shows that the 'means of satisfying the demands of theconsumers .... is for the most part concentrated in the hands of comparatively small groups ofindustrialists and financiers." (31) The Royal Commission on Gambling expressed concern atthe dominance of the 'Big Four' in the ownership of betting shops. (32) In 1966 the MonopolieCommission felt that an investigation of the supply of films to cinemas was necessary. Itnoted that the decision of the Kineamatograph Renters' Society to use premises for bineo would"tend to affect the public's ability to choose its entertainment." (33) Just as in the early1960's the number of small bookies dwindled as the relative importance of the large firms inthe gambling industry increased, so too have independent bingo club owners left the businessin the face of competition from the large companies.5. Theories of Gambling BehaviourThe working class has been described as the gambling class (34) The working class hassignificantly higher levels of involvement in gambling than the middle class; Xewman's studyof a working class community describes the gambler as the norm and the non-gambler as the'deviant oddity'. (35) A number of sociologists have attempted to relate gamblers, non-gamblers and disapproval of gambling to the social structure. It is suggested that throughgambling social tensions caused by the economic system are played out. Talcott Parsons haswritten, "Gambling performs important functions for large classes in the population, verysimilar to those of magic, as a kind of acting out of tensions which are symbolically at leastassociated with the economic sphere." (36) Devereux provides a comprehensive attempt toexplain involvement in gambling, and sees modern capitalism as inherently frustrating andnecessarily generating dissatisfaction in order to expand. Gambling "offers a scapegoatupon which to discharge the accumulated frustrations and resentments caused by the economicsystem." (37) If this outlet for expressing dissatisfaction was closed, it might be divertedinto more dysfunctional channels such as opposition to the social and political order. Thetheme of gambling as an antidote for frustration is continued by a variety of writers,including Tec (38) who exolains the greater participation of the "lower socio-economic groups"in forms of "status frustration" and Caillois, who makes the point that the operation of chancelin gambling allows advancement for those lacking in the skill and ability to promote themselves]in a competitive society. (39) At a societal level, the functionalist perspective emphasisesthe positive role of gambling in maintaining social stability - "The lottery ticket representsa tiny hole ia the closed system of tcil and budget*ing, a 'safety-valve' through which therepressed wishes crowd to escape." (40)Economic models of gambling behaviour focus on gambling as instrumental behaviour,explaining the gambling of the poorer sections of society as due to their greater need formoney. A number of models have been put forward over the past forty years (41) based on theobjective evaluation of returns from gambling. Whilst giving research into gambling behaviour)an important initial impetus, the explanatory value of these models is lirr.ited and does nottake into account subjective evaluations of returns. Cornish describes them as "-nithernaticaltinkering which obscures rather than provides explanation." (42).General theories of gambling behaviour have failed to produce satisfactory explanations :'or|the importance of gambling to subgroups of the population. Such theories regard gamblers assignificantly different in some way from non-gamblers and treat all forms of gambling as though)they were alike. Emphasis on the psychology of gambling has meant that the situationaldeterminants of behaviour and the availability or prominence of gambling cutlets are notanalysed, whilst 'excessive' or 'regular' gambling is treated as part of a personality orattitude maladjustment. The focus on individual behaviour and on those for whom g?jnbling isa "problem" has obscured the ways in which regular, smaliscale gambling fits into the classculture of particular communities.Certainly, it can be suggested that a primary reason for the importance of gambling ir.working class culture is an economic one. In 1911 Lady Florence Bell described women'sgambling:"Systematic betting of the women.... is in many cases .... a deliberate effort toadd to the income. A man comes to the door of a woman who, either from her ownthriftlessness, or from stern necessity, is hard pressed for money, and presentsher with the possibility of spending a shilling and winning £5. How shouldshe not listen to him?" (43)A letter in 'Woman's Realm' in 1980- echoes this:"My friend, a bingo addict, told me that a few years ago, when they fell on hardtimes and she hadn't been out for a month, her husband and sons clubbed togetherand gave her £1 for an evening's bingo session. First she won a line - -:22 -and then a full house - £100. She couldn't wait to get home and share it outand she said seeing their happy faces was worth more to her than winning themoney!" (44)cr ao to :j\c to H- tro o>c: (DO.• >~ I«O ™ O 'i C >• ^ O !J '.Otfl H- fa O n 'O W( n o n e o PIJ i J i-J r! O•^ fi. H- n>1%Many bingo premises have architectural merit in their own right: conversions from such diverseas disused churches, cinemas, bowling alleys, and variety theatres, now house bingo.Inside the Club.Party bingo in the interval'Only a game"?1However, it will be argued later that the amounts of money won do not make a tangibledifference to lifestyles, and gambling is not looked to for salvation or economic advance-ment. Meanwhile, the amount spent on gambling would not make a great deal of differenceto the family's economic position if saved. McKibbin's work on gambling before 1939 showsthat money spent on gambling was "a recurrent but strictly controlled element in suchdisposable income as the working class had." (45) Saving requires both a regular income anda surplus of income. The short time perspective of the working class compared to the middleclass, produced by working conditions and method" of wage payment, result in a short budgettingperiod; "investment in betting or lotteries pays off much more quickly, during the same week,than do investments in the form of savings or property. When the aim is to get through theweek on the income available, "the possibility of spending a shilling and winning 15" may makeeconomic sense.Whilst the primary reasons for the importance of gambling may be economic, gamblingmight not have developed in the forms that it has unless it also had importance outsideeconomic life. McKibbin has suggested that betting is organised so as to eliminate chanceas much as possible. Hence a great deal of information is made available about form, oddsand probabilities, so as to reduce uncertainty in an already uncertain environment. Newmansuggests that the importance of betting can be related to the fact that it compensates fordeficiencies in the work situation, and allows opportunities for decision-making, discussionof options and the use of judgment - factors denied in much work. (This would appear todenigrate the levels of skill and judgment required in many "traditional" working class trades).It will be argued later that the essentially social nature of bingo as a form of gambling canbe related to the lack of opportunities for sociability in present day communities.6. The Condemnation of Gambling and of BingoIt was stated above that gambling was both widespread and widely disapproved. Back inthe 14th Century Geoffrey Chaucer wrote "Gaming is the mother of all lies, And of deceit andcursed villainies", whilst the Charles Cotton classic "The Compleat Gamester" describesgambling as an "enchanting witchery" (1674). More recently, Mackenzie's "The Ethics ofGambling" written in 1911 contains such chapters as "Why Gambling Lowers Character" and"Why Gambling Leads to Suicide" (47) The legalisation of gambling in 1960 did not reducethe extent of disapproval. Furthermore, it appears that bingo has been almost singled outfor derision. As a form of gambling, bingo has suffered from general disapproval and alsofrom particular disapproval related to the nature of the game itself, and probably to thefact that its players are female and elderly.Bingo, along with other forms of gambling, appears to make a mockery of legitimateeconomic behaviour, in that reward is given on the basis of chance and not on that ofdiscipline, hard work and rationality. This is the basis of the puritan opposition togambling. Gambling is seen to undermine disciplined work habits, prudence and thrift.A religious theme within the puritan opposition is that gambling appeals to an outside force -fate - whereas only God, within Protestantism is in a position to bestow favours. However,ambivalence to gambling arises, as although it can be seen that gambling may erode the valuesof the dominant economic system, some of the features of gambling - shrewdness, thewillingness to take risks, luck, initiative - are also found in spheres which are at the heartof the dominant economic system (the obvious example is business). Ambivalence also occursas it is recognised that gambling serves useful functions for society. Gambling acts asa "safety valve"; it gives hope to those with little chance of acquiring their desiredlife style through education and career, that this will be acquired through winnings. Moreimportantly perhaps, for society as a whole, the "illusory expectation" of a win "encouragesthe lowly to be more tolerant of a mediocre status that they have no practical means ofever improving." (48) Whilst gambling plays a number of important functions for societyas a whole, so too does the condemnation of gambling. It is necessary that the dominantethic of hard work, rationality, etc. is emulated.Within gambling, bingo is seen as a "low" form. According to Newman, bingo and lotteriesare "despised and derided as mechanical and mindless" by those who bet on horses, as the formerdo not require the skill of the latter. (49) Other games of chance, such as roulette, arenot treated in the same way, probably due to the social class of those who play such gamesand their association with sophistication and wealth. Bingo does not conform to acceptableways of spending leisure time and players are presented as decadent or socially inadequate.According to Downes et al, bingo has "come to epitomise the 'dead end' use of leisure to whicha newly 'affluent' working class has resorted in the absence of anything better to do with theirtime." C501 One newspaper in the mid-1960's reported, "To the uninitiated, bingo seemsutterly dull and pointless, yet people still flock to it in thousands, in many ways the onlyway of filling a huge vacuum in their lives." (51) Earlier, the Times had been particularlyscathing. "Those who hopefully scan the social scene for growing evidence of the 'creativeuse of leisure', one of the promised fruits of universal education,are bound to be depressedby the success of this cretinous pastime." (52) The Soviet paper Izvestia proclaimed thenew leisure activity in Britain a "national catastrophe". (53) Bingo players are the oneswho failed to "make it". Writing of life in a small town, one novelist notes, "any raresoul with a zest for living beyond bingo halls and a take-away curry shop had got the hellout with a swift chop of the umbilicals." (54) Chaucer's theme reappears even in the1980's. The Glasgow Evening Times wrote in 1&80:"As cinemas and dance halls close, bingo palaces take over. More and more womenare being drawn into the world of gambling. It is a world of deceit and ruin ...where the prayed for 'big win' is worshipped with all the anticipation of thesecond coming. And where nothing is sacred if it can be sold for bettingmoney." (55)-9-Bingo received a great deal, of adverse publicity in 1976, when the PoliceSuperintendents' Association gave evidence to the Royal Commission on Gambling.Headlines such as "How Bingo became the Scourge of the Poor" and "Bingo! It'syour Money Gone, say Police" (56) introduced quotations from the Police Superintendents'Association suggesting, "there is no doubt that much family hardship results fromhaoitual attendance at these places, very often persons with low means." The Associationalso drew attention to the "huge profits" which appeared to be made by bingo companies.Only the Times and the Sun printed a defence by the then Chairman of °Vecca, Eric Morley;the trade paper Coinslot pondered on the fact that the tabloids "seem to take amasochistic delight in insulting its readers" who were probably bingo players. (57) Anyreply to the allegations made by the P.S.A. in the press did not point to the positivefeatures of bingo. Rather, they pointed to the other supposedly negative aspects ofsocial life which were present but which were not victimised as bingo was. Thus theDaily Express commented, "there are plenty of men whose gambling on horses and dogs isaddictive and whose activities deprive their families." (53) The Burnley Evening Starlikewise commented that it was no more possible to close bingo clubs than to close pubs,betting shops or cigarette sales, "where people spend more than they should on indulgingtheir various fancies." (59) Even those defending bingo appeared to agree with the basiccriticisms of it.7. "An Agreeable Flutter"In spite of the persistent ridicule and concern about the harm which bingo mightcause, bingo playing did become more of a legitimate pastime in the 1970 's. It was evendefended in an academic journal. (60) In 1972 the readers of New Society were treatedto a well written article which adequately summerised bingo's attractions. This paragraphis worth quoting fully:"The pleasure of bingo seems to lie in its being an exceptionally relaxingoccasion. Together you're all engrossed in an activity which is never-theless undemanding and non-competitive. You're carried along by thepossibility that you'll win; and there's a sort of virtuous logic in it,because the stakes are small and virtually all of the stake money has gotto be returned to the gamblers. And there's no skill involved: otherforms of gambling have their requirement of homework or belief in acomplicated system, so the ego wilts if you lose. Not here. It's pureluck. And there's an unvarying rhythm to the sessions, with comfortablepauses between games, just long enough for you to exchange experience ofthat game with friends or neighbour. "We're all working class, so there'sno pretentious conversation", a printer says.Bingo may be an escape, but compared with the available alternatives, it'sa realistic and sociable escape."The Royal Commission on Gambling recognised bingo clubs as "popular and usefulinstitutions". They "catered for a genuine social need by providing places where people -mostly women and often lonely or elderly - could meet in a neighbourly way and enjoy anagreeable flutter." (61) In analysing why bingo should have become so attractive tosections of the working class, and particularly to women, it is necessary to consider someapproaches to the study of leisure.I-10-ItionInglasicIvenled(graphIple -InI someIIAPPROACHES1. Leisure StudiesIt is not surprising that the question of why bingo should attract millions ofworking class women had not been addressed, let alone answered, before. Leisure asan area of academic study has received attention only relatively recently; it remainsthe poor relation to the sociology of work, industrial relations, the family and otherwell developed foci of sociological inquiry. It is only with the realisation thaileisure has an important role in an industrial society undergoing rapid change due totechnological innovation and economic recession, that attention has been focussed moresquarely upon it. "The Collapse of Work", if inevitably followed by "The LeisureShock" (1) requires an infusion of thought and planning in order to capitalise on thecontribution which leisure can possibly make to a stable "post-industrial" society.The government has become increasingly concerned about, and therefore willing to financeresearch into, efforts to ameliorate the effects of "enforced leisure", i.e. unemployment.The trend of policy-related research in leisure studies, however, emphasising thedesirability of participation in particular activities and of constraints to involvementin them, both detracts from leisure as part of an holistic experience and simplisticallysuggests that if a process of removing constraints were initiated, involvement wouldincrease. Early surveys (i.e. in the 1960's) of leisure activities, whilst introducinguseful quantitative data, focussed on patterns of participation without providing anyunderstanding of the processes involved, that is, of why people took part in certainactivities and what such activities meant to those people. Thus in 1968 Sandford andLaw could remark,''we may be struck by the amazing absence in Britain of any real thinkingabout leisure, any real orientation of education towards "leisure, any realattempt at planning for it." (2)In the 1970's, a number of academic works appeared which have become basic texts in thestudy of leisure. These called for attention towards "genuinely sociological processes"(3) and away from "activities and facilities". These texts adopted definitions of leisureas the absence of work., and as activity freely engaged in by individuals. Any numberof working definitions allude to these dimensions:"Leisure consists of a number of occupations in which the individual mayindulge of his own free will - either to rest, to amuse himself, to add tohis knowledge or improve his skills disinterestedly or to increase hisvoluntary participation in the life of the community after discharging hisprofessional, family and social duties." (4)"Time not sold, one's own time, free time, is thought of as leisure, no matterwhat one does with it." (5)"Leisure is time ic which our feelings of compulsion should be minimal. Itis discretionary time, the time to be used according to our own judgment orchoice," (6)"Time which an individual has free from work or other duties and which aav beutilised for purposes of relaxation, diversion, social achievement, or personaldevelopment." (7)Whilst a number of researchers acknowledge that all leisure is subject to some measureof"social obligation and constraint (8), in general leisure studies can be criticised thus:"Naiveties exist in the field of leisure studies, stemming from an under-estimation of the effect and complexity of the economic and politicalrealities of the world. The power factor is ignored, practical resultsare expected too quickly, it is assumed that values and interests do notclash in the field of leisure in the same way that they do in the field ofwork, and the dynamism of the situation is underestimated." (9)It can be suggested that the equation of leisure with freedom and the lack of recognitionof 'the power factor' obscures an understanding of why people become involved in someactivities and not others. The focus on individuals and not on structures obscures che factthat many people are unable to regard themselves as individuals when it comes to decision-making. More importantly, the structure of provision of leisure is not critically analysedbut it is assumed that suppliers of leisure ara "neutral, gift-giving Gods". (10) Inaddition, sex and class divisions (with differential amounts of power allowed to male andfemale, bourgeoisie and working class) are likewise not critically explored with relationto leisure. These constraints, of sexual divisions, class culture divisions and the controlof provision will be discussed separately.-11-2. Sexual DivisionsIt was only publicly acknowledged in the 1970's that there was "a growing awarenessthat some women never experience the creative,self-actualising type of leisure activitiesso valued by policy-makers and providers". (11) It was later still that researchersset out to "discover the social reality of their leisure as perceived by ... women". (12)Such attempts are dependent, to some extent, on constructing more adequate methods ofconceptualising women's experience of leisure. The relevance of the concept of 'leisure'has not been fully questioned by the (male) leaders in the leisure studies field.Parker realises the difficulties, and places housewives in a category with the idle rich,the unemployed and prisoners as one where the divisions between work and leisure areblurred! (13) This may not be particularly helpful, but with few exceptions feministacademics too have been slow to recognise that inequality in leisure is significant andimportant and is related to other areas of women's oppression.This tardiness is not difficult to understand. In the 19th Century, middle classwomen began their call for equality with men with a revolt against their exclusion fromthe world of work and their confinement to that of non-work or leisure. These concernsremain central to the women's movement to-day, together with calls to reappraise thecontribution of "women's work" in the home and in childrearing. Thus "women and work"has received a great deal more attention than has "women and leisure". Few studies, too,have focussed solely on working class women:"Women of the labouring classes are mute figures in our cultural landscape ....what happens to them and what they make of it is by common consent devoid ofinterest and goes unrecorded." (14)In many ways however, leisure can be seen as a natural arena in which to discuss sexrole differences and antagonisms. Leisure activities are used in the gender socialisationprocess throughout childhood; sexual identity is gained from particular leisure activities,and there may be more discrimination in the area of leisure than in other areas, such aswork. (female engineers and male hairdressers are more acceptable than female rugbyplayers and male knitters.) As such the area provides rich material for those concernedwith sex role stereotyping and the mechanisms of sexual inequality. This has beenrecognised by Deem (15), Middleton (16), Whitehead (17), Talbot (18).Much of the essential reading for an understanding of women's experience of 'leisure'comes from works concerned with the home, family and children (19), the socialisation ofgirls (20),"cultural studies" (21) and "community studies" (22). An example of the latter,Young and Willmott's "Symetrical Family", inadvertently shows how inadequately the titledescribes present day family life. Their chapter on Leisure is dominated by descriptionsof the husband's leisure, with one short paragraph stating that in general, the wives "didless things than the men". (23)The leisure activities which women are involved in, their inequality with men in termsof leisure experiences and indeed, the invisibility of women in the leisure studiesliterature, are only the outward manifestations of women's position in our society. Inother words, to understand women's leisure experiences it is fruitless to commence with aninvestigation of a leisure activity, or of levels of involvement, or even with the ways inwhich women conceptualise "leisure". Rather, the aim should be to grapple with thosefactors which have resulted in particular leisure outcomes. Juliet Mitchell provides astarting point:"Quite simply, how do we analyse the position of women? What is the woman'sconcrete situation in capitalist society? '."hat is the universal or generalarea which defines her oppression? The family and the psychology offemininity are clearly crucial here. However inegalitarian her situationat work (.and it is invariably so) it is within the level of her femininepsyche and ideological and sccio-economical role as mother and housekeeperthat woman finds the oppression that is hers alone. As this defines her,so any movement for her liberation must analyse and change this position." (24)Long before the upsurge of feminist writing in the mid 1960's, the particular oppressioof women was seen to be rooted in the relegation of women to the domestic sphere. ThusEngels wrote;"The emancipation of women and their equality with men are impossible and mustremain so as long as women are excluded from socially productive work andrestricted to housework." (25)It is possible to assert that "A study of housework is consequently a study of women'ssituation" (.261 and it may be argued that the role of housewife is one which unites themajority of women in British society. Oakley quotes one survey which shows that 85% ofwomen aged between 16 and 64 in a random sample of 7000 were housewives - housework isclearly the major occupational role of women to-day. Employment does not itself alterthe status Cor reduce the work) of being a housewife." (27) Longitudinal data indicatethat the amount of time spent on housework has not decreased over the years, despite theemergence of labour-saving devices. An average of 77 hours per week was reported in1971 as the typical working week, for housewives. (23) It is not merely the workload ofhousewifery which constitutes the problem, however.-12-IslornInsloo,!sexitionlities,ireofi t ter ,Fe•ionsf 'd idtermsInaniuSessionishen ' sThe biological role of women as producers of children is used to determine theirsocial role as mothers and home-makers. This culturally-specific arrangement resultsin the exclusion of women from the (paid) work fores and in dependence on male providers.This economic arrangement is underpinned by an ideology which assigns unequal values tomale and female roles and to the type of work which they do. Women's "natural" vocationis that of bearing children and bringing them up. Mitchell notes, "The causal chainthen goes: maternity, family, absence from production and public life, sexual inequality."(29).The response from the women's movement has been twofold; firstly, to gain recognitionfor women's work and worth in the home and to demand "wages for housework", and secondlyto demand that more women enter the paid work force. Gains have been made in bothdirections but these gains are not without qualification. Within the home, many house-hold chores have been taken over - not by job sharing but by the technological trans-r-formation of tasks backed by an advertising machinery. The physical labour taken fromhousework has been replaced by the strain cf maintaining certain standards and of consumingcertain items. Within employment, the involvement of women in the paid labour force hasincreased over time. In 1921 3.8% of the workforce was made up ofmarried women, compared with25.9% in 1979. Description-of the types of work women do and their differential rates ofpay make depressing reading, however. Women are penalised when they drop out of thework force to have children. Furthermore, women, upon becoming paid workers, do notcease to be unpaid housewives (unless they are wealthy enough to pay other women to keephouse).It is not intended to discuss why or how women are excluded from positions of power.Neither is it intended to discuss why relegation to the home is the most successful strategyfor that exclusion. Others have already done this with varying degrees of theoreticaldepth. The intention rather is to mention the main ways in which women's roles as house-wives impinge upon women to result in women's experiences of leisure being different frommen's.The rubric "housewife" subsumes a number of roles - wife, mother, housekeeper; itassumes a legal arrangement with a man and usually, a position of economic dependence.Most women, at some point in their lives, assume (and usually aspire to) all or part ofthe role. According to Fransella and Frost -"study after study has reported that the overwhelming majority of girls and womenexpect and wish to get married and have children. They formulate this intentionearlier and in greater numbers than boys and men, and usually well before theyhave views on the possible work they may do. In fact, it is rather misleadingto speak of marriage as an intention since it does not occur to most women thatthere is an option.(30) (emphasis added).Just as women's tripartite role as houseworkers, wives and childrearers is taken forgranted, in the same way it is assumed that this role will take priority over roles in thelabour force. It is an economic necessity for the state that women provide their labourwithout payment in the home and that they reproduce and socialise fu±ure.generations.For labour to be given without payment, it is necessary that it is seen in a different wayfroas other forms of work. It is therefore given the status of non-work - the RegistrarGeneral classifies housewives as "others economically inactive". (31) It is alsonecessary that it is seen to contain its own intrinsic rewards, that it is done for "love"and is a woman''s "natural" role. For this to be believed, it is necessary that theapprenticeship for housewifery is very long indeed,starting from early childhood. Aftera process of sex stereotyping and social conditioning and the successful workings of "thecultural plot" (.321, there is "little alternative (for women) other than to sink theiridentity into their ascribed role in life-caring for those closest to then." (33)A reajor goal of leisure time during the teenage years is to acquire a male partner.A battery of aids exists to reach, such an end, notably the range of teen magazines aimedat a female audience. One such magazine, "Jackie", gives advice:"Another useful expression though, is the pathetic appealing look which bringsout a Boy's protective instinct and has him desperate to get you another drink/help you on with your coat/ give you a lift home. It's best done by openingyour eyes wide and dropping the mouth open a little, looking (hanging yourhead slightly), directly into the eyes of the boy you're talking to. Practisethis." C341Upon engagement and then marriage, courtship activities cease and patterns of leisure,based on them, change. Women tend to withdraw from peer group activities and from thosewith the opposite sex unless accompanied by husbands. The arrival of children bringsfurther changes. A woman is no longer an individual but part of a unit with respons-ibility for others. Sharpe notes;"Caring for (children) has many rewards but it can also be overwhelming and •intermittently depressing, as their constant demands leave women no timeto themselves, no time to think, no time to give expression to their ownindividuality." (35)-13-Economically, woman's role is vicarious. She does not produce commodities which areof direct use to the economy, but rather services the economic activity of others. Like-wise, her leisure activity is vicarious; the housewife and mother services the leisure ofher children and husband in the same way that she services their other needs. Because herwork is 'non-work' she does not require rewarding with leisure in her own right. Althoughit can be said that husbands and children afford housewives opportunities for "leisure" -husbands take their wives out, children are an excuse to go swimming, "to the pictures, etc.-the housewive's leisure is structured by them and is not the result of "free will", is not"one's own time", "time to be used according to our own judgement and choice". Mothersnever discharge their "professional, family and social duties" - they are socialised notto do so and society severely sanctions those who do.The status of housework, that it is work yet is designated non-work, that the home isthe site of work yet also that of leisure and re-creation for the family, together with thefact that women's status and much of their self-esteem comes from their indispensibilityto the family, form the crux of the problem.Whilst women may be the "essence of locality" (36), isolation within the privatisedsphere of the home has been described as a major way in which women experience oppression.The separation of residential areas from industrial and commercial areas in modern societyand the resultant decline in importance of the home as a centre of production (and of thestatus of homeworkers) has resulted in the limitation of women to the residential environmentThis environment is also women's work environment, and the means to move physically from itare restricted compared with the mobility of men. Women are physically restricted to thehome, are actually "captive wives". (37)"Each age group, each social class, each racial group, each sex, has a differentsized daily "prism" in which to operate. For the lowest class and the mostdiscriminated against groups, the prism closes into a prison of space andresources." (33)Although Oakley suggests that the restriction is more psychological than physical (39),restriction is structured by the physical facts of the costs of transport, the location ofleisure and other facilities, shortage of child-care facilities, the physical lay-oat ofredeveloped housing and housing estates, and simply by the lack of cash. In a more subtleway, a number of other factors restrict women's capacity for leisure. The ideology ofmaternal deprivation, fuelled by Bowlby (40) has placed greater emphasis than ever beforeon women'.s performance as mothers. In the 1970's Comer wrote, "the hand of motherhood liesheavier on women now than ever before". (41) The centrality of children within the familyhas perhaps never been so pronounced, whilst support networks for young mothers have perhapsnever been so fragmented. The loss of female support networks based on the extendedfamily and higher standards of child care limit the amount of time spent away from children,whilst the physical isolation of young mothers does not bring recuperation in socialexchange with others. The trend towards greater consumption of leisure items (drink, video,television games etc.) in the home means greater blurring of women's time between 'work' and'leisure', whilst Gavron's study snowed that 44% of her working class sample of women'never' -.vent out in the evenings.To summarise: inequality between men and women ia leisure is based on the assignmentof mutually exclusive male and female personality traits to men and women, the allocationto each of different activities en the basis of this assignment, and the higher valueplaced on "male" qualities. The assignment to women of economically dependent house-keeping and child care roles and of the qualities of deference, passivity, decorativeness,and so on, collude to limit women's power, their spatial mobility and the amount of timeand money available to them.3. Class DivisionsMuch leisure research is successful in showing class differences in leisure behaviour.The distribution of the Registrar General's socio-economic groups between activitiesranging from golf to pigeon breeding, bridge to bingo, is well documented. Bingo excludesthe middle class more effectively, as a working class pastime, than it excludes men as afemale pastime. Leisure research is less successful in suggesting reasons for classdifferences, except to refer to occupational categories. With a model which definesleisure in relation to work, such "class" differences in leisure behaviour are regardedas determined by the type of work engaged in:"To the extent that occupation determines class position, the inequalitiesin leisure are those of various occupational groups.... But, involved instratification, there are also cultural and educational elements, which,while they may unite for leisure purposes individuals with the same culturalor educational experiences, serve also to divide those who do not sharethese experiences." (42)Such an approach fails to provide an adequate definition of class, although it mayaccept that "one aspect of social structure, hierarchical position, is related to almosteverything about men's lives." (43) The approach often regards 'differences' as'inequalities' and fails to grapple with the differences between working class and middleclass culture, of which patterns of leisure are only one manifestation. Williamsprovides a useful starting point in the discussion of class cultures:-14-•are|ke-ofherloughletc.-Inotisthe"The primary distinction between bourgeois and working class culture is tobe sought in the whole way of life and here again we must not confineourselves to such evidence as housing, dress and modes of leisure.Industrial production tends to create uniformity in such matters, but thevital distinction lies at a different level. The crucial distinguishingelement in English life since the Industrial Revolution is not languages,not dress, not leisure ... The crucial distinction is between alternativeideas of the nature of social relationship." (44)In the same vein, Clarke writes that the leisure activities around which much ofworking class culture has been shaped, are not "only simply institutions or even valuesexpressed in particular activities, but forms of expression of the whole experience ofclass". (45) A handful of writers have attempted to relate leisure forms to the valuesand experience of the working class, notably Charles Critcher, Paul Willis, Geoff Munghaaiand Geoff Pearson, Mott,, and Dennis et al's seminal work. (46)It is not the intention here to provide an exhaustive account of what culturaldifferences mean in terms of leisure outcomes, but to mention a few factors which seemrelevant in the context of understanding the role of bingo.The experience of class and perhaps even the "whole way of life" have undergoneprofound changes in the last thirty years. Social changes in the 1950's and 60'3 sawa shift of emphasis away from work, craftsmanship and production to non-work, leisureand consumption, amidst the emergence of an ideology of affluence and classlessness.More women were going out to work, real disposable incomes were higher and working classparticipation in property ownership increased. These real material changes led to theidea that "we're all one class now", or at least that the potential was there to reachthis position. The welfare state had emerged to take care of, or camouflage, those whocould not participate in the new affluence., whilst the 1944 Education Act and later themove towards comprehensive education ostensibly removed class barriers to education.Class could no longer be blamed for failure at school; the failure was with the individual.Most importantly, in terms of changes to the cultural homogenity of working classcommunities, were the vast rehousing schemes which physically disrupted communities andreassembled them into housing estates and blocks of flats. The neighbourhood in its oldform, a central institution of working class culture, was destroyed. Replacing the oldcommunal street, with its pub and corner shops, "there was only the privatised space of thefamily unit, stacked one on top of the other, in total isolation, juxtaposed with-thetotally public space which surrounds it." (47) Semi-public space in which interactioncould take place was lacking and the social costs were high. The "loss of community", theweakening of neighbourhood ties, the decline in importance of the extended family andindividual loneliness are recurrent themes in the literature.The removal of public space from the community was particularly significant,provides a now well known picture of "traditional working class life":Lockwood"The existence of such closely-knit cliques of friends, workmates, neighboursand relatives is.the hallmark of the traditional working class community.The values expressed through these social networks emphasise mutual aid ineveryday life and the obligation to join in the gregarious pattern of leisure." (43)Alien's review of the literature (49) however, questions the nature of the gregariousconviviality which supposedly characterises traditional working class communities. Hemakes a number of points about social interaction which have implications for the organisationof space within the community and for the way in which principal areas for leisure - thepub, club, bingo club, home - are used. Alien notes a number of significant differencesbetween the middle class and the working class regarding the nature of social relationshipsand interaction:"The essential issue... concerns the social construction of non-kin relation-ships. I am arguing that the way these relationships are normally developedin working class culture differs markedly from the middle class pattern." (50)Alien argues that working class "friendships" are confined to particular settings, andalso that the way in which relationships are conceived ensures that this is so. Youag andWillmott demonstrate the point when they quote a respondent, "I've got friends at work andfriends at sport aad friends I have a drink with". (51) The relationship is structured bythe setting; it is the activity which is paramount rather than the individual. As such,Alien argues that these relationships are better characterised as "mate relationships"than as friendships. Mate relationships are engaged ia frequently and regularly but arenot arranged or planned. Sociable activities are engaged in for their own sake and notfor that of interacting with particular others. The emphasis is not on particularindividuals but on a group. As such, individuals are interchangeable to a large extent.The middle class, in contrast, stress the importance of personal relationships independ-ently of the settings in which they occur, the importance of particular individuals andthe planning of activities so as to deepen friendship, with the aim of greater intimacy.The greater difficulty expressed by working class respondents compared to middle classrespondents in saying who is and who is not a friend arises from the lack of emphasison the individual, and from the ambiguity over whether the enjoyment arises from inter-action with particular others or from the activities engaged in.-15-A further major class difference with regard to social interaction is in the use of thehome. Few community studies do not comment on the working class use of the home: it is aprivate space, the preserve of the extended family and of one or two close friends. Therestriction of interaction to particular settings and the maintenance of privacy means thatgreater control can be exerted over the demands made within a relationship and the degreeof commitment to a relationship:"working-class sociable relationships are limited to something less thanfriendship in order that the demands others make of a person can becontrolled. Restricting access to the home is one element in this asit increases the control a person has over what is revealed in relation-ships .... Each area of life is segmented and, in a sense, protected fromother areas. In any one, other aspects of self are held to be private." (52)Non-intimate companionship is sought in a variety of semi-public settings, such as thepub and club or the street. It is for this reason that the physical reorganisation of thetraditional community which destroyed semi-public places, leaving only 'privatised space' and'totally public space' was so disruptive.Women are less likely to share the mateships enjoyed by working class men."Group sociability of this sort is a predominantly male phenomenon. Nomention is made in the literature of females being: equivalently involved in'group' relationships with non-kin .... largely this is because females areless involved than males in externally organised sociable settings like pubsor clubs. Overall, they have less access to explicitly sociable contextsin which comparatively large numbers of people come together, and consequentlyless opportunity to form such groups." (53)The neighbourhood played a limited role in friendships; Klein notes, "The oft-expressedbelief that women spend a lot of their time 'popping round next door' to mere neighboursreceives little factual support." (54) However, the neighbourhood was important to non-intimate 'mateships', particularly for women. Physical reorganisation of communities(particularly into blocks of flats where few people are seen to chat to) dramaticallyaffected the opportunities for women to engage in non-intimate interaction with familiarfaces in semi-public settings.Leisure facilities in the traditional neighbourhood, the club, pub and cinema providedimportant foci for interaction, even though not always open to women on their own. Changehas been brought about not only by the physical removal of facilities, the closure of cinemasand the failure to provide meeting places on new estates. It has also been brought about bythe emergence of the "leisure consumer", a creation of the new affluence and supposed class-lessness of the late 1950's and 60's. The leisure industry focussed on a market which itperceived as demanding new standards due to their new affluence, increased mobility andlimited commitment. The redevelopment and standardisation of cinemas, pubs and otherleisure outlets, has been facilitated by the concentration of ownership in a small numberof large companies. The process by which 'the local' becomes a 'drinking venue', by whichusers become consumers not members, has been documented with regard to pubs (55), football(56) and greyhound racing (57). "The Times" provides an example of the process with regardto greyhound racing. It reported in 1962 the- need to "change the image of greyhound racingto attract a younger and more prosperous age-group". A move was necessary from "the clothcap and spittoon era" in which the dog track "with steam from breath and from the jelliedeels and mash ... is more like the bowels of an immigrant ship" so that it became "socialentertainment". (58)The appropriation and restructuring of leisure forms is one manifestation of the"unending struggle about control in the area of working class leisure". Clarke continues,."The activities aimed to control, discipline and 'improve' the working class have oftenbeen exerted most forcefully in this area." (59) It was noted above how, by the beginningof the Twentieth Century, the new leisure forms which had evolved in response to new workpatterns, were infiltrated or controlled by commercial interests. By the 1980's, leisurehas become "the time when that money is spent which keeps the economy working....";without it, "modern industrial, capitalist society will be undermined or ruptured." (60)As such, leisure is too important to be left as activity expressive of class.4. Control of ProvisionLeisure behaviour is constrained by norms of what is appropriate to, and what is learnedby, each class and sex, and by the physical resources each has available to them. It isalso constrained by the fact that the provision of leisure is outside the control of largesections of the population, and is provided within a politico-ideological framework. Forthe majority, leisure in its modern context is synonymous with commercial provision for it.The commercialisation of leisure, which has resulted in a dichotomy between leisure oroducerand leisure consumer, means that although choices are made (within cultural and sexualconstraints) of what will be consumed, the consumer has little control over the overallshape of provision.Although the leisure industry sees itself responding to public tastes and demand, whatis profitable and marketable is not always what subsections of the population want.Facilities may be closed or restructured without particular reference to the local community.Facilities nay be expanded to cater for new groups thereby excluding -the old. Garvey-16-|thea•at36|helandIssedagenasby3S-rnedfceritL t y .points to the power of the leisure industry, suggesting that it may overcome the sexismfound, for example, in pubs:"The real acceptance and integration (of women) will cone, but I suspectit won't be through a sudden and generous act of egalitarianism on thepart of men. It will be at the discretion and decision of the commercialpowers-that-be. It was they who decided to promote the Youth Cult, whenthey saw that they had money. Now a growing number of women have. There'sa killing to be had there." (61)More importantly perhaps than the fact that decisions are not made by local communities,is the fact that, within a consumer culture, alternative ways of living are forgotten:"People who have been shaped by the marketplace no longer demand anythingother than what the market offers, for they have forgotten, and eventuallywill never even have learnt, that any other possibility exists." (62)Whilst this may be true to a large extent, "rituals of resistance" (63) do exist - peopledo seek ways in which to make their lifestyles meaningful.The answer to Lowenthal's question, posed in 1961, "Tho makes decisions about the kindof entertainment and art offered in a certain society?" (64) appears paradoxical in a numberof respects. The Frankfurt school offers one answer. The term 'culture industry' wasfirst coined by Adorno and Horkheimer to refer to the commodification of culture, itsstandardisation, and the rationalisation of production and distribution. The phrase isused in preference to 'mass culture' which implies a culture rising from the masses, to stressthat "culture to-day is not the product of genuine demands; rather it is the result ofdemands which are 'evoked and manipulated' ." (65) Indeed, the "man with leisure to-dayhas to accept what the culture manufacturers offer him." (66)The pressures of industrial society, resulting in the need for leisure which is fun,relaxing and entertaining and in the consumption of what the culture industry offers, is,according to Marcuse, a false need. (67) Consumers, shaped by the marketplace, are notin a position to describe what are their real needs. Entertainment offered by the cultureindustry is routine and non-creative, and hence resembles many types of work. The simil-arity between work and leisure, it is argued, affords the worker less stress and does notresult in rebellion from work:"except during brief revolutionary periods, the quality of leisure tiraeactivity cannot vary too sharply from that of the work day. If it didthe office or factory worker would be exposed to those terrible dualitiesthat make it so difficult for the intellectual to adjust his job tohimself. But the worker wants no part of such difficulties, he has enoughalready. Following the dictum of industrial society that anonymity is akey to safety, he seeks the least troublesome solution: mass culture.Whatever its manifest content, mass culture must therefore not subvert thebasic patterns of industrial life. Leisure time must be so organised asto bear a factitious relationship to working time: apparently different,actually the same. It must provide relief from the monotony withoutmaking the return to work too unbearable." (68)The leisure scholar Max iCaplan puts forward a similar view, that leisure activitieslose their essential qualities when used to provide escape from work: "when sport and gamescome to be valued as means of escape, they lose the capacity to provide it." (69)The Frankfurt school has been criticised for its "pessimistic dismissal of the workingclass as the too-willing victim of an over-powering reification." (70) Consumers of whatthe entertainment business offers are not always passive and uncritical. Some recentwriters however share the pessimism:"The evolution of western society begins to look less like an age ofleisure and repose for the working class (as it is sometimes represented)than a time of drugged somnolence." (71)Paradoxically, whilst some would argue that the leisure offered by the culture industryis instrumental to the Icag term goals of a western, capitalist state, the types of activity °offered by government agencies, the Sports Council, the Arts Council, local government, etc.,are exactly opposite to the mass relaxations and mass culture offered by the cultureindustry. The public school ethos of character building activities, the virtues of beingout in the fresh air, preferably taking physical exercise, plus a narrow conception of"culture" pervades the hierarchy of values regarding suitable and unsuitable ways of usingtime. Merely to pass the time and not put it to productive use is contrary to this ethos.The public providers have a set of assumptions regarding what the public should want:"If, in reply to all the questionnaires we said we wanted bingo, old films ontelevision, to get drunk, smoke pot or watch soccer rather than play it, our'servants' would not contentedly provide more not parlours, gin palaces, comedyprogrammes and seats in football grounds. The certain knowledge that suchthings are not good for us would intervene." (71)-17-Pearson's working class sample in the West Midlands indicated resignation to asituation in which their forms of leisure were not promoted or subscribed:"Although it would seem that the Sports Council and the Arts Councilspend a great deal of such people's money in promoting and subsidisingactivities in which they are not interested, or for one reason or anothercannot use, nearly everyone interviewed thought sports centres, theatresand such like are a 'good thing'. In the circumstances this seems to bea very public spirited view." C73)The cultural hegemony of the middle classes is preserved by such support and by the wayin which "cultural capital" (74) is passed on through the education system.The public spiritedness and acceptance of the situation is similar to acceptance ofthe structure in other spheres. Sharpe notes that, in their adaption to their role aswomen, her working class sample of girls in Haling were responding in a realistic andrational way to a. social structure over which they had little individual control. (75)Likewise, Rex comments that amongst the English working class, certain preferences arenot expressed simply because they are unrealistic. (76) Important examples can be putforward, however, of communities and groups which attempt to exert power over the structureof leisure provision. In the last century, the working class used its purchasing power towithdraw custom from leisure facilities to achieve certain aims. (77) More notably, theWorking Men's Clubs movement was taken over by workers in 1884, and has remained a centralinstitution of (male) working class culture. Other societies, clubs and sports (pigeon-racing, dog-racing, bowls, etc.) have a solidly based working class organisation. Thestruggle to gain access to the countryside for working class ramblers has been documentedrecently. (78) and also re-enacted in the repeat of the 'mass trespass' on the moorlandof large land owners. Gay people last year decided to form co-operatives to run theirown night clubs in the face of perceived commercial exploitation. (78) The recentorganisation of campaigning groups to prevent closure of cinemas in London appears to havehad some success (80), whilst the growth in popularity of activities which allow relativeautonomy, such as angling, may be related to their lack of dependence on commercial provisionSummarvThe aim of this short section has been to demonstrate that leisure is not an independentautonomous sphere divorced from the influence of society's institutions. Parker in 1976made the point that people who are exploited at work may find it difficult to avoid beingexploited in their leisure. It is logical that the same power structures exist in bothspheres. This logic rarely provides the starting point for the discussion of "leisure"however. Those sections 01 society with limited economic and political power are no morefree to "choose" how they spend their leisure time than they are to "choose" their jobs,housing, income levels, education or form of medical treatment. Leisure activity isstructured by rules of access; spatial, economic and social access combine and colludesuch that only a minority has the power to overcome all three.It can be suggested that working class women operate under a dual set of constraints -of class and sex - which limit their access in a particular way, so that their range ofleisure choices is especially narrow. The 'prism' of space and resources within whichworking class women operate provides a limited range of material from which to constructmeaningful lifestyles. This does not mean, necessarily, that their lives are less mean-ingful, or 'deprived'. It does mean, however, that working class women do not share theinvolvement of middle class men and women and of working class men in the full range ofleisure activities available in the suooosed "leisure explosion" of the 1980's.-13-IllA NOTE ON METHODOLOGYItItureIr toIt heIral3dindiv erevisionsndent76The research project commencedsimply, was that:based on two personal convictions. One, quite"Bingo is not the unimportant mindlessness that even women intellectualsdismiss it as being. It may be the thin edge of a thick wedge -asserting not only a right to share in the gambling interests of men,but also the right to a night out of the house and to spend money asone pleases." (1)The other conviction concerned the research methodology to be used. Personalexperience of research in an African setting, where questionnaires and survey methodswere inappropriate, had confirmed the value of anthropological approaches, of participantobservation and informal interview techniques. The peculiar lifelessness of much leisureresearch was a further incentive to inject alternative approaches. The particularly"masculine" approach of much American leisure research, where leisure behaviour is reducedto distance, decay and gravity functions (2) was especially unappealing.It was felt that, since an aim of the research was to investigate the meaning ofleisure for women, then it was appropriate to develop methodologies suited to women asrespondents. The notion of a feminist methodology was not articulated at the outset andunfortunately Roberts et al's useful book (3) had not been published until after the field-work had been planned and begun. Helen Roberts points out that feminist research shouldquestion each aspect of the research process:"Feminist research, then, is concerned not only with making women visible,but with theoretical and methodological issues, with problems of sexualdivisions in the research team and the research process, and with thelanguage of research findings and the way in which these may be used whenthey are published." (4)The book provides theoretical coherence to some of the issues with which womenresearchers grapple. It also demonstrates that"'taking account of gender' is by no meansa simple operation." (5)It was felt important that the research report should be written in straightforwardlanguage. Academics criticise the fact that their work is not applied by others. However,if no-one except academics can understand it, research findings and reports will not be used.It was also felt that the most fruitful way to record what women felt about leisure was intheir own words and in their own way. It appeared logical to adopt a face-to-face, personalapproach to data collection, and to interview women using a tape recorder and a semi-structured interview schedule.In 1953, Doris Rich had stated that analysis of a person's leisure should start withtheir position in the family, family relationships and contacts with neighbours and thecommunity. (6) In a similar fashion, Lynn Pearson in 1976 suggested that the most promisingline of research was to look at people's environment and their place in the community, andto ask basic questions about how people spent their time, and how- they connected work andleisure, rather than imposing statistical explanations from the outside. (7)It can be suggested that leisure research collects data on behaviour and on the use oftime which have already been adapted to the limitations of the situation. It is, therefore,as revealing and interesting to find out what people do not do as to find cut what they do.Investigation of the limitations, or structures within which leisure takes place is essential.Such an approach necessitates putting 'leisure' to one side for a proportion of the time, tofocus on the community, patterns of friendship, work, children, the family. Indeed, aninvestigation of the entire structuration (to use Giddens' term) of society is renderednecessary. However, in order to delimit the study, it was decided to carry out a communitystudy.Initial publicity which the project attracted resulted in contact being made with thecommunity education officer, Martin Whillock, in Armley, Leeds. His warm offers of helpand introduction to the community led to Armley being "chosen" for the study. Over thefollowing year, five main approaches were used.Firstly, a number of informal contacts were made with people in Armley. Tne communitycentres, old age pensioners' groups and mother and toddler groups were visited. Voluntarywork was undertaken at the Armley Advice and Information Centre. This gave valuableinsight into problems with housing, unemployment and the law. Individuals were visited intheir homes, usually elderly people. (Such visits began to take up more time than they shouldhave done, in terms of completing the work, and demonstrated how easy it is to cross the linefrom "professional researcher" to "concerned individual" and that "respondents" might neverhave perceived the difference in the first place.)-19-Secondly, a number of discussion groups were arranged, some of which were taped.Some discussions brought together women who would otherwise not have met,and othersdrew on existing groups, such as women who met for regular meetings in church halls.Some groups met once, and others were reconvened after one week. The discussion grounshighlighted many points which were discussed individually with women later in the study.It was interesting to note which topics women could talk about in groups, and which onlyin private. The groups varied in size from two to twenty-two. Th-is was too large toallow any control or order, and only half the women spoke; the ideal size for a groupdiscussion turned out to be approximately eight. The most difficult discussions tocontrol were those with teenagers. They would suddenly leave the room to do somethingelse if they felt like it, or new faces would appear in the middle of a discussion. By"controlling" a discussion, it meant that steps are taken to ensure that everyone speakswho wants to speak, that one person does not dominate, and that all the topics are covered.Thirdly, interviews were arranged with individual women in private, most of which weretaped. Interviews were arranged in women's homes or at a more neutral venue such as acommunity centre. The women interviewed alone ranged in age from 20 to 73 and the inter-views varied in length from forty minutes to two and a half hours.Fourthly, a lengthy questionnaire was constructed which was to be filled in by womenin their own time and to be returned. (The interviewed sample and the questionnaire sampledid not include the same individuals.) The questionnaire was piloted and revised, but itis felt that the final version (Appendix) was somewhat long. The questionnaire wasgiven out at three old age pensioners' groups, seven mother and toddler groups, one women'sgroup, to staff at three retail outlets (Woolworths, Makro and Asda) , and one mill, oneengineering factory, three schools (to non-teaching staff), and to clerical staff at twofirms. The questionnaire was also given out to individual women met through a variety ofchannels. The questionnaires were collected at a later date. (The quickest way ofreaching women in full time employment, it was felt, was to approach factories, shops andfirms in Armley and to ask if they employed any women. It was interesting to see how manyestablishments employed no women at all.)Fifthly, bingo was played at a number of clubs and at St. Bart's Church. Playingbingo provided information of great value which could not be obtained in any other way.It allowed first hand experience of the friendliness of bingo players, of concentrating onthe numbers being called, of the tension of waiting for one number, and of winning. (8)These five approaches yielded a considerable amount of data. 212 questionnaires wereused in the final analysis, together with transcripts of conversations with 72 women. Theintensive study of Armley, which included bingo players and non-players, was followed by anextensive, national survey, which included only binso players. The community study hadlooked at a wide range of factors and a range of leisure pursuits. The second half of theresearch was intended to focus squarely on bingo, to investigate regional variations inbingo playing, to analyse the composition of the bingo playing population and to discoverthe extent to which bingo players in Armley were typical of players in general.A questionnaire, drawing on some of the issues discussed in the course of thecommunity study, was written and piloted. It was revised considerably (i.e. shortened),and consisted of 31 questions on two sides of A4 paper. The aim was to produce a questionnaire which could be filled in quickly. Most of the questions required only a tick, andit could take less than five minutes to fill in. After negotiations to obtain permissionand co-operation to visit a number of clubs, arrangements were made with managements to visclubs in nine regions on a range of busy and quiet days. Eighty bingo sessions were visitbetween January 25th 1982 and March 17th 1982, either by the research fellow or by theresearch assistant, Hilary Roberts.The procedure was to arrive at the bingo club one hour before the session started, tohand out the questionnaire to players, and to collect them at the interval or at the end ofthe session. The best strategy, it was found, was to approach each player individuallywhen they were seated, to explain the purpose of the questionnaire and to ask for theirco-operation. (Details of the national survey are given in the introduction to Chanter V)7,166 questionnaires were completed and returned,the data typed into computer files by the researchers,data.The questionnaires were coded andSPSS was then used to analvse the-20-IVTHE COMMUNITY STUDYARMLEYArnsley is an old community, mentioned in the Domesday Book, and described in 1853as a "large ancient clothing village." (1) Through the enterprise of the Gott family,which pioneered the introduction of machinery and steam in the cloth industry, millswere built which provided stable employment for the area. The community expanded inthe Nineteenth Century such that the two miles between it and Leeds was rapidly filledwith houses and factories.Armley's long history gives it a strong sense of local identity. To-day itstraddles the boundary of Leeds City and is described by planners as partially a "staticzone" of physical and social stability with large proportions of established families andolder people, and partially as a "redevelopment zone". This describes areas which "areliable to change. The zone is united by its socio-economic character which is essentiallyworking class, with an emphasis on unskilled labour." (2)To-day Armley's economy is based on textiles and light engineering. It has a numberof industrial estates and new housing estates interspersed among the Nineteenth 6enturyback-to-back housing and brick factories. It still contains the large number of openspaces and parks created due to the exemption of cloth drying areas from the 1793 enclosureof land act. The comnunity is divided into neighbourhoods by the residents - ArraleyLodges, Armley Heights, etc., and some are more prestigious than others. In the higherground near Gotts Park, for example, "you were considered quite classy if you got up there."Most of the interviewees had always lived in Armley and if they had moved house ittended to be within Armley. Some families had been rehoused out of the area but madeattempts to move back:"We moved up to Kirkstall (2 miles away) and me Mam wasn't happy up thereso we moved back to one of those new houses - well she was used to it aroundhere, you know, you get used to one way.""My muni knew everybody since we'd been babies and she didn't want to make aew- friends."Armley is regarded with a great deal of affection, as a friendly place:" There's a lot of people in a small area because it's mainly back-to-backhouses. It's a fairly friendly area....""I'd say it was about 17 years since we moved up to Artnley, but it was aplace where the first day you settled in. As soon as you walked into thearea, everybody started being friendly with you and there was alwayssomething to do there...." *"It's such a nice place. I tnink in Armley everybody is nearly on the samelevel. Sven if you have got money they're not snobbish. They're not likewhen you go up to Headingley - 'got to keep up with the Jones's'. Andeveryone's friendly and everybody makes you welcome in Armley. You can goall over and you won't find any place like Arnley. As I say, you can go onTown Street shopping and it will take you four hours just to go to shop(because of talking to people). There's not many places you can go that arelike that."There is considerable community activity. The wider area of Leeds 12, which includesArmley, Farnley and Wortley, has nine community centres, fourteen junior and eight senioryouth clubs, seven boy scout and thirteen brownie or girl guide packs, plus ten otheruniformed groups for youngsters. It has twenty-one women's organisations, most of themchurch-related but also including such groups as the Ladies' Harmony Club, Women's BrightHour and the Townswonien's Guild. In contrast, there are three men's organisations, aMethodist Church group, the Toc-H and a men's community centre guild. There are elevengroups for senior citizens, which usually meet at the community centres.The twelve churches, community centres and schools in Leeds 12 provide space fororganised activities. The area boasts fourteen soccer teams plus five junior teams, asenior and a junior rugby team, a tennis club, a junior gymnastics club, and badminton isplayed in St. Bart's hall once a week. The four old time and sequence dancing groups arepopular. They meet in church halls. The Armley Society is a group for those interestedin the history of Armley; it collects information and oral histories about the area andhas published the "Armley Album", a series of recollections about Armley from older membersof the community. A Community Festival is held every other year.Although the level of community action is high, the Area Community Education Officeris not slow to admit tha.t many individuals are untouched by activities offered within thecommunity. Commercial ventures such as the bingo club have a pull to be envied whencortain evening classes falter due to lack of numbers.-21-Armley has been disturbed by "he demolition of entire streets and neighbourhoods.Whilst it is accepted that the newer houses are "nicer", there is a feeling that partsof Armley have changed out of all recognition, there are more "problem" families andless friendliness. The placing of elderly people in blocks of flats is severelycriticised by members of the community. However, Armley retains a relatively wellestablished population and a strong sense of local identity and pride. In our opinion,there are certainlv olaces where women would be worse off in terms of outlets for leisure.ITHE HOUSEWIFE IX ARMLEYla the earlier discussion C"Sexual Divisions" in Chapter Two) the status of women ashouswives was seen as the key to understanding the position of women in industrial societyand as a factor which united women. It was seen that the label 'houswife' subsumes avariety of roles; of mother, wife, homemaker and servicer of the family. It was alsoseen that women do not cease to be housewives when taking up paid employment. The roleof housewife, the fact of her economic dependance and the contradiction that housework iswork, yet is not rewarded in the same ways as other work, in wages and leisure, has anumber of consequences for women's leisure.All the women who were interviewed, either in groups or individually (apart from theteenagers),were housewives, with some also working in paid employment. Likewise, themajority of the questionnaire sample were housewives. Only 8% were single and not livingwith a partner. The rest were, or had been, married and most were responsible for runninga household. In investigating their leisure, the constraints emanating from the housewiferole will be discussed first. These constraints are clustered around housework itself,paid work, husbands and children, mobility, finance and "power".Analysis of housework involves three aspects - the type of work; the location of work,and the status of the work. These three impinge upon leisure in particular ways to make upthe complete picture.The Type of WorkHousework differs significantly from most other types of work:"it is private, it is self-defined and its outlines are blurred by itsintegration in a whole complex of domestic, family-based roles whichdefine the situation of women as well as the situation of the house-wife." (3)That the work is self-defined is seen as advantageous by housewives; work can be donein "your own time", there is no-one "breathing down your neck" to see that the work is done.B: "I mean if you are at home all day, alright it's hard, but if the sun shinesyou can go for a walk in the park and you have no boss to complain that you'renot doing the work, you can do what you like so long as you get the basics done."F: "You know if I'm feeling down I'll just drop everything... I'll leave mywashing and I'll leave my ironing and I'll so out, and I'll go see a friendor something and just take myself out of it because I don't see any pointin sitting at home being miserable."The autonomy felt and described by the women has another side to it. ^omen in factseldom "just drop everything". A boss is not needed to regulate the amount of work done -the women themselves have such standards that they keep themselves in line, and the problemis knowing when to stop. One woman said:"I don't mind doing it (housework). I know it's got to be done; I don't havea strict routine; if it doesn't get done, it doesn't get done".She then explained, apologetically, that she didn't hoover more than twice a day: Anothersaid:"I sit and look at things and I think that needs doing and that needs doing andI get up and do it and then you do too much".The inability to stop derives from the blurring of the housewife role with other "family-based roles" outside which it is impossible to step.Women themselves define the standard they wish to achieve, within the standards laiddown for them by society's expectations. In the attempt to reach the self-imposedstandards, excellence is rarely achieved; if it is, it is temporary, as the work startsall over again the next day. Job satisfaction and self-esteem arise from reaching certainstandards and thus satisfaction and self-esteem are also short lived. The work is neverfinished:W: "I always think when I'm doing the washing:a few days' time".this will be dirtv again inC: "In a morning Russell's at school so I get tidied up in here; Richard'splaying with his toys, so after dinner Richard goes to bed and Russell helpsme to clear up; then Richard gets up and it loois like a bomb's hit it again'-22-ISitVling:vi.tework ,utiionelone.therIncreasinglv, women are caught in a situation where labour-saving devices removeskill and cut back on the amount of time required for certain jobs, yet replacementsources of self-esteem and alternative activities are not present. There are two waysaround this: to dispense with labour-saving devices or to set even higher standards ofcleanliness and order.T: "I have a washing machine but I never use it. I always wash by hand.I love washing by hand. It takes a long time but I enjoy it. I knowit's stupid really - he goes mad at me not using the machine. I enjoygetting things clean. When you wash things in the washing machine, likesocks, they never come really clean. I'd rather wash them by hand andhave them really bright clean."P: "I prefer to get down on my hands and knees. You get the floor a lotcleaner than you can with a hoover. I do it with a hand brush, down onmy knees. It seems a lot brighter and cleaner afterwards."B: "The clothes look better by hand, lovely white and clean and they evensmell better .... when I'm not in the mood sometimes and I wash sheetsin the washer - not very often - the kids seem to notice the difference.If I change Marilyn's bed Caged 9) she'll say, 'you didn't wash the sheetsby hand, did you?' "Housewives are reminded each day of the standards they are expected to reach. Ifnot from husbands and children, from the television, magazines, hoardings and from otherwomen; housewives are bombarded with images of standards which they cannot reach.Few of the women positively enjoyed housework, but then 'housework' involves so manydifferent jobs that it was difficult to generalise. Some simply stated "I hate it".One said, "No, I don't like it, I think it's boring. It drives me mad."The Location of WorkMore than ever before, women's work of running a home takes place within the four wallsof the home. In the past, activities associated with running a household, of producingfood, clothing and shelter took place outside the home and often with other women. Thehousewife of to-day is not a producer but a consumer of goods, and shopping is the mainactivity which takes place outside the home. Opportunities for social contact whilstworking are limited. This was not the case even 20 years ago, when chores such aswashing were done in public places, such, as at Armley wash-house:A: "You could go in there and it was the dreariest looking place, it reallywas dreary, the walls were horrible, but you'd walk in there and all yourtroubles would go away from you. And your washing, when it came out ofthere, it really was beautiful, it boiled everything, you know. You couldwalk down there with all your washing in an old pram, because everybody hadan old pram, and it was piled high, all neatly ironed, and you know you feltright proud ... There were people there who'd been going for 40 or 50 years.You met everybody... whatever day you went on."Such job satisfaction and contact with others is not described by younger housewives.Confinement to the home and the attendant loneliness is seen as a major hazard by thewomen. One woman described being a housewife as a "pretty solitary job", whilst all thewomen who were interviewed individually voiced their feelings of periodic depression andaloneness. In group discussions, this was skirted around; it was a public admission offailure, covered up with cliches - "you've got to make the best of things", "you can'thave everything you want in life."An admission of boredom is even worse than one of loneliness. It is commonlyassumed that women find total fulfillment in running their homes - "However good a macmay be at making a home, it is unlikely that he will find domesticity as fulfilling andtime consuming as a woman may do" wrote a group of women in 1972. C4) Full time house-wives may know this as a fallacy yet in public maintain the pretence - "sha has tocapitulate to her housewifely role or be labelled a social deviant." (3)Isolation within ta,e privatised sphere of the home has been described as a major wayin which women experience oppression in the 1980's Co). Yet loneliness is seen as thewoman's fault: "Loneliness is aggravated by the boredom of young wives who get nosatisfaction out of homemaking, often due to a complete lack of knowledge of the basicskills required to make or keep a home." C7). Television and radio are used as contactswith the outside world but these are one-sided and often non-local contacts. Borneo, may beunaware of what is happening in their locality and afraid to admit to their loneliness andboredom:A: "I found the first months after I'd had Joanne really boring - I hated beingat home and I thought there must be something else to being at home and havingkids to this. I did my housework and then I thought who can I ring up, whocan I go and see, what can I do, and I just didn't know what was available."T: "Women used to cotae in Cto the Mum's and Toddlers' Group) and say theydidn't know there was such a place. They used to sit at home, with nothingto do, bored, crying. There's a'tremendous amount of people bored."N: "When John was a babydepressed."I used to sit at home and I used to cry, I was thatInformal contacts are eagerly grasped. Women would arrive three-quarters of anhour early when picking up their children from school in order to chat with other mothers,and shopping was done more often than was necessary in order to make contact. It isdifficult for many women to take the next step, of arranging to meet people or droppingin at the community centre:8: "Sometimes when I was meeting Marilyn (from school) I would speak to somelady and we'd have a chat, and than she used to say that she'd to rush off,she was going to some friend's for coffee. I used to wonder why I couldn'thave somebody like that I could go and have coffee with. It was really bad."D: "I stood outside the door (of Hall Lane Community Centre) and I was shaking.I didn't have the courage to come in ... I thought 'If I go in they won'ttalk to me and I won't talk to them.1 I walked away again. I couldn't goin, but the following week I came back again."A legitimate way for women to break out of their homes and to meet other women isthrough their children. Children are a vehicle to public life, through school, playgroups and mums' and toddlers' groups. . Such groups relieve the guilt which women feelabout their loneliness, as by attending they are also 'doing something' for their children.The location of women's work within the home has another major effect. The home is alsothe place where family leisure takes place. For husband and children the home is a retreatfrom work and school. For the housewife it is the site of both work and leisure. Theprimacy of the housewife role means that within the home time allocated to work and leisureis necessarily blurred. One woman explained the problem by referring to the television:F: "Television isn't getting you out of the house. And you're sat watching •television and you're thinking 'well I should be doing that', and you feelguilty, you know, you can see it all around you."Some women even defined leisure as "anything which takes you out of the home", whilstothers gave their reasons for doing particular things as "just more or less a need to getout of the house."The Status of Housework j"A schoolboy was recently asked to write down what he thought was the 'difference between "work" and "non-work". He wrote, "Work is whatmen do. Non-work is what women do." (8)That housework is.work yet is not seen as work provides a central contradiction inthe lives of women. Not only does the contradiction undervalue and minimise the contri-bution of housewives, but it throws up ambiguities in relation to leisure, in a societywhere leisure is seen as a reward for work. The 'blurring' between work and leisure forhousewives is legitimated by their work not being valued as work. The necessity forleisure is therefore reduced. Women themselves internalise this view and see their men-folk as in greater need of leisure: ;C: "In most houses it's the man who goes out to work full time and they need jtheir leisure."During the course of the research,a number of women described themselves as "just ahousewife", and therefore expected to have little value to the project. However, on thewhole, women were aware of the significance of their contribution and of the fact thattheir work was not as valued as it should be. There was an overwhelming "No;" when askedthe question whether men understood the difficulties of running a home and bringing upchildren. Husbands who had looked after children for a spell "look right relieved tosee you when you get in"; "they're glad to go back to work - it's easier."Paid WorkEmployed women are still housewives. As Oakley says, "Employment does not alter thestatus (or reduce the work) of being a housewife." (9) 63% of the questionnaire samplehad a paid job. 33% of the total were in full time employment and 30% in part-time. Thepercentages approximate to the national figures. Of women aged 16-59 in Britain, 34% workfull time and 26% part-time. Involvement of married women in the workforce representsone of the major social changes in the past 50 years. In 1921, 2.8% of the workforce wasmade up of married women; in 1979, the proportion was 25.9%. In Stacey et al's twostudies of Banbury, in 1958 and 1967, "one of the major changes" between the two studieswas the number of working married women. They note however,"Upon closer investigation we found that the family is still the central lifeinterest for women and women still tend to undertake different work from menand for lower pay." (10)None of the women interviewed in Armley had a "career" in paid employment. Rather,motherhood was the career and paid employment was undertaken at intervals and for particularreasons. The women's experiences with work were discontinuous; jobs were taken notbecause of their intrinsic qualities but because they fitted with familial duties:-24-rs,alsotreat3surelistletE: "I used to be a nursery nurse really. But I've done all sorts.I've done home helps; I've done school crossings; I've doneanything. You see nursery nursing they don't have part time, sothat really puts that out of it."Jobs to do with the schools - dinner ladies, "lollipop ladies" - were popular.The servicing role of women's paid work is exemplified by the type of work done by theemployed women in the questionnaire sample. 27% served food, either as dinner ladiesor in a works canteen. 16% served in shops and 30% performed a service function inoffices. 1% were in nursing and 5% looked after children. 13% had jobs in factoriesand 4% were cleaners. One woman was an accountant, one was in charge of cateringservices in a large school, and one was a nursing sister. Thus the majority of jobswere related to a domestic and family servicing role. Lack of qualifications was oftenreferred to as an obstacle to acquiring other work. From their mid-twenties andthirties women looked back to lost opportunities at school, when the consequences ofleaving school without formal qualifications was not realised. The 13-18 year olds whowere interviewed showed the same lack of cognition. Their thoughts on work operated attwo levels. On the one hand there was optimism and hope for careers which were seen asexciting or fulfilling, hopes which if voiced by middle class sixth formers would nothave been unrealistic:"Nursing"."I want to be a computer technician"."I want to do something with art ... make-up, stage-work"."I'm going to America".On the other hand, there was a realistic appraisal of the job market. It was knownthat there were few jobs, and the girls expected difficulties in finding employment.Considerable time was spent by those who had left school looking for jobs."Half of them Cjobs) you phone up for out of the paper are all taken anyway.Or if you go for an interview they take one look at you, realize you're awoman and turn you down. They say no experience necessary, and -when yougo in they expect you to have some. They don't give you a chance to getexperience."Those who had not left school did not spend.a great deal of time thinking about theirfutures. Towards the tine of leaving, the girls appeared to "knock off" en masse - "weknock off every day, either morning or afternoon. They catch you sometimes but they don'tsay owt." Those who had left had done so without qualifications:R: "Did you take any exams at all?""I left straightaway. I had a job already so I left,let me stay anyhow. They said 'oh you won't pass'."Thev wouldn'tnesed:heLaThevork13.SilarDescriptions of the work carried out by those with jobs and wanted by those withoutprophesied future roles:"Look after little kids in a morning ... and then I'm in the kitchen,washing up in an afternoon." (work in a community centre)."I'd like to go into hotel work, room service and that, start off as achambermaid, but there isn't a right lot going.""It's tiring" is all one girl had to say about her job. The lack of satisfactiongained from work meant limited job commitment. (One woman had 10 jobs between leavingschool at 15 and having her first child at the age of 20.) This in turn was the result,superficially, of the lack of career guidance and the acceptance of those in educationand the teenagers themselves that the function of work was to fill in the years betweenschool and marriage. 3y the time that marriage did appear as a possibility, women werenot unhappy to leave unsatisfying jobs. The pattern therefore was to leave schoolwithout qualifications, pick up whatever work was available until marriage and children,regret lost opportunities when the children were toddlers or approaching school age, andreturn to work which demanded no qualifications, which simulated a service role, and whicafitted with family duties.The primacy of the family was often resented, either because the benefits of workwere lost, or because women knew they were being exploited. One woman mentioned thatthe bingo club was an important employer of women:"Because it's at a time when the husbands can watch the kids, until theycan get something that pays better because it's not very well paid. Theydon't keep their staff long, but it's an ideal going back to work job whenyou've been at home for a while having kids. Well it's a slave marketreally. They know that women are desperate for the money. It's likethese evening cleaning jobs. They know they are desperate for a bit ofextra money so they think "Ye"11 pay the least we can get away with; some-body will take it'."-25-Married women work for a variety of reasons, but usually it is out of necessity:S: "I don't think it's so much want to work as need to work to keep up withthe basic cost of living. To have more than the absolute basics you needto work. You can't possibly afford nights out and holidays and things likethat unless the woman's working as well.'Women are prevented from working whilst they have young children, yet this is thetime when extra income is most needed. It is also the stage when women most need a breakfrom home. One woman had given up her job in an old people's hospital and was at homewith, two young children:A: "I liked it and geriatrics are nice once you get used to them. I miss thecompany and getting away from the kids all the time. Nowt else to talkabout but how many teeth have they got, them sort of things, drives youcrackers."A job provides social contact, the opportunity to present oneself publicly, to"get dressed up", to "get out and meet different people". Apart from financial necessityand social contact, some women saw a job as part of a search for "meaning". These mothersexpressed the desire to "do more":J: "I think a lot of people are willing to settle to being a housewife,having a family. A lot of people find this all they want in life,they're just happy doing that and having a bit of social life ... Ihaven't the qualifications, but I'd like to get into ... community work."P: "I'd like to do more. I'd like to get really involved in something. iI am interested in medicine but I haven't the qualifications to go in 'for nursing or anything like that. I'd love to go in for nursing."Whilst paid employment gives both a wage and a feeling of entitlement to leisure, thereis less time in which to enjoy non-work activities. This woman explains why she has neverbeen able to attend evening classes: ;E: "When I was working I used to work while 6. I never had time for owtreally. I used to work from 3 while 6 and if any rush jobs come up Iused to work while 8 at night."HusbandsHusbands affected the leisure of their wives in three major ways: by their willingnessor lack of it to help in the home, thereby reducing the housework-load; by their own workand leisure behaviour; and by their attitude to their wives' leisure.Of the questionnaire respondents, 10% said that their husbands 'never' helped themffith housework, 19% 'rarely', 50% 'sometimes' and 21% 'always'. Respondents were alsoasked whether they wanted their husbands to help more often than they did. 59% said 'no'and 41% 'yes'. None of those interviewed lived in a situation where all jobs were sharedor where roles were exchanged. The usual pattern was for the wife to take responsibilityand for husbands to step in at crisis points to help with children or with specific tasks:A: "He helps with the children at desperation stage, but he helped a lotmore with Gemma (1st child) than Charlotte (2nd child). I don't knowif he's ever fed her or attempted to change her.'1 1P: "He never offers, but he dees if I play heck."One woman, whose husband is a qualified chef, said;"I don't think he has ever been in the kitchen, except when I have been poorlyhe has made some meals."Husbands were most likely to help in jobs which involved machinery:"My husband will get the vacuum out and he loves the new washing machine."Even if husbands help with certain tasks, the responsibility for seeing the task donealways remains with the woman. This responsibility may be as great a burden as is actuallycarrying out the work. Men's ability to 'switch off' from responsibility is resented:A: "He hoovers on a Sunday, that's his little bit for the week. He occasionallywashes up. It wasn't so bad when I was working, he helped a bit then. Hedoesn't seem to understand - like when he goes out on a morning, I've got itall day. It gets on his nerves after an hour at home, on a night, and I'vehad it all day. He can forget, just turn off when he goes out."Husbands tended to feel that if they were at work all day and their wives were notin paid employment, she should do all the housework. If a women was working outside thehome, the husbands expected to share more of the housework, but the responsibility stillrested with the wife. Over half the sample did not want more help from their husbands.-26-Two main reasons were put forward for this.properly or to the wife's standards:One was that husbands didn't do the job"Never criticise; and when they're not looking, do it over again."Secondly, thera was the fear of what others might think:"I said get away from the window - don't let everyone see you (vacuuming)...I don't like people to see him doing it - people will think I make himdo it."An underlying reason, however, and for full time housewives especially, is that it is essentialthat she maintains the knowledge that she does the housework best, that she is indispensible,for she has no replacement role or source of self esteem. To see one's role taken overeffortlessly would be too much - the 'helplessness' of the husband in a domestic role istherefore partially perpetuated by housewives themselves. It was those in full time workwho were most likely to want help from their husbands, and they were the most likely toreceive it.Daily life for housewives in Armley revolves around the routine of the breadwinner andthe children; women in paid employment slot their own work into this routine. The workpatterns of men are accommodated, as are their leisure patterns:"Most days he's out (to work) at half past seven at the latest and God knowswhen he'll be back. You never know when to expect him. Some days it'll be3 o'clock... and other days it could be 9.""I can't get a routine and get on... I can't make the tea for, say, 5 o'clock andhope he'll be home... you've got to wait until he comes and then make it, so itputs you out a bit.""(he) has football Saturday afternoon and Sunday morning, which doesn't reallyleave much time."Few men brought work home, in contrast to middle class men; 72% never did, 20% some-times did, and S% often brought work home. Wives were not particularly involved with theirhusbands' work and tended not to discuss it with them. Most were vague about their husbands'work - "He sells bearings and things like that. I don't know much about it." There wasequal vagueness about "their father's occupation in most cases - "He used to work at Oxygen;he was nowt in particular, he just used to work there. I don't know exactly what he did."The husband's work role sometimes caused conflicts of interest, whether it was becausework was brought home:"he's work mad. Sat in there last aight messing about with some bloomia'microchip boards, soldering this and soldering that and I'm sat thereknitting...." ; •or because the husband needed to switch off to recuperate;"when he does come home I say,sick of talking to people;1"'oh will you talk to me?' and he says, 'oh I'mEither way, the wife was excluded. Most of the husbands were involved in manual workand by the end of the day wanted to relax, usually in front of the television, whilst thewife wanted company, or to get out of the house.The questionnaire sample was asked, "Would you describe your husband as a 'family man'who likes to spend his free time at home with the family?" 61% said their husbands were"very like that", 32% a "little like that", and 7% "not at all like that". Men's leisurehas become increasingly privatised and centred on the home. The impression was thathusbands spent most of their free time at home, going occasionally to the pub or club withmale friends, and with their wives once a week to pub, club, or bingo club. The situationfound in Armley was far removed from that described in Ashton in the 1950's:"A man's centres of activity are outside his home... He works and plays, and makescontacts with other men and women outside his home." (11)The trend for hone consumption of alcoholic drink, films and other home entertainments,mainly due to the cost of going out, is acceptable to men who wish to recover from a day'scontact with the outside world. For their wives it is lack of contact with that worldwhich is braising.Respondents were asked whether their husbands went out without them. 17% replied"never", 56% "sometimes" and 27% "often". They were also asked whether their husbandswent out more often than they did. 6% of the husbands went out "much more", 35% "more",46% "the same" and 13% less than their wives did. Thus 41% of husbands went out moreoften than their wives, and only 17% of husbands only went out when accompanied by theirwives. (The leisure of nusbands is discussed more fully on pp.60-63.)-27-Some women, when asked whether they -.vent out in the evenings, proceeded to describewhat their husbands did, particularly if husbands were involved with committees or clubs.Many women deferred to their husbands' preferences:"It's my husband who likes films ... he'll watch anything and I have to tagalong y.ou see ... I like to see a film that I'd really like to see, but Isee some which I don't really want to see (laugh)."49% of the questionnaire sample said that they and their husbands "sometimes" haddisagreements about how to spend their leisure time, 6% "often" did, and 45% "never" did.Upon being widowed, such conflicts were obviously resolved and in a minority of casesfor the better:D: "Unfortunately the sort of things I liked were symphony concerts and thingslike that. Well if there was anything on the radio or television, it was"I'm not having that bloody row on" and so I got a lot of things on tape andretired to the back kitchen...."In addition to wives deferring to their husbands' preferences, some women wereactively constrained by their husbands:"My husband's one of these who doesn't like me going out on my own ....that's jealousy.""even in your spare time, if you do get a chance to go out on an evening,say you go out with the girls, if you go dancing the men usually say 'huh,going dancing, you mean going to pick someone up, I know*.... a friend ofmine really loves dancing and even if we get a night out, she has to reallyget round her husband to let her go.""Last Tuesday I went bowling and out for a meal,myself ... he sulks that I do."I thought I'd treatSome men did not see their wives as in need of any leisure:"my husband sees my six hour job as my leisure time, as that's the only timeI get from the kids."Other women felt held back from trying new leisure activities by the conservatism oftheir husbands:"My husband doesn't like foreign foods, he's a very beef and Yorkshire pudding man...He's predictable. He'll never have owt that's a bit different.""My husband will not go abroad. He's a person who believes in the traditionalEnglish breakfast and he definitely will not go abroad. He says 'there's farbetter places in England' and you can't talk him out of it. I don't think Ishall ever go abroad."It is difficult to generalise about relationships between husbands and wives; agreat deal of variety was found in Armley regarding the ways in which leisure was organised.Common to all the women, however, was that considerable changes had occurred in leisurebehaviour upon marriage, and especially on the arrival of a family. One woman said ofmarriage, "it's a drastic change - I don't think you realise just what a change it is."Women know that their life will change upon marriage; one 23 year old with 3 youngchildren said, "fair enough now, I've lived now, I've had what I call my freedom."Teenagers, 14-17 year olds, anticipated the loss of freedom too. A group of girlstalking about getting married said:"I don't want to really. Not for a long time. Have a bit of fun before Iget married.""You want to enjoy yourself while you're young.""You want to go on holidays and what have you.""If you're with your husband, you can't go out and have a laugh at others."It was acknowledged that friendships between girls altered when "going steady" witha boy-friend or when married. The ideal time to get married was seen as between 25 and30, "hopefully". It was expected that they would in fact marry before then. There weregood reasons for putting it off:"All men do is go out to work, spend all the money on beer and there's nowtleft for the rest of the family."-28-ChildrenBecoming a mother is an initiation rite - it creates a bond between mothers andgenerations of mothers. The initiation is to a group which has special knowledge:"The realisation - and it is shattering - that a lifetime spent in aschool, in a shop, factory or office, does not endow them with maternalinsights." (12)Few women expressed the contentment during pregnancy which expectant mothersare supposed to feel."Did you enjoy being pregnant?""Not this time. Not with Charlotte; well not with Gemma either."Although the birth is an achievement, a beginning about which joy and excitementmay be felt, it also signals a commitment to a way of life which will continue for manyyears to come. It is also, therefore, a time to mourn lost alternatives. Anxietyabout coping, coupled with physical tiredness, are acknowledged under the acceptablerubric of 'post-natal depression'. It is legitimate for women to feel this, iseilstreal anxieties and feelings of failure are retreated from. Most women are thus seento settle down to their vocation as mothers and to their new routines which revolvearound their offspring. It is not so much that babies take up time -"it is the totality of responsibility for a new life which is over-whelming. Even if the baby is good (i.e. sleeps), she can't enjoyher free time. She has to jump up every ten minutes to check thatthe child is breathing." (13)All the women interviewed had given up paid work on the arrival of children. Womeneither felt pressure from external sources that they should stay with their children, hadinternalised the ideology of maternal deprivation; or simply preferred to stay withtheir children:"a lot of people won't employ you because you've got a young child. Ionce applied for a part-time job... and they sent me this lettersaying because I had a young child they thought it advisable that Ididn't work. So they more or less told me I should stay at home withmy daughter, and she wasn't at home anyway, she was at school:""it comes from the professions too - you've only to listen to doctorsthat will say babies need their mother's love - the doctor would neversay the baby needs its father's love.'P.: "So you wouldn't have kids and go out to work?"17 yr. old: "It brings your kids closer to you if they're with youall the time as they're growing up."25 yr. old mother: "I don't like leaving her anywhere much if I canhelp it. I'd rather take her with me.""I don't want to have latch-key-kids, or other people to look afterthem. I don't want that. I love my kids and don't want anythingto happen to them. If I wasn't there and Samantha fell or Peterfell I'd feel terrible. I'd feel responsible. I shall stay at hometo look after them."A small number of women questioned the ideology of maternal deprivation; and didnot equate waiting some space away from their children as correlating with not lovingthem or neglecting them."I think we're brainwashed to think that because you love somebodyso much that eventually you would want something from both of you.""I was reading something in the paper - were it yesterday? - somethingabout - you know how they say it's just instinct for women to wantbabies and they're saying it's not at all" - they're saying that's justsomething men and doctors put over."Whilst the benefits of employment are lost, the full time housewife does not feelthe same sense of being 'rushed' as does the full time employee and mother:E: "I was 33., but it wasn't just that. It was having sc big a difference(in the children's ages). I'd got used to having money again - goingout to work for longer hours, and being able to leave her (not on her own -my mother was always there) - but I didn't have to think as much as what Ihave now with him. I've appreciated him more than I did Julie because Iused to work longer when I had Julie than I have with him. I seem to havehad more time with Daniel."However, the physical isolation of the home and the psychological isolation of beingalone with young children reduce confidence and social skills:"Now I don't get out as much as I liked to and get involved in differentconversations. Me and my husband, we used to argue about all sorts,you know, different subjects: now I never seem to get people talkingabout ... things that come up in the papers or on the telly."-29-"You tend to lose touch .....""You get very staid and boredChildren are full time work,let alone enjoy some 'spare'time:They make it difficult to carry out housework tasks,3: "I tend to do the ironing at night when he's gone to bed, because ifyou don't he's pulling the iron down. Even cleaning windows with himis a day's job."R: "Do you ever feel that she's too much and you want to get a break?"A: "Yes, frequently. She's very demanding. She'll play out for half-an-hour and she's fed up with her friends. She would rather have mesit and read stories to her and draw with her or do something with herbut she won't let me get on with housework. If I'm washing, that'sout of the question. I mean I hate washing anyway so that only makesit worse; so I'm stood there hating what I'm doing and she's coming insaying 'Mummy, read to me, tell me a story, play a game, do something' -anything:but don't leave her on her own to play with her toys;as long asI'm giving her my full attention, she's O.K. But as soon as my back'sturned and I start doing anything else she starts causing trouble."Interviews with women with young children, as other researchers will know, take farlonger than those with women who have no children present:R: "What, this one is 3 months now?"P: "She is - crawling and into everything. It's her starts you know.One minute she's O.K. and I think maybe she's playing me up-Colder childinterrupts 'Mum'.'It's all right, I'm watching her') and I think 'rightthen lady, you can moan', and then I think she might be poorly, let sieget her picked up, have a bit of peace."Time off is rare:"It's lovely to-day; I mean, one's in bed and the other two are out (withgrandparents). It's not often that I get such peace. I enjoy it; Imean I just like being on my own sometimes, you know, just that bit ofpeace and quiet and I get Sack to myself."Time off may be used for relaxation, but more often it is used to get on with housework:"In that hour she was gone I got all room done, kitchen done, beds made."Women are not able to be unequivocal in their criticisms of children and child rearing1.Megative statements about how demanding children can be are invariably followed by a positivecomment:"everybody that I see has got children, and it's 'are they crawling?','are they sleeping?', 'are they eating?'. I get bored with it all.I wouldn't have it any other way; I'm glad I've got them.""the other week, they were all at it, there were all three of them justcrying and whining; he (husband) was doing his nut and I was doing mynut ... he says, 'if you fall on, never nind the doctor giving you anabortion, I'll bloody give you one' .... just unbelievable you know...you just ... then other times you go upstairs, in bed and they look likelittle angels ... the good outweighs the bad you know."Women are conscious of their importance to their children and of the new child-centredideology; they have taken in enough of the popularised versions of the child psychologyliterature to know that they should be encouraging the child in certain ways. At the sametime, mothers in Armley did not always have the resources or the time to come up to whatthey thought was expected of them. They knew just enough to know that they had failed toreach certain standards, but not how to reach them. Mothers themselves locate the blamefor children's problems - "difficult" children, bed-wetting, delinquency, inability to readand write - firmly with parents and not witn external, structural factors:"A lot of parents don't bother. They just let children watch anything.They let them stay up late and roam the streets.""A lot of it is to do with their parents at home. There's no way my childcould get through school without learning to read and write ... you wouldn'tlet it get to that stage, surely, if you took an interest in your children."Lee Comer comments: —"do they (the child psychologists and teachers) imagine that they havenothing more urgent to do than play and talk all day with their children?Society's expectations of good motherhood, besides being contradictory,are also totally unrealistic." (14)I-30-Mobility(in?.:iveime|toOne of the taken-for-granteda "leisure explosion". Anotherof leisure time." (15) Whilst ihas been assumed that mobility isdecisions are made accordingly.countryside) has become, through"people have the ability to travefreed the family" (17) are made.assumptions of leisure scholars is that there has beenis that "car ownership has revolutionised people's uset is obvious that levels of mobility have increased, itspread evenly throughout the population, and planningStatements such as "for every city dweller, it (thethe motor car, an integral part of his environment," (16)1 further to better facilities" and "the automooile hasIn Armley, it was abvious that mobility is not spread equally through the population,and particular groups (the elderly, mothers with young children) were greatly constrainedby their lack of mobility, whilst others were not mobile in their own right but dependenton that of others. There were three levels of access to a car: first was the ability todrive, second was the ownership of a car, and third was availability of the car, i.e. evenif a family owns a car, it is the husband who normally has first priority on its use.67% of the women in the questionnaire sample could not drive and 43% of the households didnot own a car. 96% of the households of old age pensioners had no car.Compared to travelling by car, a great deal more effort is required when using publictransport. Often the effort is not seen as worthwhile, or public transport is simply tooexpensive:"You have to study your transport before you can do anything.""It's not easy getting on a bus with two kids.""It's not far I suppose, but if you've got some kiddies - a couple oflittle ones - it's quite a long way to walk, in the sense that it'suphill, or else there's your bus fares."Distance is measured in different ways by people with unequal levels of mobility. Onpublic transport distance is measured by the time taken to reach a destination, the numberof bus changes, the cost of fares, modified by the extent of knowledge of the route anddestination. Thus twenty minutes ia a car for a middle class women with children safelystrapped to the back seat is translated into Ij hours for the woman who travels by bus,one change cf bus, adult and children's fares, the extra effort of boarding children andpushchairs, plus the time taken waiting for the bus to arrive.Walking is a common way to get around.go to a keap-fit class:One wom-an explained why she didn't want to"No I wouldn't (go). I do that much exercise. You see I walk up to schoolin the mornings, then I walk home again. Then I walk back to pick him up andthen I walk home again. Then I walk up to school to pick her up and then I'veto walk home again. So I do enough without any more .... it's 4 miles from ourhouse to the school." 'The removal of facilities from within walking distance through closures of localswimming baths, cinemas and the ice-rink in Armley has not resulted in facilities inother areas being used instead. Women simply stop going unless it is with husbands incars:It was smashing for this"Just at the bottom there was a swimming bath.area but they've closed it down.""I can't go so much now myself without my husband because we go in the car.""There used to be Kirkstall baths and there used to be Arnley baths but nowthere isn't any. You've got to go to the International, and by the timeyou've paid your bus fares and you've paid to get in, and now they've putthe prices up, and that's getting out of the reach of the ordinary person."There ŝ_ an awareness of "mobility deprivation" and that "Next to people's homes,nothing affscts the quality of their lives so much as their own travel and that of otherpeople." (13) Yet recognition of the fact that the siting of facilities and provision ofeasy access to them has an important influence on their use, exists side by side with theattitude found for example anongst sports centre managers that "people will get there ifthey want to." (13)There is less awareness of the deprivation caused by lack of knowledge of the physicalenvironment, which can be related to lack of mobility. The mobility of men is related totheir work roles; they leave the local environment and travel to work, whereas house-wives work and live in the same locality. As Hayford says, "Women are universal in spacsand women are central ia. space. Men are universal in space and mobile in space." (20)The physical environment of the housewife shrinks to encompass the walk between home,school and shops. In such a "shrunken" world the perception of distance in the calcula-tion of actual distance from horae to a given point (say a sports centre or children'sfun park) may come co represent an insurmountable obstacle. To a mobile car owner usedto travelling longer distances, no obstacle is perceived.-31-FinanceIn addition to the spatial constraints which women saw themselves operating within,financial constraints were also prominent. The problem of finance emerged repeatedlywhen discussing leisure activities. Money is needed to overcome spatial constraintsand vital trips take priority over leisure trips:"I've taken her to the dentist this morning; it cost me 90p. She'sto go back a week on Tuesday and every four weeks for the next eighteenmonths. They talk about free Health Service ....."The worry of spending too much discouraged women from taking the family out for theday, to an annual show or to a fair. The cost of restaurants, cinemas, sports centresand bingo likewise deterred women, particularly if the whole family was to be involved.Men can more easily spend the cash which they have earned; they do not need permissionto dispose of their own gains. The position for women is different. Garvey comments:''The easy flow of cash from a man's back pocket is the gesture ofgenerations of financial dominance .... A woman's enforced caution tendsto compulsively translate six pints and two gin-and-tonics into newsocks for the children." (21)Women do not control the cash which comes into the household and therefore cannotdispose of it as they wish. When the situation is modified by a woman having her ownincome from paid employment, it is still not money which she feels able to spend exactlyas she wishes. Although ostensibly there is a choice, there is not so long as thechildren need essential items:"It (job) means I have a few pounds in my pocket which I wouldn't other-wise have. I just use it for myself. If I need some new clothes or ifJoanne does I usually spend it on that.""I'm trying to save a bit for a holiday but just now, like, the childrenneed shoes."A job is seen as an escape from the total economic dependence of the housewife state:"I'm a person who likes to earn my own money. I don't like to be withoutmoney. I like to earn it, to earn your own money - to be independent."Pahl offers a three part typology of systems of organising finance within the house-hold. (22) The whole wage system where the man's entire wage is handed to the wife wasfound to be more common in the north of England. The husband received a small amount ofmoney back for his own use. The 'allowance system' is perhaps the most common, with thewife receiving an allowance, the "housekeeping", related to the needs of the family eachweek. A number of studies have shown that wives often do not know how much their husbancearn and therefore are ignorant of the proportion allowed to them. (23) A third system,a "pooling system", is more characteristic in households where both partners are earning.That income is a sensitive issue is reflected in the dearth of data about control ofhousehold income. Michael Young noted this lack in 1952, commenting that it was takenfor granted that some family members could not be rich and others poor. (24) In 1973he and Willmott made a similar point:,._ "The Welfare State has certainly brought about some redistribution of1 , income from men to women and children ... about the disposal of earnedincome inside the family, the evidence is more circumstantial." (25)It cannot be assumed that income is distributed "fairly" within a family or thatequal amounts are allocated to each family member for leisure spending. With morecertainty it can be said that "control of the cash is a crucial factor in domesticpower relationships." (26)Most of the women in Armley budgetted not monthly or even weekly but in shorter timeperiods:"Well by Tuesday morning I'm ready for some more money. We live fromone pay time to another. What I get on a Thursday lasts me through'til Monday and then my Family Allowance lasts me through 'til Thursdayagain.""I tend to go from day to day ... I get paid on a Saturday night beforeI leave work and the only money I spend is when I go and get my weekendstuff from the shop at the end of the street, and then I buy in every day."Families in Armley are not wealthy. Most have enough to "get by", but others onlyjust get by. "If it-wasn't for getting things given we wouldn't be able to manage".One woman explained that from Thursday (pay-day) to Monday she had £20 for housekeepingand on Tuesday she collected £14 Family Allowance which lasted until the followingThursday. Her husband paid the bills but from her £34 she had to feed and clothe-threechildren and two adults. Another estimated that she needed between £60 and £70 at theminimum to run her household, with three children aged between 9 and 14 and two adults.-32-jWomen's Livesl in ,Every day is budget dayThe waiting game - public transportWomen get togetherDaughter, Mother, Granc/mofnerNeighboursShe brought home less than £20 a week from her job as a "lollipop lady",are expensive:Childreniwives"We definitely wouldn't have had any more - as I say we couldn'tafford any more. Julie's going to the High School in Septemberand it's going to cost me about £2 a week for her bus fares; she'sjust out of the 3-oiile limit. She has packed lunches and I workedit out to-day, it'll cost me 56p for a packed lunch. You get £4a week family allowance but that is just the bus fare and packedlunches. When I go out I can pay £12 or £14 for a pair of shoesfor her which hardly last her more than two or three months. I pay£9 for a pair of shoes for Daniel and he's only 3. He grows outof them and it's the same with Julie; she's just growing and growing.The amount of money we spend on clothes for children is just terrible.Julie's not a child - they count her as an adult and there's VAT onadults' clothes. It's not right, but they do. You see she takes asize 6 in a shoe which is an adult's size. So, as I say, I can payanything up to £14 and they can't wear anything modern, you see,because it's school uniform where they go - strict uniform which Iquite like. Nobody objects to it at school either and I think it'sgood for them to wear school uniform. But they can only wear, like,certain types of shoes."The hardships of 1981 are relatively light compared with those remembered fromchildhood:"We were really poor .... we couldn't afford cups, we had to drink outof jam jars." (34-year old)"On a Monday morning you'd see people with big parcels going to thepawn shops. There used to be pawn shops everywhere ... (they'd)take their husbands' suits and pawn them just to get some money tobuy meat." (72-year old)"Two double beds in the bedroom. You'd climb over one to get to theother; boys slept in one and girls in the other bed and niy parentsslept on the living room floor for years and years." (36-year oldwith 10 brothers and sisters)"My mother didn't go out. Full stop. Once ... she says 'we'll goto your grandmother's' and it was raining. It was Sunday and I said'why do we always have to go to my grandmother's when it's raining?VFhen sun's shining we don't go anywhere! I didn't realise at thetime that she had no Sunday clothes to go out in; when it was rainingshe could put her mac on and go out." (48-year old)Although the standard of living for these women had risen, all the woman sponta-neously brought up the problem of inflation and how difficult they found householdbudgetting in the 1980's. This made their job as housekeepers more difficult:"My family like a lot of meat. John won't have a meal of fish and chipsor beefburgers or things like that. Every night he's got to have steakor chicken. I just can't afford to buy that and keep them decentlydressed as well.""I will walk from one shop to another shop to another shop (to find thecheapest) .... and I'll economise. I won't go on the bus if I can walkit. Many a time I'll go into town and I'll walk it."Leisure spending is affected first; it is the wife's leisure spending which is cut,due to the internalised view that leisure is a reward for paid work:R: "Do you find if a family has to squeeze a bit it's the woman whostops going out before the man?""Oh definitely. Mind you, there again, In most houses it's the manwho goes out to work full time and they need their leisure."In relation to leisure spending, households in Armley could be classified by theirability and willingness to save money. There were four groups: those who found saving"virtually impossible" due to low incomes ; those who could save but preferred to spendsurplus cash; those who regarded themselves as upwardly mobile and were saving hard toreach certain targets; and those who were relatively established and middle-aged, hadacquired a certain standard of living and had surplus cash.More than half the questionnaire sample felt that there was not much point insaving. 45% agreed that "you've got to plan ahead" but 28% felt that "sometimesplanning ahead gets you nowhere" and 27% "there's no point in planning ahead."' Of theinterviewed women, many felt there was no point saving up for old age as they couldobserve others who had not saved receiving supplementary benefit and being as well off:"We've both worked all us bloody life and not got that much out of it... when I get to pension age they're going to keep me. I'm notsaving up. Why should I? If I've some money I'll spend it."-33-The upwardly mobile were prepared to make sacrifices in order to save, to moveout from the core of Armley with its older, 19th Century housing and small new "town-houses" to the edges of the community or to adjoining neighbourhoods with betterhousing. Two indicators of potential .-nobility are the extent to which, husbands areambitious in their careers and the degree of willingness to move from the communityto better housing. Of the interviewed women, more described their husbands as "happyjust driving" or "not ambitious to go higher" than as impatient for promotion and change.Of the questionnaire sample, 27% described their husbands as "very keen to get ahead",26% "fairly keen" and 47% as "content to stay where he is". 15% of the questionnairesample said that they would like to move from their present area, and 27% said wherethey lived was "all right for the time being". The remainder were happy in Armley;the aspiring families were therefore in a minority. Those happy to stay in Armley,however, may simply have been responding in a realistic way to a situation where itwas not possible for them to move even if they wanted to.The key to upward mobility is in the husband's career and income, and the measureof mobility is the type of house which can be purchased. The aspiring group had apecuniary model of society - class divisions could be breached by working hard andsaving. Some,however, still expressed ambiguity regarding saving: j"We are desperately saving up and we're hoping to move into a detachedhouse in about six years. If you are really determined to work, thenyes you can make it .... Sometimes I say to my husband 'I don't thinkit's worth saving up for your old age' because I've seen so many peoplesave up for their old age and they can't get anything, and others whohaven't saved up getting really made out for."The goal of owner-occupancy had consequences for leisure spending and for priorities:"Christine would spend all her wages on going to the bingo, but ourpriorities are different. We are having all the staircase done.We'd rather do something in the house, or have a holiday."Other things are sacrificed too -"we couldn't afford to have any more kiddies ... when we plan on movinginto our own house, when I can afford to go out to work, earn some moremoney .... If we do have any more kids we'll have to stay here for therest of our lives because we couldn't afford to buy a house on his wage ".alone." (24-year old with one child). .This future-orientation was missing in non-aspiring families. "The future? I prefernot to think about it" was a frequent comment. Often the wives in non-aspiring householdshad more money and time to spend than those in aspiring households. In the latter,husbands tended to work late and help less with the children and housework. This wasaccepted in the knowledge that a goal was to be reached:"I don't mind as he:s working just as hard as me, if not harder, andhe's doing it for us - we're working for something."Families which had moved into their own house had quite a different "leisure profileto those in council or rented accommodation, or in shabby older housing. As Young and'fillmott noted, of the families which had moved from the traditional working classcommunity of Bethnal Green to the new suburbs of ffoodford:"Their lives outside the family are no longer centred on people; theirlives are centred on the house. This change from a people-centred toa house-centred existence is one of the fundamental changes resultingfrom the migration." (27)Such a move has a number of implications for leisure spending, the allocation oftime and the relationship between husband and wife. The house provides endlessopportunities for improvement and maintenance and therefore expenditure. Often thisentails both partners working together and carrying out the work together too. AlthoughYoung and Willmott say that "Her role is to admire her husband's skill" (28) it wasfound in Armley that in "aspiring" families, husband and wife had more joint leisureactivities.PowerIt was noted above that one of the naivities of leisure studies is that the implication1of the economic and political realities within which people operate are not explored. InArmley, therefore, it was necessary to investigate the women's perception of the socialstructure and' their position within it. It was not systematically set about to locatewomen within a typology of responses to the structure, for example, to use Parkin'stypology of "dominant", "negotiated" or "onpositional" responses. (29) Such frameworkswere found useful, but the aim of the questioning' was simply to explore and to report whatworking class women feel about the political structure, government, the monarchy, unionsand other elements or the structure within which they have little nower.-34-Ise.Glastonbury makes an observation about women which points to reasons for'conservative":women being"The habit of compliance, the avoidance of conflict, the unremittingdemands of the immutable human needs which they strive to satisfy, alltended to reinforce the conservatism in the women and make them scepticalof the possibility of political change." (30)Women in Armley presented seemingly contradictory views. In terms of inter-personal relationships the women were found more receptive to change than were theirmenfolk. They expressed interest in boys and girls changing roles (boys doing cookeryat school for example) whilst stating that husbands became angry at sons playing withdolls or daughters being too tomboyish. Women felt less threatened on a personal levelby change. At the societal level, however, they were more concerned than men aboutsudden change and militancy. They presented both deep seated resentment at a systemwhich produced class divisions, but also concern about moves to fundamentally change thestatus quo. Individuals expressed both acceptance of the system and opposition to it.There was a large amount of frustration about the present government. The teen-agers were particularly vehement; for them unemployment was the only index of the nation'swellbeing. They personalised their anger on to the Prime Minister:ies:"You should get Margaret Thatcher out of the shop.I can't stand her. If I had a gun I'd shoot her.stab her. It was all ri«?ht before she got in."She's a right 'un her;If I had a knife I'dhefertholdsAt a more local level anger was projected on to the immigrant community, whose presencewas not particularly visible in Armley:"They should send the immigrants back. They take 45% of our jobs.""We'll all be Pakis soon. The place is swarming with them. Look atBradford."R: "What do you think about the future in this country?"1st: "Not a lot. Very bad if you don't get rid of all the immigrants."2nd: "There isn't no future."3rd: "They sight as well blow the world up."4th: "There's nowt to be done though, is there?"1st: "Not until Maggie gets out, then it's too late to do owt."R: "How could things change for the better?"1st: "Get Maggie out straight away. Fetch Labour in.send immigrants back."Then they aightInks"WhatInsFrom the older women there were strong feelings too. Some felt that they had workedall their lives, for example in the mills, and had achieved little at the end of it. Insome women, frustration took the. form of racism. A redundant weaver said:"Don't get me wrong. I didn't used to be colour prejudiced. I amnow. I really am because- coloured people can just come to thiscountry and just get what they want and the whites are shoved to thewall."Considerable anger was expressed about the government, that things which they feltwere important - health and education - were being decimated, and at rising costs andunemployment. In general it was felt that the Tories had no understanding of the lotof ordinary people. Criticism of the government did not necessarily entail support forthe opposition. There was a feeling that whichever party was in power the situationwould be the same, and that whilst it was important to vote, the "ordinary person" hadlittle control over events:R: "Do you think ordinary people have much power to change things?"J: "No because I don't think they listen to them. I think a lot of itis that they want to know what the people want, but they don't want todo anything about it."R: "Do you think we'd be any different under a Labour government".Ch.: "Different, yes. Whether we'd be better off or worse off is highlydebatable. But it would be different."R: "Do you think people worry about the country becoming too left wing?"Ch: "I don't honestly think there are people in our walk of life who do.You just sort of accept 'Oh well, the bloody government'11 do as itpleases and we just have to put up with what they decide to do."C: "You've certainly got to vote when elections come up, but when itcomes down to the crunch,they'11 do as they please."T: "When the general election comes along I don't vote, because I don'tbelieve in governments, because all governments are the same. Itwasn't really any better when the Labour government was in. Theordinary working class people have no control. They're just like dogs,they've got to obey the top people. It's really bad and it'll get worse.Eventually there'll be riots everywhere for just ordinary common rights."(This was before the riots of 1981).-35-Despite these feelings about government, there was still the assumption that thestructure was correct - the problem was that the occupants of powerful positions werenot altruistic enough. There was agreement that leaders were necessary - "it's niceto look up to them". One woman suggested:"I don't think they ought to have Tory, Labour, Liberal and all those.They ought to get a selection of people together like a jury and letthem decide on what the majority wants."In the same way that there was a need for a "jury", so was there a need for themonarchy; and for a "boss" -" but I don't think you can run a place without a boss. I think you arealways going to have somebody who won't work.""I don't nind the Queen. England has always had a monarchy so peopleexpect the Queen to be there and Prince Philip...."The monarchy was accepted as given:R: "Did she (communist friend) want to abolish the monarchy?""Oh yes; atheist as well."R: "Would you agree with that about the monarchy?""No, I've never given them a second thought. They're there and that's it."The cost of the extended Royal Family was criticised however, as was the cost of theRoyal Wedding:"The ordinary working class people are paying for that wedding. The bighouse they'll live in - all our husbands are paying for that. I thinkthere should be a King and a Queen, but the rest of them - no."All the interviewees criticised expenditure on the non-immediate Royal Family, but onlyone woman was in favour of abolishing the whole institution.Whilst their powerlessness w.as expressed in class terras, the reasons for classdivisions were not seen in terms of political power. Approximately half felt that itwas possible to leave working class origins through hard work and saving. Class wasalso seen as a matter of attitudes:"There are class barriers still and a lot of snobbery about class bypeople who like to think of themselves as upper class or middle, andI think it'll always be there as long as people are in that frame ofmind - they associate with people of their own background and educationso there'll always be a class barrier."The lack of power and class barriers are felt in two ways in relation to leisure.Firstly, decisions about leisure facilities are obviously out of the hands of thecommunity; facilities are closed or restructured without reference to former customers.Armley baths, the skating rink and the cinemas have disappeared to the dismay of theresidents. The baths with the attached washhouse was an important focus in Armley,but:"The Corporation wanted it out. They got you out because what theydid was they put the money up to £1.50, so a few bought washers, afew stayed on and they just shut it down, and they ended up havingit as a skateboard place, which didn't last more than a year, and theyspent a load of money doing it up converting it into that - it lasteda year and then faded out. So what they did was pull it all down andmake it into a Sports Centre. It's been shut for two years. Butthe washhouse were a place on its own...."The same lack of control over facilities is present in other spheres of life, suchas housing. The process engaged in by owner occupiers is completely different to theway in which many people in Armley move house. One woman, who had lived in a housewhich she described as:"no kitchen, outside loo and no bath, well only one thick with rust,and two bedrooms and we lived in there about eighteen months, and ohin winter the pipes used to freeze..."also described the way in which she "moved":"about a month later we just got a letter out the blue saying we'dgot some keys ... it was smashing."Women never know if their husbands might be laid off, temporarily or permanently.As one of Benyon's Ford workers said of the management, "They tell you nothing. Allyour pay can be stopped and they tell you nothing." (31) One woman talking of herfather said, "He was put on the sick and because he was off for such a long time,theymade him redundant." In such an environment, the lack of control over leisure issimply seen as part of a larger powerlessness.-36-The other way in which class barriers are experienced is in the exclusion fromcertain activities. One woman describes the squash club and the bingo club, whichare next door to each other, and owned by the same businessman:"The squash club is very privileged. When I had to take some changeinto the squash club they looked at me as if to say 'what are youdoing in here9' Nobody spoke. It's a very unfriendly atmosphere.When the bingo have parties or anything like that, if any of thesquash players have walked through, they have taken one look and gonestraight back."Perception of the participants in a particular activity can be a barrier. Forexample, of evening class goers, one woman said:"I must admit at certain times I find myself thinking of them asthem rather than as people like us ... and I still do think attimes that they must know better how to do things than I do."Theatre and ballet were also seen as 'not for us'.R: "Why do you think people don't go to the theatre and ballet?"P: "I don't know. I think if you are brought up with it. BecauseI don't find it ... when it's on the telly for hours and hours -opera - I don't see how people like it. I think it must be anacquired taste."R: "So you think it's the way you're brought up?"P: "Yes. They seem to be that end of the scale don't they?My next door neighbour went to see Ipi Tombe; but she's inAmateur Dramatics you see. Maybe not, maybe it's not theway you're brought up..."Constraints are seen at the immediate level, such as being too tired to go out atnight, not being able to get baby-sitters, not having certain skills and so on. Thequestionnaire sample was asked to consider how important nine factors were in preventingthem going out during the evenings. (Table 1) Thus women were conscious of some of themore immediate factors which limited their leisure time and which constrained them usingleisure' time in the way that they preferred.Some women, particularly the younger ones, asserted that they had a right to leisure.Whilst greater rewards (i.e. more leisure time) within the existing structure were seen asdesirable and possible, no-one questioned the structure itself. Government policies werecriticised but radical changes to the power structure were not considered. Likewise, thecontent of television programmes was criticised but the rights of those in control ofthe production of programmes to produce what they thought the public wanted were notquestioned. The lack of questioning may be partly due to the fact that the working: classhas always worked within a structure which is not of its own making-. Also it may bea function of attempts to maximise harmony within the neighbourhood; talking politics"leads to unpleasantness", whilst a premium is placed on privacy and "keeping yourself toyourself". Information on how to deal, for example, with officers from the DHSS orother figures is not shared, with consequences for the development of an articulatedsolidarity. Questions are not asked for fear that the answers will be too unpleasant.Thus, one young woman said, "My dad, he had an operation ...I think it was something nearhis heart. I don't know just what it were and I didn't ask my mam or I'd have got upset."The response from a middle class family may have been quite different, with demands to knowexactly what was wrong and then to demand that treatment was adequate for the complaint.Knowledge about one's situation is necessary before questions about it can be asked.Women in Armley were not in full possession of knowledge of the factors which structuredtheir situation; lack of access to knowledge is fundamental to their lack of power.Table 1 : Factors which constrain going out in the evenings• ' % PreventedVery oiten Sometimes NeverCan't afford to go out more 36 44 20Too busy at home 19 46 35No-one to go out with 6 34 60Don't like to leave the children 19 37 44Afraid of being mugged or attacked 17 25 58Can't get baby-sitters 22 28 50Have nowhere to go 13 24 63Husband doesn't like to dothe things I like to do 15 21 64Too tired to go out at night 21 58 21-37-What is "Leisure"?It has been established that women's leisure takes place within a frameworkrelated to her role as housewife. Before finding out what the women actually didin their leisure time, it was necessary, in view of the concern regarding theapplicability of the current definitions of leisure to women, to establish what womenin Armley felt about the term "leisure".The women who were interviewed found it difficult to describe "leisure". Theinitial, off-the-cuff, response in group discussions was to say that they had no leisure."Leisure" was not a subject which was consciously thought of - all the women had to sitand think very hard what it meant to them. The married women with full-time employmentmay have had no "leisure":"You've got housework to do, and your meal to do;get up and you go to work"you go to bed and youwas one description of a typical day. Yet 33% of the questionnaire respondentsdisagreed that they "never have any free time." Conversely, 89"- disagreed that they"often .have free time on my hands which I don't know what to do with"; 74% describedthemselves as "busy" and 72% felt that they didn't have enough time to do all the thingsthey would like to do. So the majority do have free time but not as much as they wouldlike.Discussion of time is complicated by the fact that not having any free time isoften seen as a virtue, as is "being occupied". As one woman said, "I think people areafraid of admitting they've got leisure time." A second woman inadvertently confirmedthis by stating with obvious pride:"Well I'm 72 and I get up every morning around about 8 o'clock and Inever sit down all day until 6 or 7 in the evening, and then I mightwatch the TV but I'm always knitting at the same time. I don't seemto have any spare time."This was particularly so for the elderly and middle-aged, born before the ''recreationboom" of the 1950's. A housewife in her twenties explained,"we have a different attitude .... we think we're entitled to somethingdifferent to just housework, to have other pleasures apart from justlooking after kids...."Even so, most women liked to "be occupied". Of the questionnaire sample, 70" agreed"I can't sit and do nothing; I like to be occupied."It is commonly assumed that housewives are one category of people for whom work andleisure are blurred. The women themselves did not think so - 88% disagreed with thestatement, "I can't really tell what's "leisure" and what's "work"." Thilst women mayswitch from "work" to "leisure" more frequently and quickly than men, and whilst ivhat is"work" to some women is not to others, the women themselves are able to distinguish thetwo.The majority did not feel that housewives deserved more leisure than those out atwork all day; 69% disagreed with the statement, "r'eople who are out at work all daydeserve more leisure than those who are at home all day". The'people' element ofleisure was important. 78% agreed with the statement, "Who you do things with ismore important than what you do." Leisure was certainly not, as described in one muchused definition, "a number of occupations in which the individual may indulge of hisown free will.... after discharging his professional, family and social duties." (32)Family duties may not have been engaged in of "free will" yet they would be seen asleisure; 68% of the questionnaire sample disagreed with the statement, "I can neverreally be "at leisure" when the family is around."The sample was divided between those who saw leisure as 'diversion' and those whowished to be 'stimulated'. 51% agreed that they "like leisure activities which areintellectually stimulating" and 55% said "I like leisure activities where I can relaxand don't have to think."Few of the women could offer their own definitions of "leisure":"I class leisure as something that you enjoy doing ana which you getpleasure out of. I don't think it matters who you're with or whatyou're doing.""You don't have "leisure"... but ... I do things which I like doingbest, which isn't housework (laugh) but you can't do that with afamily, you've got to liave a routine or there'd be no meal on thetable."The word "leisure" is not in common usage. Surrogate words were "pleasure" and"rest". The women did not discuss leisure in terras of time or use a "residual"definition of it. Rather, they referred to leisure as a quality: cooking a mealwithout pressure from children and the demands of other work could be carried out in a"leisurely" fashion: rushing to get a meal ready for a husband's return whilst thechildren demand attention is "work", A sybaritic bath when the children are asleepis "pleasure" and "rest"; a hurried bath whilst rushing to do something else is not.ire.jitlentIigsilditicnkreedbidisteAs "leisure" had not consciously been thought about before, the discussiongroups acted, in part, as consciousness raising sessions about leisure and work.In only one discussion however did the group come to the conclusion that women didhave needs in their own right, which were not being met. The next step was todiscuss how to meet these needs, even though the needs themselves were only semi-articulated. The question posed by one woman, "well, what dp we want?" drew ablank.A Typical WeekIt is difficult, using a questionnaire, to get away from an "activities approach",where leisure becomes a list of activities which the respondent does or does not do.Not only is leisure more than 'activities' but also respondents tend to have an imageof themselves as participants in certain activities when this may or may not be so.The difficulties of finding out how people spend their leisure time is illustrated bythese sample conversations:R: "What do you do in your spare time?"E: "I haven't all that much spare time (laughs), but when I have anyspare time I go to my caravan."R: "Where's that?"E: "At Eadingron again Withernsea. Or else I help with the Scouts.-Whenever they want I go and help them and I'm a supporter of the bandat Church. That's the Scout band."R: "How many nights a week do the Scouts take up?"E: "Well it just depends if there's owt on. Once a month there'sGroup Council meeting - that's for parents. And then if there'sany jumble sales or anything like that we go up and organise jumblesales or anything like that."R: "Through the week do you tend to be out every night?"E: "Oh, no; I'm never cut. I go to bingo on the Wednesday night upat Church, but that's the only night I go out."R: "You're act out at weekends?"E: "If he isn't working at weekends we go to the Caravan. we don'tgo now because he has got to work at weekends because they wantthings out."The first activity this women, Edie, thought of was going to her caravan. Aftermentioning two other activities, the Scouts and bingo, it transpires that "we don'tgo now"to the caravan. The second activity which is mentioned, the Scouts, accountsfor perhaps one night a month, depending "if there's owt on". The statement is thenmade "I'm never out", but then she says she plays bingo every Wednesday at the Church.One difficulty arises as playing bingo, or going regularly to a social club or pub, isnot seen as "going out" - these activities are simply part of a weekly routine of whichrespondents are unconscious.The problem is illustrated again by this conversation, where Anne says that shegoes out once a week, every Wednesday. Later it appears that she goes out sore oftenthan this:R: "Do you go out at all in the week?"A: "You mean pleasure? Yes, I go out once a week. I go to the HallRoad club, but I don't go before quarter to nine, and I have a game ofbingo and a couple of glasses of lager and then I come home."R: "What time do the bingo sessions start?"A: "Half past nine, so if you go in about quarter to nine there's somemusic on, but nobody goes in before nine o'clock and I wait for my niecebecause she goes to the Church bingo there, then she comes at half pastnine. And then we leave at half past ten. She plays at St. Bart'sfirst; she's a bingo fanatic. I normally go out on a Sunday, sometir.esI do, sometimes I don't. Probably when the weather gets a bit warmer Imight do."R: "Does your husband ever go?"A: "Oh yes, we go on a Sunday together."There is no indication, before asking a direct question, whether she went out aloneC"i normally go out") or with others.Another type of statement which could not be taken at face value came from motherswho took their children to activities yet it sounded as though they were activeparticipants:R: "You go dancing as well?"T: "Yes, Irish dancing; I go every Thursday night and every Sundayafternoon."An additional question is necessary:R: "Do you dance?"T: "No, I don't dance - just Marilyn .. It's not for adults, it'son a Wednesday night, so we've quite a busy week!"Few statements could be taken without further probing. One respondent had alarge motor boat in the back yard, which conjured up leisurely cruises on the canal:R: "You've got a boat...."P: "Yes...." *"R: "Has it ever been in the water?"P: "It never goes anywhere. It's a dry water boat is that (laugh).I wouldn't go out in the bloody thing, would I hell. We went outand got bloody stuck."In the interviews, such probing could take place.. On the questionnaire, however,the effort to produce a realistic picture of a week's activities took the form ofasking the respondent to write down everything she had done in the previous seven evenings.Respondents were also asked whether this was a typical week.The number of times which a particular activity was mentioned was added up to givea total number of 'mentions' for each activity. Television was the single activitywhich was mentioned most often, and therefore is categorised separately. Otheractivities were categorised into six groups. (Table 2). The respondents are organisedinto four groups; old age pensioners, part-time workers, full-time workers and housewives.The full-time workers group is sub-divided into those with children and those without.Of the total sample, television accounts for a full third of the activities mentioned.Together with other activities which take place in the home, home based activities accountfor 65.5% of the activities mentioned (i.e. with housework and a proportion of "friendsand relatives"). 10.3% of the activities mentioned were housework and a further 3.2% werepaid work. Roughly speaking, one third of the time is spent outside the home, one thirdwatching television and one third engaged in other activities at home, (see Table 11).Table 2 : Proportion of "mentions" given to categories of activities (from Questionnaire')OAPs Part-timeWorkersFull-timeWorkerswithChildrenFull-timeWorkerswithoutChildrenHousewives TotalTelevision 48.0 30.7Other Activities:In home 17.7 19.9Out of home 19.3 19.3Housework 0.7 15.3Friends andrelatives 14.3 9.3Work - 5.531.414.824.820.05.63.429.211.334.910.39.44.934.816.230.26.911.933.616.325.610.311.03.2The effect of stages in the family life cycle on leisure activities has been welldocumented. The Rapoports in particular have adopted the life-cycle framework as auseful tool. (33) They propose that individuals develop their lives along three lines -work, family and leisure - and that a "career" evolves in each of the three spheres. (34)Whilst an approach which acknowledges the relationship between leisure and the familylife-cycle can be used to highlight the way in which "the family" impinges on women'stime and space (35), the idea of an individual "career" may detract from this. AsTalbot notes, "It could be argued that the majority of women follow family leisurepatterns, with only men and a few, more privileged, women having the supportive net-works and freedom to follow individuated leisure patterns." (36)The typical weeks of 91 questionnaire respondents are reproduced here, in order ofchronological age, to demonstrate the stages of the family life-cycle. The leisureactivities of teenagers and the elderly is discussed in more detail than that of otherage groups as they are less easily discussed under the label "housewife".TeenagersThe activities of adolescents have perhaps received more attention than have tnoseof any other age group. Adolescence, as a time of turbulence, exploration and comingto terms with an adult identity, often results in leisure behaviour which is appealingto those concerned with leisure as a "problem". Football hooliganism, glue sniffing,teenage drinking, youthful sex, provide rich pickings as subjects of study. Women inArrnley too, isolated teenagers, particularly teenage boys, as being the age group withthe worst "leisure problem":-40-jrives.loned.tountird"They drive us round the twist on a night, playing football on here ...windows broken. My husband spends half his life with his head OUT: thewindow watching his precious car ... Most Wednesday nights at the YouthClub we've got seniors hanging about as soon as the juniors go home, 'Canwe come in for half an hour? - we've nowt else to do, we're bored'."The presence of gangs of boys in the streets was often cited as a reason for olderwomen not venturing out at night, whilst the mothers of teenagers expressed a greatdeal of concern:"She wanted to do to a disco last night and I didn't want her to go.I'm frightened now for her - it's not like when I was a kid. Weused to go on to the streets and never used to worry about it, butyou can't do that now.""Each year we're going to have something new to combat ... you thinkthat your child wouldn't do that ... our Jane seems quite an intelligentkid - she's no need to build up her confidence by smoking (dope)."From the age of 13 onwards, mothers worried about their sons breaking the law andabout their daughters breaking sexual taboos. The level of provision for this agegroup was severely criticised:".... we used to take him to the Social Services Department but theycouldn't do anything, which to me seems wrong because there shouldbe something they can do for him.""There doesn't seem to be any counselling for the lads. I know at thecentre we have the Youth Club which does help because it gets them offthe streets which keeps them out of trouble by giving them something todo."The Youth Clubs in Armley were lively, well attended places, which did not presentthe dilemma to youngsters of being cast as 'clubbable' or 'unclubbable' as did theyouth clubs of the 1960's, which offered wholesome activities as an antidote to what"youth" would get up to if left to its own devices. The observations of non-youthfulvisitors are not accurate descriptions of what happens; one describes the scene:"Young people, mostly boys, cluster round the walls, smoking and staringinto space, and the wide dance floor remains empty. That's all thereis to it - nothing else will happen. Eventually the music will beturned, off and everyone will go home." (37)It is not the aim of this research to find out what "happens" when large numbers ofyoung people interact, but it is certainly not the case that "nothing happens". Spaceis all that is asked for: tR: "What makes a good youth club?"14-year old: "Being big and lots of room."There was little alternative to the youth club:"(We) play table tennis, listen to the records, talk to friends. It'son Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and Sunday. I come every day. There'snowt else to do. You're just out on the streets if you don't come.""Drinking, drinking, drinking. There's nowt else to do for our age group.Maybe a disco in town once a week but all the discos in town are for over13s."3ingo was for "old biddies". Only one girl, aged 18, played, at a workingmen'sclub, to which she went with her father. What the teenagers wanted to talk about wastheir experiences with drugs, with sex, and changing relationships with parents. Itis perhaps true to say that, just as Roberts sees recreation for adults revolving aroundthe 'big five1 of television, drink, tobacco, sex and gambling (38), the recreation ofteenage girls in Armley revolved around the 'big three' of drink, boys and discussion.The latter was usually about adults, themselves, boys, jobs, sex.16-year old: "....we've talked violence, let's talk about sex."H: "Do you see the two as going together?"1st: "Yes, violent sex." Cgiggles)R: "How old are girls when they first start ....?"1st: "About 12 or 13."• 2nd: "You get a bad name if you sleep with somebody - like "slag" ....if he's a blabbermouth he'll tell his mates."1st: "You want to get somebody who doesn't tell anybody and who's reallyashamed afterwards."2nd: "You go out with one boy and you think they might not be going outwith you for what you are, they're going out to see what they can getfrom you."-41-R: "So how old do lads tend to be when they first go out with girls?""Well, boys tend to mature a lot later than girls, I'm mature andI'm 16."At this stage girls find they still have more in common with other girls than withboys; experiments with drugs tend to be carried out in single sex groups:"we all ate these huge mushrooms and half of us were sick and theother half, including me, thought we'd nix a bit with drinks andate all these magic mushrooms and .... all of a sudden I saw thesehuge massive pigs flying about .. this tree flew down from the skyand asked me for a light...."Nearly all the teenagers interviewed lived with their parents, in varying degrees ofharmony. Some said that their relationship with parents had changed for the betterduring adolescence, and that of others had deteriorated. ''Adult-baiting" was a source ofamusement:"There was a woman on the bus tonight. I did a little dance for her;oh,I do it because people look at me. I like to stand out, I like tothink I'd getting the attention of people in the street that stop andstare at you and think "How disgusting! How terrible! How smelly I"And I feel good."Few of the questionnaire respondents were teenagers. The leisure time of theyoungest, aged 15 (case one) revolved around "the boyfriend"- he was seen every nightof the week. Case two, aged 19, but without a boyfriend, is a bingo player, probablyinitiated by her mother. Case three provides what many leisure planners would regard asa "good example", spending time learning new skills, not watching too much television,playing no bingo, participating in pub gaaes and seeing friends. By the age of 20, morewomen were living with partners, or married. Up until the late teens, leisure activitiesare motivated by a group dynamic:"To show off - it's like smoking. You start smoking to be big andto be part of the crowd. To be part of the people that you go aroundwith. I mean if you went round with a group of teddy beys - I can'tsay punks - oh yes, say punks - and they sniffed glue and took heroinand you were just a. straight, normal person, natural coloured hair,natural clothes, didn't swear, didn't smoke, I asean you wouldn't fit in.And you see all your mates smoking and they say 'Go on', you say 'oil no'and they say ' go on have one' and you say 'oh all right, just this once'and you do it because you don't want to feel as if you daren't; you knowyou don't want to feel a chicken ... you daren't smoke because you knowwhat harm it'll do to you and because if you get hooked on it then youspend your money on it, but you do it to be part of a crowd. It's obviousthat people who do glue-sniff (I've done it myself) do it to experiment, tosee what it's like, to see if all the rumours are true, plus to fit in withthe crowd so you don't look odd because you aren't glue-sniffing, or some-thing like that."With the presence of a steady boyfriend, or the prospect of an engagement, same-sexfriends are seen less often: w „ ~>."You see less of each other. You think'I'11 go out tonight withso-and-so and I'll go up and see her tomorrow,'and you don't go,it just gees down the drain."No longer teenagers, non-teenage behaviour is expected. The transformation isremarkable. "What happens to Municipal Youth? As far as I can see most of themmarry young, settle into jobs and become ordinary grownups, acquiring good manners andbrains in their twenties." (39)The TwentiesWomen in their twenties made up 24% of the questionnaire sample. As a group, itcontained more variety than any other age group; 33% were unmarried and their leisurerevolved around courtship activities or trying to make contact with the opposite sex.67% were married and 55% had young children. 47% worked full-time, 29% part-time,and 23% were full-time housewives. As a whole, however, this group placed emphasis on"socialising". Over one third said that their favourite way of spending an evening wassimply "with friends". Drinking at home and playing records was important, as was"curled up with boyfriend watching t.v. after being out for a drink". 35% said thattheir favourite way of spending an evening was at a restaurant. 37% visited a restaurantonce a month or more often, and 82% visited a pub at least once a month. (Tabla 3)37% described themselves as "busy" and 43% said that they would like to go out more oftenthan they did. 57% were satisfied with the number of times they went out. The marriedwomen with children aged less than five years, and the married women without childrenspent a similar number of nights out of the home; those with children went out on 531* ofthe evenings covered in the sample week, and those without children on 57%. Those withchildren of school age went out far less, on only 20% of the evenings.-42-Ith|s ofofasInIrasIrantItenliedIthThe teenage years were looked back on in an ambiguous way. Respondents wereasked to specify at which age they had most enjoyed their leisure time and at whichthey had enjoyed it least. Of all the least enjoyable periods, 61% were teenageyears, yet of all the most enjoyable periods, 72% were teenage years. When asicedwhich leisure activities would be most missed if the respondent suddenly had to givethem up, one third mentioned physical activities - swimming, keep fit, "exercise",squash - and a further 16% mentioned dancing. One mentioned bingo, but this occupiedonly 23% once a month or more often. 62% never played and 13% rarely. Bingo wasdescribed as "a moron's game of pure chance", "a game for older people", a waste ofmoney and time, dull and boring. One said "I've plenty of other things to do"; thetwenties age group did go out more often than any other group, apart from the teenagers.CTable 3).The ThirtiesThis age group comprised 29% of the sample, the largest group. They were allmarried and 92% had children. They spent fewer nights out of the house (33%) than anyother group, and 61% said that they wished they could go out more often. 87% describedthemselves as "busy", not busy going out but busy with home and children. 32% workedfull-time, 36% part-time and 32% were full-time housewives. For those in paid employmentespecially, a large proportion of evenings is spent on housework (see case 29 in particular).Over 80% of the women in their thirties had children of school age; this is the age atwhich children appear to be most expensive to keep and at which more work - ironing andwashing - is associated with them. Favourite ways of spending an evening reflect theworkload; physical activities are no longer favoured, but "reading quietly", "relaxingwhen possible", "with a good book and some chocolate", "drink at home listening to music"are. 47% mentioned an activity which took place quietly at home, 14% mentioned dancingand 25% a meal at a restaurant as favourite ways of spending an evening. Of activitieswhich would be missed, more mentioned reading than any other activity. Evenings out aredependent upon baby-sitters or on husbands minding the children - case 23 takes it inturns with her husband to go to the bingo and watch the children.Compared with the twenties age group, fewer visit the pub (71% once a month or more),fewer play bingo and fewer visit discos. (Table 4). This age group was more likely tofind bingo expensive than boring. Again, teenage years were looked back on in anambiguous way; one 30-year old said that the teenage years were the most and the leastenjoyable - "all that moping around and waiting for phone calls, etc." 86% of the worsttimes were specified as the late 20's or 30's, whilst 80% of the best times were specifiedas the teenage years and early 20's. Only 4% said that they enjoyed their leisure timein their 30's more than at any other age. One divorced woman stated that the worst timewas "when living with my husband."The FortiesThis age group comprised 18% of the sample, and in many ways bore out the cliche"life begins at 40". Whilst for those with young children, with full-time jobs,evenings were spent doing housework (e.g. cases 51,54), for others, children weresufficiently independent to allow mothers evenings out. More of this age group hadpaid employment than any other group - 71% had part-time jobs, 25% full-time, and only4% were full-time houswives, 37% of the sample's evenings were spent outside the home,and 72% of the age group were satisfied with the number of times they managed to get out.There was more involvement of this group in evening classes, community organisations andwith friends. All described themselves as busy and more than in any other age groupdescribed their situation now -as the best period for leisure. The worst was again thelate twenties, "when kids were young." Eating out was again given high priority as afavourite way of spending an evening, and this group more than any other did visitrestaurants. 56% ate out once a month or more often, and 44% visited a pub once a monthor more often. (Table 5). Involvement with bingo increased, as did visiting working men'sclubs. More activities were undertaken on a regular weekly basis in this group than inany other, apart from the oldest age group, the 70 and 80-year olds. Spare time becomesmore "leisurely", it becomes possible to choose when to arrive home, whether to call inat a pub for a drink and whether or not to go out at all.The FiftiesThe fifties age group comprised 8% of the total sample. The Rapoports characterisethis stage as overlapping with the end of the "mid-establishment phase" and the beginningof the "pre-retirement phase". It is a time when children have perhaps left home tolead independent lives, when the first signs of old age appear, and when, in some people,there is an "unaccountable malaise". (40) "Quite often there is a feeling ... that theyhave everything they want yet they are not happy...On the other hand, the period may begrasped by husband and wife to change their lives away from the home as a central focusand to develop new interests outside." Such a revival of interest in activities hasbeen noted in other surveys. (41)The fifties age group did emerge as unsure of their leisure roles and relativelydissatisfied. 87% said they wanted to go out more often than they did, with only 13"-satisfied with the number of times they went out. Yet this group spent more eveningsout of the house (they went out on nearly half of all the evenings in the sample week)than did the thirties or forties age groups. None specified their present age as theone in which leisure time was enjoyed the most, and answers to open-ended questionswere vague. Some wrote "not sure" when asked what was their favourite way of spendingan evening.-4-3-Most of the women in this age group had independent children, 40** had full-timejobs, 40% part-time jobs, and 20% were housewives full-time.It can be hypothesised that disengagement from dependent children and from paidemployment (relative to the forties age groun) brings a re-orientation and entailsadjustments which are difficult.50% of this age group plays bingo once a month or lore often, but eating out,going to the pub and the cinema are indulged in less often than the forties age group.Women's groups associated with the church were largely made up of women ia their lateforties and fifties, but in addition to teenagers, it was the forties and fifties agegroups which were pointed to as having difficulties in finding things to do:R: "What about women in their forties and fifties - what do they do?"C: "Oh, goodness knows."The SixtiesBy the age of sixty, the period of re-orientation experienced in the previous decadeappears to have finished. This age group appeared to have adjusted to the physicalchanges of aging, and to new roles, perhaps as grandmothers. The age of sixty is viewedas a milestone, when change is expected. 66% of this group were content with the numberof times they went out in the evenings. Involvement in social clubs, working men's clubs,and bingo is higher in this group compared to the fifties age group. 50% described theperiod between 40 and 60 as the worst for leisure, and the best as either "when young","courting days" or "after sixty".After the age of sixty, women can participate in the nany activities for old agepensioners. Their activities are subsidised; at one community centre a group of womenia their forties and fifties folded as a result of increased room hire charges, whilstthe GAP'S group simply became subsidised to a greater extent. Dancing re-emerges as afavourite way to spend an evening; modern and old-time dancing is arranged at a numberof community facilities. This age group spent 57% of their evenings out of the home.The only group to spend more evenings out was the teenage group. More activities wereundertaken with husbands than was so for the-fifties age group, and friends wera mentionedmore often.Seventies and EightiesThe relative paucity of literature on the leisure of the elderly has been recognised(42) but much of the research which has been carried out has been on the milestone ofretirement, of coping with the abrupt change in lifestyle and adopting meaningful activitiesfor a. retirement which could last more than 25 years. One enthusiast wrote recently;"Retirement can be the start of "The Time of Your Life". That's thetheme of an exciting new handbook for retirement .... written to showthat being retired need not mean pottering about or getting ia the wayat home:" (43)Another commented,"Retired people, with time to spare, should go out and enjoy themselves,says the Health Education Council, whose new booklet "Living with Age",points out that retirement and old age can be a time of "enjoyableleisure, when interests can be expanded and hobbies enjoyed to the full."(44)The trauma of retirement are real enough and women in Annlev certainly agreedthat they were not prepared for it:"we could do with being educated before we retired.""when you're getting near to retirement you think, oh, it's goingto be lovely, all day to myself, but this first year ....."Thilst such a focus may be justified, retirement is only oce aspect of "leisure andthe elderly". Cocnenting on retirement. Joyce Grenfell remarked that it was like"coming off the inter-city and getting on to the local". (45) Many women of presentpost-retiring age never got on to the inter-city in the first place, and their concernsmay be quite different.There appear to be three problems with the approach taken thus far by leisurescholars. Firstly, old people themselves have little say in the planning of activitiesdesigned for them. As the Director of Age Concern has written, "Perhaps the mostimportant perception to be missing is that of the elderly themselves." (46) One GAPwith a voice, Gladys Elder, is pessimistic about researchers hearing it and interpretingit correctly: all too often, she writes, researchers are "class-bound, generation-boundand intellectually bound .... Their academic training and lifestyle totally unfit themfor an undertaking of the lives a greater pronortion of the elderly have led. Experienceis the only reality." (47)-44-Secondly, the economic position many old people find themselves in does not allowmuch leisure expenditure. Whilst "old age appears to be the principal cause of poverty"(48) and whilst elderly people do not turn on their heating so as to save money, theyare unlikely to spend money on hobbies and expanding their interests. Gladys Elderwrites, " 'Enjoy Your Age - don't look it' runs one advertisement. My aged friends arefortunate if they can afford a lipstick from Woolworths." (49)Thirdly, whilst elderly people are presented with possibilities for involvement inphysical activity, in classes and organised social activities, none of these "is likelyto satisfy one of the deepest needs of human beings - the need to be needed." (50)Leisure for the older people, i.e. the seventy and eighty-year olds, in the question-naire sample revolved around the television, with breaks to go to the club or to play bingo,and to visit relatives for those with families. Television received 48% of the total'mentions'. 70% of the older people lived alone, often in high-rise flats where they didnot know their neighbours. The isolation and loneliness of old people has been welldocumented, isolation referring to measurable circumstances (possession of a car, telephone,friends) and loneliness to feelings of aloneness. In one Age Concern Survey, 82% of theelderly said loneliness is a major problem of old age. (51) One group of older people inArmley was asked:R: "Do older people expect to be lonely." "•'".."Well yes, you've had your life .... you can't expect to ....""Well you can sew and knit and embroider and what-not, but you're byyourself, aren't you....""You've got to keep yourself going, you've got to get out, that's themain thing, getting out. We've found that January and February arethe worse months, depressing - if you can get out, that's everything."All too often elderly women do not "get out". 96% did not have a car in their house-hold, and 73% of the activities which they mentioned took place in the home. Whilst timemay be spent outside the home during the day, all the elderly women expressed fears aboutgoing out at night:"There's a gang on Town Street that scare me a little bit if I go alongdown to the bingo, a gang of lads all with cropped hair and bicycles,and they ride along the pavement and if you don't get out of the way it'sjust too bad."The fear of violence and the fear of coming back to a burgled home keep up theevening television viewing figures.The 11 groups for OAP's in the area have their full quota of members and there isunsatisfied demand for places. Senior citizens' clubs are the highlight of the weekfor many, providing the opportunity for contact with others in a similar position, andfor a game of bingo, dominoes or cards.That the social role of the elderly has changed was brought out by the women. Oneelderly woman stated, "well there's nobody old these days". What she meant was thatno-one played the role of being old these days; a woman in her 30's clarified:"My granny, when she was what, say 70, she was an old lady; she worea black dress. Well you wouldn't catch an old lady in a black dressand sitting in a corner - I mean, she'd be up and doing."The problem is that, whilst the role of the elderly has changed, with their useful-ness in the extended family and the respect paid to them diminished, no positive role isafforded them unless they themselves have the resources and ability to be "up and doing".The 70 and 80-year olds spent only 24% of evenings out and 48% said they would like togo out more often. Some spent every evening alone, watching television. The publicleisure life of the very old revolves around the social clubs and bingo; 72% play bingoonce a week or more, and 45% visit a social club once a week or more often.Whilst the proportion of the elderly in the population is not expected to risedramatically between 1980 and the end of the century, the number of very elderly, asa proportion of the elderly, is expected to rise, from 2.9% of the total populationin 1977 to 3.6% in 2001, and from 30% of all old people in 1977 to 38% in 2001. (50)It is the very old, the 70, 80 and 90 year olds, who pose the greatest problems andthe greatest dilemmas.-45-Table 3 : Visits to Selected Facilities by women aged 20 - 29% VisitingRestaurantPubCinemaSocial Club7ori:ing Men'sClubTheatreDiscoBingoTable 4 : Visits% VisitingRestaurantPubCinemaSocial Clubforking Men ' 3ClubTheatreDiscoBingoTable 5 : Visits% VisitingTwice aweekor more_23-6_-63to SelectedTwica aweekor more_10--_--5Once aweek325-310-814Once aronth343426Ss485Facilities bv WomenOnce aweek2225512--10to Selected FacilitTwice aweekor moreOnce aweekOnce amonth313913108-53ies bv WomenOnce amonthOnce ortwice ayear43841221422266apred 30Once ortwice ayear41134013131924—aged 40Once ortwice ayearRarely1410292C2025319- 39Rarely2314372625432815- 49RarelyNeverw 6-44348492162Never325464'?384367NeverRestaurantPub 13Cinema -Social Clubforking Hen'sClub 13TheatreDiscoBingo 1381898481413994192Q18133430851847145231841318205052395263Table 6 : Visits to Selected Facilities by Women aged 50 - 59% Visiting Twice a Once a Once a Once or Rarelyaweekor moreOnce aweekOnce amonthOnce ortwice ayearNeverRestaurantPub 10CineaaSocial Club 10Working Men's _ 10ClubTheatreDiscoBingo 101010201010525201020401020201030255101530304060SO60555050% visiting Twice a Once aweek weekor moreRestaurant - 10Pub - 12Cinema - -Social Club 33Working Men'sClub 22Theatre ->,DiscoOnce amonth12---_--Once ortwice ayear22---_23-Bingo 24 31 12Table 8 : Visits to Selected Facilities by Women aeed 70% Visiting Twice a Once aweek weekor moreRestaurant - 8Pub 5 20CinemaSocial Club 15 30Working Men'sClubTheatreDiscoBingo 27 45Weekly Evening TimetablesMonday Tuesday Wednesday1.Watched Went to Went for aTV with Youth Club walk andboyfriend with boy- watch TVfriend with boy-friend2.Watched Watched Watched TVTV, went TV, wentto bed to bed3.'ent to Went to Went outballet college drivingschool 4 for Citydriving a Guilds'lesson Fashion aDesignOnce amonth21--10..--ThursdayWent to ,boyfriendshouse andwatched TVWatched TVWent tomusic coll.for pianolesson andhad drivinglessonOnce ortwice ayear8555_̂13-4FridayWent fora walk &watchedTV withboyfriendWent todiscoWent toboyfriends4 watchedTV afterhavingdinnerRarely457878121044-- 83Rarely55IS55543-SaturdayWent to aparty withboyfriendWatched TVwent topubWent todinnerwithfriendsNever11102255683310033Never3559035954410024SundayWent toboyfriend'sfor teaWent topub andsocialclubWent to puwith boy-friend aridfriends.PlayeddartsDetails15.receptionist,single,lives withparents. Non-driver, non-bingoplayer19,insuranceclerk, single,lives withparents. Non-driver, bingoplayerassistant,liveswith parents.Drives, non-bingo playerwith hisoarents-47-Monday4 .Did mywashingas usual ,stayed inwatchedTV withhusband5.Made tea ,washed up ,tidied up.WatchedTV. Bath6.Gardening,housework7.'Stayed insewing &reading3.Knitting,watchedTV withhusband9. -WatchedTV bymyself10.Went toa shoeparty11.Went toTupper-wareparty12.Cooking,housework& watchedTVTuesdayStayed in,did house-work,watched TVwith myhusbandSame asyesterdayGardening,swimming.Went tolocal fora drinkSame asyesterdayPlayedrecordswithhusband••Went tobingoPut 1000lotterytickets inenvelopesforhusband ' sstall atBramleyCarnivalWent tosquash clubSc watchedTVWednesdayVisitorsfor tea.Stayed inall night ,watched TVSame asvesterdayand didwashingSwimming ,housework,ironingHad haircut . Wentto local ,game ofdartsWent tobingo atWMC withhusbandand DadWatchedTV bymyselfWatched TVwithhusbandCleanedfront roomwindows .made teaforhusband ashe was lateIronedWorked asskin-caredemon-stratorThursday-Went to myMother'sfor teaSame asMondaySwimming ,housework.Watched TVWent to buybicycle.Did somesewingCleanedroom andlistenedto recordsWent toslimmingclubPlayedcards withhusbandKnitted& ironedVisitedparents &watched TVFridayHad anight outwithhusband afriendsDid allhousework,made tea,washed up.Bathed.Ironed.Swimming,housework,washingSwimmingand wentfor walkKnittingwatchedTV'•Tent toMother ' shouseBakedPlayedcosmic en-counterswithfriends &had drinka supperWatchedTV withhusbandSaturdayHad nightout withrav family.Had a fewdrinksTidied up.Shopping.Made tea,washed up.Did washingWatched TVRead ,watched TVWent fordrink withfriendsSewinghusband ' strousers& watchedTV withhusbandWatchedTV withhusbandWent tofriend'sFell intobedexhaustedWent toscuash clubwithhusbandSundayWent to mysister' s.Had quietnight justtalkingHung outwashing .Titiied up,cooking,ironing,bath.Went out .Enter-tainedparents.sister &husbandMet friendsfor a drinkIroning &watched TVwithhusbandWatchedTV bymyself..',****=.>.-> >.#=* •?7ent toMum andDad'sKnittedwhilewatchingTV withhusbandWent tochurch,thenwatched TVwithhusbandDetails20, lightengineer ,married.Rented fljtno car, nan.bin?ro plays21 , pressoperator,married.Own house,one car,bin^oplayer22 .personalassistant,lives witlboyfriend.Own house,drives , notbingo playt23, clerk/typist ,liviwith boy-friend. 0»ihouse , drivinon-bingoplayer23, officeclerk pan-time.marriichildrenunder 5. 0house , non-driver , bin!player24,housewifmarried,children ui5. Own honino car , noibingo playi23,assistaicook part-married, achildren.house, notbingo play25,playgroassistant,part -time,married,children 51Own house,1non-bin?"player25, secret*1full-tii««'married, *children."house, e*non-bingoplayer-48-Monday13.VisitedrelativesTuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday SaturdayWent toa gymWent to adancingclassWentgymto a Went out WatchedTVSunday'."atchedTV14.WatchedTV15.WatchedTV withhusband16.Went forcar ridewithfamily17.WatchedTV withhusband18.DancingFriendscalledRead Went outfor drinkWatchedTVWatchedTVBingo Club onownPub withhusbandPub withhusbandBingo andpub withhusbandWent outfor mealwithhusbandOut withhusbandVisitedGrandadDid somegardeningthenwatched TVWatchedTV withfamilyShopping Went outfor drinkwithhusbandHad friend Washed, Watched TV Same as Washed,for supper, watched TV with yesterday watched TVwatched TV with husband withhusband husbandRehearsalfor playAppearedin playTV TV DancingVisitedsister-in-lawWent topub,watchedTV withhusbandTV19.WatchedTV20.Reading awatchingTV21.Sundayschoolcorres-pondencecourselesson22.Ironing.Relativesfor teaFriendcame foreveningIroning ftwatchingTVIroningwhilstwatchingTV withhusbandDog tovet ' sArt pre-view anddrinks withfriendsCan'trein ember-WatchingTV?*BibleclassSorted outjumble.Open nightat schoolWatchedTVReading,watchingTVVi.#*Meeting athome ofcolleaguefromChurchGardening,washingVisitors Watched TVHusbandworkingVisitedmy parentsVisitors VisitorsIroning. Out withWashing husband 8hair a friendsbathnightHousework Went outwithfriendsWatchedTV withhusbandEveningChurchservice.ListenedtorecordsWatchedTV withfamilyDetails26.playgroupleader part-time, married,children under5 and 5-14.Own house, car,non-bingoplayer26,housewife,married,children under5. Own home,no car, bingoplayer26,housewife,married,children under5 and 5-14.Own house, nocar, bingoplayer26,housewife,married,children under5. Own house,car,non-bingoplayer27,housewife,married,children under5. Own house,car, non-bingoplayer27,housewife,married,children under5. Own house,car, non-bingoplayer28,housewife,married,children 5-14.Own house, car,non-bingoplayer31.housewife,married,children 5-14.Own house, car,non-bingo player31 .housewife,married,children under5, Own house,2 cars, non-bingo player31, admin,assistant, •part-time,married,children 5-18.Own house, car,non-bingo player-49-Monday23.WatchedTV withhusbandTuesdayWatchedTV withhusbandWednesdav Thursday Fridav SaturdayWatchedTV withhusband'Vent to Took Wentbingo while children walking,husband to cinema thenlooked after to see watched TVchildren. 'Superman' withWatched TV Husband husbandwent tobingo24.TypingclassOut TypingclassHousework TypingclassBingoSundayWentwalkingafter tea.Bath andto bedVisitedparents25.Ironing Watched& watched TV andTV read bookHousework& did somereadingHad dresspartyHad friend Watchedround for TVdrink ofsherryAlteredtwodresses26.Washing WatchedTV withfamilyIroning Sewed WatchedTV-book Went out27.Walked TV, readdogs, book,household walkedchores dogsOut withfriends2.8.Open Uni.study.Went 1:0pub withhusband29.Did thewashingDarts &dominoesream atlocal pub- lost;Did theironingOpen Oni.study.Pub withhusbandDid thebedrooms aOpen Uni.study.Watched TVfriendscalled sohs.d drinkwith themDid themainWalked Wrote TV, readdogs, letters, book,read book, read, walkedwatched TV listened dogsto recordsOpen Uni. Went outstudy. for mealWent to withbed early husbandTV, readbook,walkeddogsOpen Uni.study.Went tc ..-.pub withhusband &friendsDid the Did a very From 8p.m.shopping hard jigsaw watched TVa watched with the with theTV with children familyfamily30.Work, Work,slimming watchedclub TV31.Washing, Readwat ched 'Woman'sTV, read Own' andpapers papersWent tofriend'sfor achatWork,watchedTVWork,watchedTVWatchedironingWatched TVwithhusbandSchool Open Sat talking Housework,Read papers Cooked forNight. Read to father- read novel, ' relatives,papers in-law. Did read Had drinkcrossword, papers at homeread panersDetails32.housewife,married,children 5-14.Own house, carbingo player*32, housewife,married,children 5-14.Council house,one car,bingo player32, kitchenassistant,part-time,married,children 5-14.Council house,no car, non-bicgo player32,playgroupassistant,part-time,married,children 5-14.Council house,no car, bingoplayer32,secretary.full-time,married, nochildren. Ownhouse, no car,aon-bingoplayerJfc32, cashier ftwages clerk,full-time,married, nochildren. Ownhouse, no car,noa-bingoplayer32. canteenassistant, fulltime, married,children 5-14.Council house,car, non-bingoplayer33. unspecifiedjob, part-timemarried, child'under 5 - 14.house, no carbingo player33, nurserynurse, part-time, married,children 5-14.Own house, nocar, non fain?0'player-50-Monday32.WatchedTV33.Ironing34.PicturesSt reading35.WatchedTV, reada book36.Ironing,read37.WatchedTV38.Nightschool &watchedTV withhusband39.WatchedTV40.Ironed,made tea,had bath3k went tobed41.fatchedTVTuesdayIroned,listenedto recordsWatched TVsKnittingWatchedTV, reada bookChatted toneighbours,read,gardeningWatchedTVSwimmingclub withchildrenIroned &watchedTVMade tea,watchedTV, wentto bedRead abookWednesdayWatched TVOpen even-ing atSchool.Watched TVWatched TVwithhusbandWatchedTV, reada bookGardening ,readWatchedTV andwent toOpen nightat schoolWatchedTVWent topotterypartyTea, hadbath, wentto bedOut withfriendsThursdayKeep-fitclassPlayedsquashWent toclub withmy motherTentshopping.WatchedTV andread bookTook Mum-in-Law tosupermarketshe spenteveningwith usWatched TV«SlimmingclubWatchedTV1 "* . s .*Went toclubWatchedTVFridayWatchedTV*.Went tocaravanhatchedTV withhusbandand didknittingWent topubTookchildrento cubsJt visitedbrotherWatchedTVKnitted& watchedTV withfamilyCleanedcooker &washed•'•'••- ""Did week-endshoppingOut fora mealSaturdayVisitedparentsWent fora walk.Watched TVWent toclub withhusbandWatchedTV andread bookHad friendsfor supperWent outfor drinkwithfamily. • •:' 1*Watched TVwithfamily.', " T' *•• • ' 'Went fordrinkT *"Tent for runin car, hadsupper , wentto bedwent to theclubSundayVisitedin-lawswatchedTVWatchedTV andknitted"'atchedTV andread bookHad Mum StDad fortea andevening"atchedTVLatereturn fromday out , &thenwatched TVwith familyVisitedfamilyDidgardenr»Did someknittingDetails33 .housewife,married .children 5-14.Own house , onecar, non-bingoplayer33 .housewife,married,children 5-14.Own house , onecar, non-bingoplayer34, cleaner,part-time,married ,children 5-14.Own house , nocar, bingoplayer33, cashier,full-time,married ,children 5-18.Council house,no car, bingoplayer35, housewife,married,children 5-14.Own honse , car ,non-hingoplayer36, dinner lady,part-time,married,children 5-14.Own house , nocar, bingoplayer36, works inhusband ' sshop , part-time, married,children 5-14.Own house, car,non-bingo player36, dinner lady,part-time,married,children 5-14.Own house, car,bing'o player37, housewife,married,children 5-18.Own house , car ,bingo player /37, housewife,married,children under5-14. Own house,car, non-binfroplayer-51-Monday Tuesday Wednesday42.Watched TV Watched TV Watched TVThursdayTatched TV43.Watched TV hatched Went tosee fatherWent fora walk44.Watched TV Sewing onmachineand TVGardening Washingwatched TV and TVwith family45.Watched TV Wentwith visitinghusband friends46.Watched TV Watched TV47.Watched TV Walkingwithhusband48.Watched ListenedTV with to nusichusband 4 withfamily husbandWent toLadies'Night atLiberalClubWatched TVWent fora walkWatchedTV withhusbandWent toa clubWatchedTVVisitors49.Went outfor driveWent out Went tofor drive nusicwith eveninghusband50.Watched TV TV TVWent tovisitparentswithhusbandWatchedTV andironedBingo51.DeliveredAvoncosmeticsVisited Watchedsister-ia- TV andlaw and ironedfriendKeep-fitFriday Saturday Sunday Details ,jjWatched watched TV Watched 37,shaft lifterTV TV full-time,married,children 15-18.w Own house, onecar, bingo playerWatched Pub Cinema 37, factoryTV worker, full-time, married,children 15-18.Own house, onecar, non-bingoplayerShopping Went for a£ ironing drink withhusband &friendsWent to Went toConser- Conser-vative vativeClub ClubTravelled 38, machinehome from operator, part-caravan time, married,children 15-18+Council house,car, bingoWent toSocialClubWatched Watched TV Went toTV a clubWent for Gardening Went fora drink a drinkTalked &listenedto musicwithhusbandWent outwithfriendsVisitorsWent outwithhusbandTalked fclistenedto musicwithhusbandWatchedTVBingo Went out "ent outReadbookIroningsewingwatchingTVPreparefor Play-School(work)»ent for Went toa walk, bingocalled in watchedat pub TVWent toclub,playedbingo Schad drinkWatched TVwithhusband £read bookWatchedTV, readlibrarybookWent toclubWent toclub39, job notspecified, full-time, married,children 5-14.Own house, car,bingo player39, cleaner,part-time,married,children18+. Own house,car, bingo player40, clerk, full-time, married,children 15-13.Council house,no car, bingoplayer40, shop asstnt.-part-time .marriedchildren 5-18.Own house, car,non-bingo player41, wag-es cleric,part-time .marriedchildren 15-18+Own house, car,non-bingo player40, weaver,full-time, married,children 18+Own house, 2 carsbingo player42, playgroupleader, part-time, married,children under 5£ 15-18+. Ownhouse, no car,non-bingo player43 .school mealssupervisor , full'time, married,children 15-18+Rented house, BOcar,bingo plays'1-52-liter.-18.:me|p layerled,1-18.loneIn so•art-led,-18+se,3 layer(full-led,Il4.Icar,Iflldrenase,In layerIfull-led,1-13.|se,Istat,|arried1-18.Icar,I layer|lerk,irried1-18+Icar,llayerHull-ed\2 carsledIder 5|wnlar,llayerealsfull-ed,-1S+e, noMonday53.Gardening Watched TVWatched TVTuesday Wednesday Thursday Fridav Saturday Sunday Details54.Wash IronPark withdaughterwatched TVWashGardeningwatched TVwithdaughterIronVisiteda friendCleanVisitedmum & dadWatch TVItfatchedTV withfamilyWork allday55.Nightschool56.Cleaninga ironingWorked ingardenKnittingWent to Baby-satfriend's to forwatch video daughterlast episode and'A Town Like husbandAlice'Watched TVa knittingMet friendand wentfor drinkHad Baby-sat Watchedfriends for friend TVto stayover forweekendRan bingo Went out Went outfor church for meal for meal-funds with son'sfriends- birthdayanniversary treat -celebration party ofsix43,housewife,married,children 5-18.Own house, onecar, bingo player44-, cateringmanageress, full-time, married,children 5-13+.Own house, no car,non-bingo player45, office work,part-time, married,children 18+Own house, no car,bingo player45,wages a accountsclerk, full-time,married,children15-18. Councilhouse, one car,bingo player57.Ironingto 9pmhusband ' ssupperbedOut fora mealWent fordrive adrink &BrowniesIroned awatched TVHousework Out forcrossword mealand TV58.Ironing, Went toput it park,TVall away, and readread59.TV TVBaked 2cakes atarts,watchedTV, readTV60.Visited Cleaning,house-bound TVlady, TV,ironing61.Watched TV Ladies'nightat club62.Did part- astime work Monday(cleaning)TVwashingClub withhusbandEveningclass,dress-makingCut lawn,wateredflower-bedsKeep-fitclassShoppingat super-market ,ironingTVCleaned watched TVbedrooms, trimmedbathroom, rosesstairsWashing CricketclubCleaning, Playedwashing badminton63.Singo Gardening 3aby-satPart-timeworkGardening,watched TV-53-VisitedfriendWatchedTV withdaughterClub withhusbandWatched TVwithhusbandHousework Watched TVIroning 45,shorthand-and TV typist, part-time, married,children 5-14a 18+. Own house,car, non-bingoplayerWatched 47,dinner lady,TV, did part-time,week's married,washing children 5-14 &18+. Own house,no car,non-bingoplayerTV 47,cook, full-time, married,"" ••-. * children 5-14.Own house, oar,non-bingo playerSewing, 48, kitchenTV supervisor, full-ironing time, married,children 18+. Ownhouse, 2 cars,non-bingo playerClub with 48,press operator,husband a full-time,married,friends children 18+. Ownhouse, one car,bingo playerWatched 49, cleaner,part-TV with time, married,husband children 15+.Own house, nocar, binpo playerWatched 51, despatch clerk,TV and full-time, married,ironed children 18+. Ownhouse, car,playerMonday64.AGM ScoutAss ' a .meeting65.Nightschool,then TVwithfamilyTuesdayStayed inSk washed& pressedGuideuniformsfor bandWent withhusband tolocal tomeet friendsWednesdayHelped at3t .Bart ' 3churchbingoDrink atlocal,watchedTV withhusbandThursday Friday SaturdayWatched TV Girl- Playedwith family Guide bingenightSunday Details66.Went to Knitted, Went toNaturalist watched TV, ladies'meeting read book meetingwith at Chapelhusband67.Ironed Biago TVWent tolocal,friendshusbandKnittedwatchedwithhusbandRead abookWent outmet withwith husband& Sewing,TV knitting,watchedTV withhusbandBakedWent outfor mealwithdaughtera son-in-lawReading,knittingWashingWent tolocalwithhusbandWent toChapelwithhusbandTV andplayedcards68,Potteryclass69.WacchedTV withhusband70.BiagoKnitting &watched TVwithhusbandVisitedfriendsWatchedSequencedancingWatchedTV withhusbandChurchPlayeddominoesVisiteddaughter& familyMetEnter-tainedfamilyTVBiagoWatchedTV andreadWent fordrink withfriendsVisitedWalkingWatchedTV withhusbandChurch71.WatchedTV withhusbandTVBiago atChurchhall72.Whist Moderndrive with sequencehusband dancingwithhusband73.Went CoMorecambe74.WatchedTVI O,TVLadies'clubToe HmeetingTVbingoWatchedTV withhusbandChurchbingowithhusbandWatchedTVTVBingofriendsWatchedTV withhusbandModernsequencedancingOver-60'clubVisitedfriendVisitedfriendfriendsWatched Bingo atTV with club withhusband husbandMeeting 52,school mealsat my supervisor,home with time, married,Leaders children 18+. iof Scouts house, car,& Guides olaver52.housewife,married,children15-18+. Own hous,no car, non-bingo player54, housewife,married, nochildren. Ownhouse, no car,non-bingo olayer58, cleaner,parttime, children18+. Council homno car, bingoplayer59.housewife,married,children 18+. 0»ihouse, no car,non-bicgo player64. housewife,married,children 18+.Own house, nocar, non-bingoplayer65, housewife,widow, children18+, lives alonsOwn house, no otbingo playerBingo at 66, housewife,club with married,husband children 18+. 0«house.no car ,bin{iplayerVisited Played Watched 66, housewife,friend, bridge with TV married,collected husband and children 13+.by friends Own house, car,husband bingo playerWatched Visited BingoTV friendsTV Visited ChurchfriendTV TV57, single,lives alone.Council flat,no car, bingoplayer63, widow, nochildren, livesalone, Council-flat, no car,bingo player71, widow, liveialone, children18+. Councilflat, no car,bingo player-54-healsMonday76.WatchedTV alone77.TVTuesdayWent tobingo,prizesTVWednesdayDancingTVThursdayStayed in,watched TVTVFridayPrizebingoTVSaturdayWatchedTVTV78.Watched TV,TV, club, knittingknittingTV,club79.WatchedTV80.WatchedTV, satin gardenread book81.Morecambeall dayTVWent outVisiteddaught erTVSat ingarden,watchedTV,readTVTV,knitting,shoppingTVRead bookTVTV, TV,gardening,gardening,knitting knittingSunday DetailsWatched 73, widow, livesTV alone, children18+. Council flatno car, bingoplayerTV 73, widow, livesalone, children18+. Council flat,no car, non-bingoplayerTV, 73, widow, livesknitting, alone, childrengardening 18+. Own house,no car, bintroplayerTVWatchedTV,readTVTVWatchedTV, readSpent withneighbourTVWatchedTV, readChurch82.Reading, Monthlywatching meetingTV of W.I.Read the Happypaper & Circle,watched TV TVWent baby Went outsitting for teawithfriendsHadfriendsto tea,watchedTV •73, married,children 18+. Ownhouse, no car,bingo o layer73, widow, liveswith children 18+.Own house, no car,bingo player73, widow, livesalone, children18+. Council flat,no car, bingoplayer73, widow, nochildren. Councilhouse, no car,bingo player83.Playedcards84.WatchedTVKnitted acrochetedReadCoach trip WatchedTV, readTV Went out85.Ironed &readpaperWatchedTV andread paperWatchedTV andread paperWatched TVand read abookWatchedTV andreadpaperWatched TVand wroteletters86.TV withhusband87.WatchedTV alone88.TVWomen'3guildWatchedTV aloneTVWatched TVwithhusbandWatchedTV aloneTVChurchmeetingWatchedTV aloneChat withfriendsPlayed Went to Enter- 74, widow, livescards a gala tained alone, childrenfamily 18+. Own house,no car, bingoplayerTV Went out Visiting 77, widow, livesalone, no children.Council flat, no" car, bingo playerChanel 77, married, aochildren. Ownhouse, no car,bingo playerWatched Watched Visited 77, married,TV with TV with son children 18+.husband husband Own house, car,non-bingo playerWatched Watched Watched 78, widow, noTV alone TV alone TV alone children. Councilflat, no car,bingo playerTV TV TV 78, widow, livesalone, children. , < - . . . " • 18+_ Council flat,' no car, bingoplayer-55-Monday Tuesday89.Watched WatchedTV TVWednesday Thursday90.Went toCommunityClubWatchedTVWent toArmleycommunityClubWatchedTV, readWatchedTVClub91.Played TV,cards with crochet,friends, radioradioWatched TV,TV, • radiocrosswordpuzzle,radioFridayWatchedTVWatchedTV,readFriendsin myhome,radioSaturday Sunday DetailsWatched went to 79, widow, livesTV Canal alone,childrenGardens 18+. Council flatno car, binsro*• playerWatched Went to 82, widow, livesTV Club alone, children18+. Council flatno car, bingoplayerVisited Went to S3, •'idow, livesrelatives, christen- alone, childrencrossword, ing party, 18+. Own house,radio radio no car, bingoplayer-56-The ActivitiesRoberts has written, "Leisure is not so much a matter of sport, the countrysideand the arts, as television, alcohol, tobacco, sex and gambling." (53) It wascertainly the case in Armley that leisure for women was far removed from sport, thecountryside and the arts. The following section, "women and sport" illustrates thelow involvement of women as participants in sport, whilst tries to the countryside werenot at all common. Seven years ago, in 1975, amongst a working class sample it wasfound,"Days out in the countryside seemed to be a thins? of the past forthose with, as well as those without, cars .... even going to thepark could turn out to be expensive in terns of food, ice-creans,and entertainment for the children." (54)A more recent survey, in 1981, showed that the recession had brought "a major change inthe way we spend our spare time" with regard to day-tripping. Admissions to historicbuildings, zoos and museums fell against price increases of 243* in visiting a Departmentof the Environment property, 118% in visiting a National Trust property and of 113*̂ invisiting privately owned property (since 1977) (55). The proportion of the populationwhich makes such visits is small, as is that which supports "the arts".Visits to art galleries, opera, ballet and the theatre were not popular pastimesin Armley. Lack of involvement in "the arts" can be related to the lack of what Bordieuterms "cultural capital":J: "I think if I got the chance I would go somewhere other than the bingo.Like if there was a good play on - but I've never been and I'm one ofthese people who's afraid of going somewhere new, going for the first time.When you get the paper and you see what's on and who's in it, they don'tsay what it's about, so you can't decide whether to go or not."R: "So you tend not to go to the theatre in Leeds?"J: "No, I've never been. I've been to the pictures but I don'tgo there very often either."Another woman describes taking her bingo playing grandmother to the theatre:"My grandma enjoys it (bingo). A lot of her friends go there and it'sprobably the only time she sees them during the week, and she meetsdifferent people. I think old people tend not to enjoy going to thepictures quite as much. I've said to my grandma 'I'll take you to thetheatre'; in fact, last Wednesday I took her to a concert that was onat Park Lane College - Ivor Novello's 'The Dancing Years' - and shecame with me; she didn't seem all that pleased to go. I booked for usboth and we went there and sat (Gary ran us down in the car) and we satall the way through it and there were muffled groans every so often ofdisgust and I don't think she enjoyed it at all. It was only an amateurproduction but I thought they were quite good for amateurs and my grandmawas quite disgusted at some of the actors and some of the things they saidin it and she was tut-tutting rather loud, and rattling her sweet papers,and by the end of the evening I wished I'd never bothered. I thought, 'Ishould've taken her to bingo; she'd have enjoyed it far more.' "Thus the majority rarely or never went to the theatre. (Table 9)Table 9 Attendance at the theatre - by age groupTwice aweekor moreOnce aweekOnce amonthOnce ortwice ayear 'Rarelv Never20 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 - 83510231934202313253322204443494839503344Neither is leisure a matter of sport or physical activity -Women and SportThe effect of sports involvement on levels of well being has perhaps never beenas emphasised as it is in the 19.80's. "Sport involvement is a stronger predictor ofwell being than are age, education, occupation and general social participation." (56)Greater involvement in sport is seen as inevitable in an age of ''leisure explosion""We are moving towards an exciting and unexpected change in our life-styles , a change brought about in the coming decades by our leisureactivities and sports and athletics. We are moving towards a climatethat will breed another more physical, and because of that, moreintellectual and spiritual man." (.57)It is significant but not surprising that this last quotation is couched in masculineterms; whilst the benefits of sports participation are recognised, the fact remains thatcertain sections of the population are much less involved in sport than others, notably wom"We" are not moving towards "an exciting and unexpected change in our lifestyles" - onlysome of us are.It has become a cliche in the literature that women's position with regard to sportsums up every aspect of their position in society at large. The last quotation itselfdemonstrates the "invisibility" of women. Others have shown how:"sport ia our society is male-dominated. It is a male preserve. Asin so many other aspects of social life, males predominate, not becauseof physical superiority, but because the whole society is organised on abasic family unit which restricts female identity and classifies as non-female the qualities which are required to be successful in sport." (53)It is not intended here to explore the reasons why women are excluded from sport, butto provide examples of that exclusion, in the non-participatory roles which women olay.Talbot and others (59) have stressed the importance of discussing women and sport ratherthan women ia sport. Women are more likely than not to be outside soort, whilst womenand sport acknowledges the range of roles which women play in relation to sport, asparticipants, spectators, on-lookers, sports widows, servicers and so on.The ParticipantRespondents were asked a number of questions regarding sports involvement - whetherthey belonged to a sports club, or took part in any sport, what these sports were and howoften they were engaged in., whether they went to watch sport and how much they enjoyedwatching sport on television.Baldly stated, the figures for involvement in sport are misleading. 37°?, of thequestionnaire sample said that they took.part in some sport. A total~of 14 outdoor and5 indoor sports were mentioned (Table 10). However, an analysis of the frequency ofinvolvement shows that less than 5% incorporate active sport into their weekly routine;also respondents who were involved in one sport were likely to be involved in others.The most frequently mentioned sport was swinning - mentioned by 27", though thisoften meant supervising children in the pool or teaching them to swim.Table 10 : Sports involvement and frequency of participationSports andactivitiesmentioned:"Outdoor"SwimmingBadmintonJudoTennisGolfJoggingHorse HidingBowling (crown)Bowling (10 pin)WalkingWater SkiingSquashPot HolingKeep-Fit"Indoor"DominoesPoolSnookerDartsTable TennisBilliardsParticipating273.30.62.51.81.83.10.60.63.90.63.20.61.91.23.31.22.40.60.6% ParticipatingSeveraltimes aweek2.60.60.81.21.30.81.30.60.60.60.6Every oneor twoweeks7.41 .81.80.60.60.60.61.30.60.62.11 .2Everyfewmonths11.91.90.60.60.81,3Infrequently4.60.90.61.90.60.60.60.60.60.6-58-linelatIbut|r2.6% went to the swimming baths several times a week, 7.2% every one or two weeks and11.9% every few months. Other sports were engaged in by much smaller numbers.Badminton and squash ranked second, excluding 'walking'. The survey was carried outduring the months of April, May and June, when it could be expected that involvementin 'summer sports' such as tennis would be increasing. Involvement in "indoor" sportsand games was no greater; 3.3% played pool and 2.4% darts. As active participantsthe involvement of women is minimal. Women are much more likely to play one or moreof the following roles:The Past ParticipantFor many, sports involvement began and ended with school. For all the women,school leaving (usually at 15) abruptly halted any participation. Involvement may haverecommenced at a later stage and in a different form, but for all there was a lack ofcontinuity, with skills once learnt lying unused or forgotten. In discussion withteenage girls, some of whom were still at school, interest in sport was low. Amonpstthe reasons for disliking P..E. lessons were:"You think, I'm going to work (soon). I'm too old to do that.Just think of all the other things I can do.""Then you do it at school you're part of the team and you want to betreated as an individual and the teacher doesn't have the time.""We used to go. She (P.E. Teacher) wanted us to enjoy ourselves andwe did what we liked doing. That made it better all round.""We think it's good to knock off." (play truant)Towards the end of their school career, the girls would "knock off" as much asthey could. P.E. lessons were perceived as being easier to truant from than otherclasses. Truanting allowed the girls to pursue their long term careers - marriage:"When you've knocked off, what do you do?""Just go t'park or talk t'lads."A small number of the teenagers who had recently left school had been highly involvedin competitive sport:"I swam for Great Britain. I was in the trials'for trampolining forGreat Britain and I was in the trials for swimming for Great Britain.""Why did you give it up?""Because my dad left my mam and took the car and we didn't have notransport to get to swimming."This girl, too, had been involved at a competitive level and described the feeling ofachievement:"And when you get through to things like that, like national, and the -photographer's there you geel good because you feel you've done somethingfor your country and Leeds. You feel good because ... it just makes youfeel good."She had given up her sport as "it's expensive and I couldn't afford it." Thus, forsuperficially trivial reasons, two promising sports careers had been curtailed, whilsttheir classmates had gone through a process of gradual disengagement from sportculminating in leaving school. The older age groups (22 - 50), looking back to theirschool days saw any sport which they might have been involved in then as unrelated totheir present experience. In asking about "past sports involvement" sport played atschool would not be recalled without further probing. Former participation would bedownplayed:"I've never been a participator in sport. Well .... those days are longpast - I used to play in Leeds City netball team when I was a ganglingschoolgirl." ^ 'Evaluation of sports experience at school tended to be in terms of how good they hadbeen, and not how much they had enjoyed it. It was felt that if one was not "good"at sport, one could not enjoy it. The facilities at the schools attended militatedagainst becoming "good":"I used to like rounders and netball. Mind you, our P.E. at Armley Park(school) was going running up to Gotts Park and back and that were it.", # ̂ 'Parent and ServicerThe parental role of child bearing and child rearing restricts women's own sportsinvolvement in a number of ways. The physical changes brought by pregnancy, togetherwith attitudes towards the body (36% of the sample described themselves as "overweight")generate inhibitions which are difficult to overcome. Full-time responsibility forchildren means that when a woman does have time off from her children it is used foressential chores, not physical recreation. The children's needs come first:-59-"You tend to do things that you can take the children to, like swimming,whereas with these sports centres you've got to arrange for a babysitter.""You spend a lot of time taking them (children) and doing what they wantto do."The other, male, parent is less likely to have his leisure activities interrupted bythe arrival of his offspring:"My husband can afford to go to Elland Road but he can't afford to give mea bit extra.""Do you ever go with him?":'I used to go before I had these two. I used to enjoy it. I used to goto away matches, but it's taken for granted that you'll have to stop athome, and any arrangements they've made you have to stop at home."34% of the questionnaire sample with husbands replied "Yes" to the question "Does yourhusband play sports regularly?" The husband's sports involvement is serviced by hiswife's "willingness" to continue the job of running the home and looking after children,sc enabling him free time. Where husbands are heavily committed to a sport, conflictoften arises:"He goes training on a Thursday night and plays on a Saturday afternoonand a Sunday morning. ^Ve have endless arguments about that. He doeswork late quite often so he doesn't get to see Joanne (child) during theweek and I think weekends, at least one full day at the weekends, shouldbe with the family."This woman had managed to persuade her husband to spend one day with the family, but:"It was so hard to do it, to tear himself away, and all the way toWhitby he was saying "I could be playing football now"."Often women tamper their irritation at being "sports widows" by convincing themselves that"it's good to have other interests":"I mean I have other interests and hobbies, so I don't see why he shouldn'thave.""What do you do then?""Well actually I like dressmaking and things like that, so it's mainlywithin the home."This woman saw it as fortunate that her interests could take place within the home:the point is that it would not be possible for her to spend a similar amount of timetraining or playing or to expect the husband to service her involvement in the same way.For some of the women, however, children presented new opportunities and a re-discoveryof sport:''Children help you discover all sorts of things. You wouldn't dreamoi going cut and putting a pair of ice skates on but when you've gotchildren with you you don't think twice about it."For others, involvement is vicarious or fired by the determination to give a childopportunities denied to the parent:"I was 12 or 13 when I learnt to swim and I always hated it because Iwasn't in with my friends - they could all swim and I couldn't. OnceI learnt to swim it was OK but while I couldn't swim and all my friendscould, it was awful. I'm determined she's going to at least get usedto the water, even if she can't swim. She can at least get used togoing to the baths, and it will be a pleasant experience for her ratherthan something she hates doing."For this woman, the inability to swim came across strongly as an exclusion from a socialgroup rather than as exclusion from a physical skill. *The SpectatorThis category includes two types of sports watcher - the active spectator, the personwho goes along to watch a cricxet or a football match, and the by-stander - the observerof others . Perhaps the first can be called a positive role and the latter a negative one,which is summed up by this woman:"Men can go into working men's clubs and play snooker, billiards. Ifa woman goes in with her husband she just has to sit there while hshas his game."27*3 Of the sample said they went as spectators to sports events. A more usualform of spectating (or"by-standing"?) was through the television. 25% said thev likedwatching "most" sports, 52% liked watching "some" sports and 13% 'none". Wat'ching sporton television, however, may or may not be an indicator of interest:"I'm not all that keen on football, but I watch it."-60-Most of the contact women have with sport is through the television. The effectof seeing professional sportspeople, and the poor coverage of women's sports (apart fromthose which reinforce a feminine role such as gymnastics) means that women are consciousof the highest levels of skill compared to their own attempts and of the masculinity ofsport. This masculinity is sometimes used to explain non-involvement:"(Squash) is mostly for men isn't it - you don't get many womenplaying squash. It's an energetic game."Women slip into the role of spectator so easily that they assume that inquiries abouttheir interest in sport refer to their spectator role:T: "I like snooker, that's my favourite. I watch a lot of snooker."R: "Do you play snooker?"T: "No, I don't play it, I Just watch it. I'd like to be able toplay snooker.... I've tried a few times but I wasn't any good at it...I've never managed ... the ball always manages to come off the table(laugh). I'm not much of a sporty type."The Big FiveIf leisure in Armley is not about sport, the countryside and the arts, it is aboutbeing with people, watching television, reading, drinking and playing bingo. Theseconstitute the "big five" for women in Armley, together with a host of subsidiaryactivities. All the activities which were mentioned in the sample weeks of respondentsare listed (Table 11) together with the percentage of "mentions" received by each.These are then discussed separately.t1n1Television|oth_er home based:KnittingSewingGardeningGames (chess, ludo,crosswords, etc)HobbiesStudyReadingTotal:Housework :IroningWashingCleaningBakingOthersTotal:Non-Home Based:ClubBingo clubPubCinemaL Theatrep Whist driveDancingL DiscoP MeetingsChurchWatching sportRestaurantEvening classParties"Out"Total:of Total33.63.32.51.91.30.080.45.315.34.22.41.00.32.410.33.32.34.40.40.20.080.80.41.41.10.20.31.91.12.821.2% of TotalPhysical activity:Walking 1 . 0Swimming 0.5Ice Skating 0.08Badminton 0.1Jogging 0.08, "Exercises" 0.2— . Total: 1.96"People" :Friends ' 6.3 (ô th°me 4'̂ )-4 T , . * — t A"t born© 2.3,.Relatives 4.7 (,>,,.». 04)\.l\i \, & e ̂Total: 11.0Other Activities:Shopping 1.0Parents Evening(school) 0.4Babysitting forothers 0.4Work 3 . 25.0-61-It can be argued that the leisure of women with husbands and children accommodatesthe leisure of other people more than does that of any other group. It is perhaps notsurprising that women stressed the importance of "people" in their perception of whatleisure meant. as they are not faced with a choice of with whom to spend their leisure,and neither have they particular experience of solitary pursuits. Leisure surveys arenot particularly adept at capturing the "people" dimension of leisure; the focus is onactivities and not on people who undertake particular activities in order to interact inparticular ways. Interaction with others may be played down by respondents themselves;"chatting" or talking to a range of people is aot regarded as "doing something". In the"sample evenings" people were only mentioned, with a handful of exceptions, when actionwas involved - "visited mum and dad", "friends came and had drinks". Talking withhusbands and children was never mentioned.The ways in which women interact with other members of the household, and the waythe family is organised, structure whatever leisure women enjoy. Bott's series ofcomments about household organisation, made in 1957, provide a working model that isstill useful 25 years later. (60) She classifies the organisation of family activitiesinto "complementary", "independent" and "joint organisation"."In complementary organisation, the activities of husband and wife aredifferent and separate but fitted together to form a whole. In independentorganisation, activities are carried out separately by husband and wifewithout reference to each other, in so far as this is possible. la jointorganisation, activities are carried out by husband and wife together, or thesame activity is carried out by the other partner at different times. Allthree types of organisation were found in all families. In fact, familialtasks could not be carried cut if this were not so. But the relative amountsof each type of organisation varies from one family to another. The phrase'segregated conjugal role-relafionship1 is here used for a relationship inwhich complementary and independent types of organisation predominate. Husbandand wife have a clear differentiation of tasks and a considerable number ofseparate interests and activities. They have a clearly defined division oflabour into nale tasks and female tasks. They expect to have different leisurepursuits, and the husband has his friends outside the home and the wife has hers.The phrase 'joint conjugal role-relationship' is here used for a relationship inwhich joint organisation is relatively predominant. Husband and wife expect tocarry out many activities together with a minimum of task differentiation andseparation of interests. They not only plan the affairs of the family togetherbut also exchange many household tasks and spend much of their leisure timeto-gether. In activities such as recreation, including here entertaining andvisiting people as well as hobbies, reading, going to the cinema, concerts, andso forth, there was so much variation that it is impossible to say that one formof organisation was consistently dominant in all families."Variation was also the key word in describing families in Armley. However, it can besaid that more households were organised on a "joint" basis than on a "segregated basis".It emerged strongly in the "typical weeks" that the leisure time of married women revolvedaround the marriage partnership. The impression is very different from that gained fromcommunity studies of the 1950's where leisure time was almost totally segregated:"The culturally established centres of leisure time activity are locatedoutside the home and for the most part they are exclusively maleinstitutions." (61)In the Aralay questionnaire sample, only a quarter of the husbands went out "often"without their wives. 61% were described as men who "like to spend free time at home withthe family."When *omea are not working and not doing housework, by far the most time is spent withthe nuclear family; 28% spent most of their spare time with their husbands, 30% with bothhusband and children and 13% with children only. Thus 71% spend most of their leisure timewith their families. ( 1% said they spend most time alone, 7% with friends and 1% with onespecial friend). Pair bond activities form the basis of most leisure activities and themarriage relationship has come to occupy a unique position. As Dennis comments, "marriagehas become the only place in which the individual can demand and expect esteem and love."(62) Most men did not express a wish to seek out other men:R: "Has he any friends?"T: "Oh yes, he's a lot of workmates, but he doesn't mix with themsocially. He only meets them at work,easily. He likes to be by himself."He doesn't mix veryR: "Does he go out on his own?"A: "No, he doesn"t. A few times he has in t'tiaie we've been marriedseven years - but not very often, not regular."R: "He doesn't go out for a drink with 'the lads'?"A: "No. He doesn't seem to bother once he gets home.he'll go out on a Friday with his friends,was the last time he went out."R: "Would he mind you going out on your own?"A: "Well he sulks that I go."-62-OccasionallyAbout four weeks since•theIn be[vedromthIwithlothtime[h oneheliageWhilst this may work well for those who are happily married and enjoy each other'scompany, it is not as satisfactory for those who are less happy with their partners.Other marriages are organised separately, not due particularly to an inability to "get on".R: "Does he go out on his own much?"J: "Yes, he goes out on his own every Saturday and Sunday night.We don't go out together. If I have any plans I'll go out, andhe goes out every Saturday and Sunday, so if I want to go out (then)we have to get a babysitter. We sort of go our own ways. It seemsto work for us."C: "It just works out that way. A lot of it is we have separateinterests. He likes a drink and I don't. And then of course youhave to get babysitters ...."N: "My husband's got a Friday night out and he goes down to the localpub, and that is sawdust on the floor and spittoons, and I've gotWednesday and I go to bingo, so it's not so much that you go your ownway, but you've got to relax when you've got children ...."Husbands appeared as willing babysitters; women tended not to go out when childrenwere very young anyway, but later, when children were perhaps of school age, husbands werethe most likely babysitters and some encouraged their wives to go out. Often, with tiringjobs, they were happy to stay at home:R: "Does his work tire him out a lot, then?"C: "Yes; of course getting up at half nast five doesn't help.It's handy in one way because he finishes at four, which meanshe sees plenty of the kids and plenty of home life. It meansthat I have three hours with him before I go out, which is aslong as some women have when the husband's coming in from workand you are staying in together. We get as much time togetherwith him finishing work so early."R: "So he doesn't mind you going out, then?"C: "No, he encourages me. If I'm sat here and my purse is emntyand his wallet's not, it's 'Are you stopping in tonight? f.'hy?'"I can't afford it.' 'Here, there's a couple of quid; off you go.'As I say, we still have as much time together as most families do,because a lot of husbands don't get home until six or seven atnight which means that they don't see anything of the children andtwo or three hours later they are in bed. Whereas we get two orthree hours before I go out and then, with him stopping up late,there's another couple of hours when I come home so it keeps usboth happy."The type of relationship with husbands, resulting in either joint or separate leisureactivities, had implications for the leisure facilities visited. Men were a passport tothe "culturally established centres of leisure time" which are still "male institutions".Women on their own had little choice of which facilities to use; in all households wheremen and women took their leisure separately, the women visited one "female institution" -the bingo club.Apart from the marriage partner, leisure time was spent with two other significantgroups of people - friends and relatives.FriendsFor the most part the situation described by Alien predominated in Armley. Friend-ships tended to revolve around work or around a specific activity. Friends were rarelyinvited into the home but were met in public places, the pub or club. Few of the womeninterviewed had a circle of friends; some could name one friend with whom a friendshipexisted which was recognised by the community - a "best friendship" - which was based onbeing in a similar situation at the same time. One woman describes such a friendshipwhich started from the two women working together, not because they were neighbours:"Christine used to work there as well. They were totally inseparable...there was only two houses between theirs. When Christine stopped workto have Graham, Jane was already at home with Nicholas and it just sprangfrom there."Where husbands fitted the typical working class model of friendship, with 'mateships'which were 'situation-specific', and non-home based, their wives were likely to be moreneighbourhood and family orientated with friends who were "less a conscious choice than...acceptance of those who are available." (63)Thus this women describes her husband's mates:"He's got quite a few people - I wouldn't particularly call them friends -but people that he knows and they go tinkering with their cars on aSaturday morning and then they go into the pub and then back to do a bitmore messing .about with the cars, and that's his idea of-a fun weekend.It's not mine, but ..."She had no "friends" but a wide circle of people whom she knew "to talk to", in theneighbourhood, at the community centre, and at the binfto club. She knew "most of thepeople in this street". She never had people to her home, apart from her extended family.Her mother had been rehoused out of Armlev bat was anxious tn return: t;Another woman, who had moved to the outskirts of Armley, had quite a differentpattern of friendships.A: "I've two or three friends from school who I still keep in touchwith regularly, plus I've one friend in particular who I see everyweek; she's just had a baby and we sort of go to town once a weekor we find something to do - I'll go and see her or she'll come tosee tne . . . . " sR: "Do you see your friends more than your family?"A: "Yes. It tends to be fleeting visits to my mum's - I'm poppingin and out for things but I don't actually sit and spend an afternoonwith her. When my friends come I drop everything and we sit down andhave a cup of tea and a friendly chat, which I don't seem to have alot of time tc do with my family."Here friendship does not revolve around an activity but is focussed on theindividuals; a friend is a person for whom ''everything is dropped" and who is made tofeel special. This woman had not fully adopted the middle class norm of having jointfriends; they had 'a few of my friends and a few of his friends" for "dinner" at theirhouse. Involvement with the neighbourhood was minimal -"I don't really know that many of them (neighbours); if we pass in thestreet I say "hello"; they seem nice enough just to say "hello" to inthe street ... but we don't have a lot to do with them."The interviewed women fitted either of the two types of friendship pattern, but noneapproximated the one style of friendship described by Gavron, where a great deal of timeis spent with friends. Gavron describes the working class family in her sample as "aninward looking unit" whilst the middle class wife "clearly felt the right to look to theworld outside." (64)RelativesAlthough friends were mentioned more often than relatives in the list of eveningactivities (friends received 6.3% of total 'mentions' and relatives 4.7%) this does notnecessarily mean that relatives are seen less than friends. Visits to relatives occurredmore frequently during the day than in the evening, and generally in Armley there wasevidence of close intergenerational relationships.14% of the questionnaire sample with parents still living saw them every day, and26% saw them "a few times a week". 28% saw parents once a week; thus 68% made contactonce a week or more often. 19% saw parents once every few weeks, 6% once every fewmonths, and 7% rarely or never saw their parents. These figures suggest slightly lesscontact than that found by Gavron, in whose working class sample 28% saw their mothersevery day and 52% saw them at least twice a week. (65)Of those with grown up children, 39% saw then every day, 13% a few times a week and28% once a week. 11% made contact every few weeks, 2% every few months and 2% rarely ornever.There is a tendency in Armley for grown up children to settle near to their parents,if not "only a few streets away", then one or two miles away."(people) tend to stay in the same area. There must be somethingabout this area that they like because they keep moving around inthe same area. They doc't seem to move out."81% of the questionnaire sample had a telephone, but the impression from the interviewedwomen was that the telepnone was not used to keep in touch. Rather, standing arrange-ments existed between parents and grown up children which were usually kept.NeighboursThere was a definite feeling from the older people that social contacts based on theneighbourhood had changed. In the past, "the community was here - you didn't have to ?oand look for it." Now, "I doa't think people mix like they used to." That the neighbourhood of the past can be idealised has already been discussed. However, the informal, non-intimate contact is much missed, and played an important part in relieving the lonelinessof housework:"Before they pulled the houses down a lot of people used to pass mygate and it was "Oh, how are you? what you doing?" you know, ifyou're hanging your washing out but there aren't so many now becausethe streets have gone down."In discussion groups there was an overwhelming "no" in response to the questionsabout help received from neighbours. Even people in their 70's who had the same neighbour*for a generation spoke of never having been inside their houses. Visiting between neigh-bours in the old people's council flats was rare; neighbours were concerned not to seemto be scrounging cups of tea or to be intruding. One younger woman who lived in a neigh*bourhood with a large number of old_people said:"In an area like this .... people tend to keep themselves tothemselves. They don't want anybody knowing what's going onin their house, or their family.'1-64-IheIredIdlorps.the?onbournon-The questionnaire respondents were asked how well they knew the neighbours on theirroad. Only 8% said they "know them well"; 40% said they "know a few very well";38% said they "know them fairly well" and 14% "didn't know them".>fone of the interviewed women whose homes were visited were used to having strangersin the house. In fact, interviews were sometimes arranged elsewhere as it was obviousthat the women werenot anxious for visitors. It was apparent that neighbours, even ifthey subsequently became friends, were not used to meeting in each other's homes. Thereastheir middle class counterparts might spend a great deal of time discussing home furnishings,extensions and schemes, homes in Armley were never discussed in this way. They were privateexcept to the family and close friends. The evidence from Armley supports that from othercommunity studies regarding use of the home. Families in Armley had not adopted the middleclass norm of using the home to entertain friends or to deepen relationships with non-family.Television"Watching television is the main evening pastime for all groups,except young men, who are probably out drinking. The averagetime spent watching in 1980-81 by those aged five and over was20 hours a week. Less than half is spent listening to the radio.Ninety-two per cent of households have a television set, and onthe rare occasions when it is switched off, the probability isthat the man of the house is in the pub while his wife is reading."(66)The dominance of television watching is undisputed; however, in the light of interviews withwomen in Armley, it is difficult to know exactly what the "20 hours a week" of viewingactually means. Young and Willmott can be criticised for devoting only one page to tele-vision in "The Symmetrical Family" and for categorising it as "television viewing and otherpassivities." (67) Pearson comments, "The number of viewing hours might be high, partic-ularly among housewives but this does not necessarily imply impassiveness or the absenceof any other activity." (68)It may be that women's viewing habits are as misunderstood as was Peter Sellers'ingenuous comment "I like to watch" as the television watching simpleton in "Being There".All the questionnaire respondents had a television set. Only 2.5% "rarely" had thetelevision on, 25.5% switched on "only for certain programmes", 61% had it on "half thetime" and 11% "all the time". Having the television on and watching it are two separatethings:"Yes, it's on morning 'til night. I don't sit and watch it."The television is switched on for two reasons apart from wanting to watch,switched on for children or husbands:"Well I don't (watch) but it's switched on because either Tracy'swatching or Gerry's watching it, but personally I prefer to sitand read a book or sew...."Firstly, it isWomen would often have preferred the TV to be switched off;restrict their children's viewing:some felt it important to"I don't particuarly worry about it but .... I don't want her to beone of these kiddies who sits in front of it all day with square eyes."Women, especially housewives, also switch the TV on to provide background noise and movement:"I like to have something in the background. Even if I've got recordson I like to have the TV on - if I'm on my own it feels as if there'ssomeone else in the room. Because I'm not very good at being on myown. As long as I've got the TV on ... there doesn't need to be anysound on as long as there's movement there. I feel alright if that'son. Otherwise I can get really depressed. I think a lot of peoplecan in their house on their own."Both the TV and radio provide a link with the outside world, aa "array of syntheticfriends". (69) They provide comfort:"An old woman tells me; 'when the man on the Telly says goodnight, that'swhen I feel so close to him, so happy; I feel I needn't worry no more." (70)Only at certain times do women (apart from the elderly and the young) actually sitdown and watch. These are at times which women allocate themselves, when they feel they'deserve' to sit and watch:"There's only one night a week I really enjoy to watch TV and that's aFriday. For some reason Friday night I've done my shopping - I've abusy day as a rule. I put all my shopping away, make the tea and clearaway and I enjoy to sit down in front of the tally with my feet up."-65-Few women showed the very positive enjoyment of television that this woman did:"I love television ... I'll turn it on at night at Playschool at5 to 4 and if I wasn't going out I'd leave it on 'til 11 or 12o'clock. I love it. No matter what's on I'll watch it."She had earlier described herself as a "typical housewife" who was happy to stay inrather than go out. However she had recently sent back her colour television due tothe cost - "black and white's as good and the kids enjoy it as much" she rationalised.In some households, dislike of television drove women out of the house, usuallyto bingo:"I can't do with stopping in and staring at that thing in the corner.And the rest of the family are addicts. Really and truthfully theywalk down the stairs on a Saturday morning, on it goes and it doesn'tgo off until there's nothing on."The television could be deeply resented if the rest of the family wanted it switchedon all the time whilst the woman wanted to do something else. TV was seen as a cause oflack of communication within the family:"When we were growing up we didn't have a TV and we used to sit andtalk to us parents. I'm at fault as well, because my child's gota portable TV upstairs - that was to stop arguments, so really I'min the trap as well."A further source of resentment was the content of programmes:"I think it's offensive when it comes into your own home ....you can switch it off, but by then it's too late",I knowsaid one woman of films and plays which portrayed "blatant sex". Older women inparticular voiced concern; for many of them, although TV provided a link with the outsideworld, it was a world which was foreign to them, in constant change and with new styles oflanguage, relationships and fashion, of "Bad News" (71) and "Really Bad News". (72) Thusit served to reinforce a sense of isolation and of being "past it". For others, the trendin TV fiction whereby "stories don't have proper endings" caused frustration - ''you don'tknow what they were on about when you've watched them". In a community like Armley, hitby recession and unemployment, the non-fictional affluence of others was resented:-'0u a Sunday they have that programme "Wish you ?.-ere Here" and I couldscream because it's fantastic prices for these holidays and you canhave 'this in' and 'that in' and it's only £1000 or £750 and they're'cheap' holidays, like, and you think 'well who can afford these holidayswith half the country on the dole' you know.- somebody must be earning it."Of the questionnaire sample, 55.5% said that the channel they most enjoyed was ITV,37.5% preferred BBC1 and 7% BBC2. Programmes that were enjoyed were serials - "ElizabethR" was a favourite - and documentaries:"I like "Sons and Lovers". I like owt like that. But I'm not a madCoronation Street fan or Crossroads fan or owt like that that I speciallysit down to watch."In all, the women were surprisingly indifferent about television, particularly in view ofthe fact that it occupies approximately one third of leisure time, and that, as one womanput it,"You live your life through the box - we all-do."Other Home Based Activities:When the television is not on, according to the quotation at the head of the lastsection, the husband is likely to be at the pub and the wife to be reading. The import-ance of reading to women has not received much attention. Academics interested incultural studies have directed themselves to the literature which is provided for thefemale market, and analysed it from the perspective of the ways in which it reinforceswomen's existing roles, or helps women and girls to achieve a socially acceptable identity.Thus magazines such as "Jackie" have been analysed as a "system of messages, a signifyingsystem and a bearer of a certain ideology". (73) The semiology of women's fiction hasan important contribution to make; the sociology of women's reading has yet to beinvestigated.The novelist Rachel Billington recently asserted, "women not only read but needfiction .... for them the novel is just an extension of everyday life". (74) By theage of 7 girls read more than boys and both sexes have a clear picture of what they wantto read. Magazines for teenage girls have no male equivalent in terms of the fictionwhich they supply. From magazines such as Jackie and Boyfriend, the way is open tomore adult reading in Woman, Woman's Own, and other such magazines.-66-ideofisrend'tItethIn 1979 a survey of reading habits showed that women were substantially more likelyto read than men and that female readers read more fiction than male readers. FrancesDonelly, researching a recent Radio 4 programme on reading habits, was struck by the"positive relish with which women approach reading". (75) This emerged in Armley too.Only 5% of the questionnaire sample said that they "don't like to read" and a further 5%said they had "no time to read". 41% said "now and again I read a book" and 49% saidthey "always have one book which I"m reading". 48% said they read magazines regularly.The women were not particular about what they read; the important thing was to be reading:R: "What sort of books do you read?"A: "Nothing in particular. Whatever I can lay my hands on ...whatever happens to be around at the time. I don't go out ofmy way to buy new books. A lot of my friends pass them round,you know, we buy one or two each and swop them round."E: "I do quite a lot of reading. I like autobiographies andromances really. I like Agatha Christie. I like a variationreally. I like period costume ones ...."Ch:"I read anything I can get my hands on; morning paper, nightpaper, weekly paper, magazines, books - you name it, I'll readit. I never go anywhere without something to read on me."Reading is such a part of everyday life that it is overlooked by tte women themselves intheir daily routine:M: "For someone like me who's always got their nose in a book, Ican't imagine life without books."It is probable that the 5.3% of the activities mentioned as reading in the sample weeks ofthe respondents is an underestimate for this reason. Even so, reading is mentioned moreoften than any other leisure activity inside the home, apart from television, and more thanany single leisure activity outside the home. (Table 11)An important aspect of the appeal of reading is that is is a private activity. Privacyis rare and therefore highly valued:"although isolated, the housewife is never alone; her domain isthe kitchen, the most communal room, and even the possibility ofsleeping alone is denied her." (76)Women are denied solitude as and when they choose it. Comer notes that "everyone else'sneed for occasional solitude and time to themselves is recognised and catered for." (77)Husbands and adolescents use solitary pursuits - fishing, golf, a lonely pint, playingrecords in one's room - to gain privacy. If a housewife wishes to go off alone she isregarded as being disturbed - something must be wrong for her to reject her family andobligations, even for only an hour or two. Reading is one way to simulate privacy, to"switch off" and be absorbed. "The more communal pleasures of watching television paledbeside those of a quiet book" for the women observed by Donnelly. It was noted above thatwomen in their thirties, subject to the greatest pressures from children and housework, weremost likely to mention reading as a favourite activity.Magazines, with short stories and articles, fit more easily into the short spaces oftime which women have between tasks in their daily routine and answering demands from children.Reading too, is subject to being "allowed" to read:"If I sit down to read, either one of the kids comes up; the otherday Richard came up to me and took the paper off me and gave me oneof his books as if to say 'don't read that, read this to me'."In other cases, husbands choose books which their wives then read:"I don't get the chance to go to the library. He goes and I usuallyread whatever he reads. He usually gets things like "Papillon" andthings about the Mafia.."|ity.ngNewspapers: Only 6.5% of the questionnaire sample read no newspapers. Of those who readdaily papers, 60% took one, 20% two, 14% three and 6% four. Of those reading Sunday papers.79% read one and 21% two. Local papers were the most popular and of the national dailiesArmley can be said to be Daily Mirror territory. (Table 12) The Sunday Mirror was themost read Sunday paper. 10.3% of the sample read papers but did not specify which.Table 12 : NewspapersYorkshire Evening PostDaily MirrorSunStarDaily ExpressDaily MailDaily TelegraphMorning Star% of those readingDaily Paper43.427.515.95.72.81.91.41.4Sunday MirrorSunday PeopleNews of the WorldSunday PostSunday ExpressObserver% of those readingSunday Paper27.621.221.217.310.62.12. Knitting, sewing, "hobbies"A number of leisure surveys include 'female' pursuits such as knitting, sewing andcooking as "hobbies". In order to assess the extent to which women see such activitiesas hobbies or chores, they were asked to categorise six activities, some of which couldbe described as hobbies and other which definitelv were not.Table 13 : Respondents' Categorisation of s-ix ActivitiesKnittingSewingCookingDecoratingGardeningIroningA hobby15.53.5227Somethingyou enjoy3426.5542022.58.5Something youdon't minddoing2522282124.526.5Something you doonly because youhave to43016312763.5Somethingyou neverdo21.51326191.5Ironing is definitely disliked! The point, however, is that few respondentsdescribed activities as hobbies, although such activities were not disliked. Knittingis most likely to be seen as a hobby, followed by sewing. Almost one third only sewedbecause they had to. Over half enjoyed cooking, but only 2% elevate it to the statusof a hobby.Hobbies engage a small proportion of the national population - approximately 3%of women and 7% of men. (78) Hobbies which spring to mind - collecting, painting,making things - are not only often expensive but require individual time and concentrationand also considerable physical space. Only one woman claimed to have a hobby - woodwork -whilst other activities which could be called hobbies took place at evening classes, to bedropped at the end of the course due to lack of resources, time and money at home.Little, if any, time was spent on games such as Scrabble, Monopoly and cards. Onewoman played chess and another bridge; one did jigsaw puzzles with her children but, formost, interaction around a Ludo board had been replaced by interaction with and throughthe television set.Outside the HoneThe majority of non-home based activities were catered for by commercial concerns.70% of non-home based activities took place in commercially run facilities, 24% werelocally organised (e.g. "meetings", evening classes or church activities) and 6% werearranged at the homes of others. Araley thus appears to conform to the model put forwardabove, that social interaction outside the home occurs in semi-public places, centred onan activity such as drinking, whilst the homes of others are infrequently used for inter-action.clubs - •" - . : •••"•• ••**•':* :A number of clubs existed in Armley - workingmen's clubs, clubs based on the churchcr on the workplace, the Conservative and Liberal Clubs and sports clubs. 45% of thehusbands of the women in the questionnaire sample were members of workir.gmen's clubs;31% of the women were members of social clubs and 8% of sports clubs. The clubs providea variety of entertainments, summed up concisely by this woman:H: "What do you do at the Irish Club?" '-'"'"'" - ~T: "We go more or less for the kid's sake. We sit and talk. His sistersgo there and we have a natter and a game of bingo and a dance."Under one roof it is possible to drink, to take the children, to meet relatives, to playbingo, to dance and chat. Another describes a workingmen's club:R: "What's the club you were talking about?"A: "Hall Road. I like going there, it's only an ordinary workingmen'sclub, nothing exciting. But I've been going there a long time. Idon't mind playing bingo in there because it's not your whole life,you're not doing it the whole time. And I like to" talk and drink."Clubs were either visited by women on their own, or in couples where the man wouldgo to the tap room whilst his wife played bingo or spent time with women, or the club wasfrequented only by men:"He goes to a club called the Con. Club. He likes it in there, infact he loves it. A lot of fellows go in there as well and it'sthe cheapest place for the beer. It's a man's place, a place whereall the fellows go.' Women can go in but it's mostly for men."-68-The clubs were act physically conspicuous in Armley. As Jackson suggests, ofworkingmen's clubs, they belong "to that huge stretch of working class life that existsbelow the 'public' level". (79) The clubs lie at the heart of the working classcommunity and are essentialy social rather than political. Batley notes that union andpolitical activities are "carefully excluded" (80) - the emphasis is on sociability.Table 1420 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 - 83Frequency of Visits to Social Clubs - bv Age group %RarelyTwice a weekor more103315Once a.weekOnce amonth3593061092510Once ortwice ayear2013181725135165Never434751605535Table 15 : Frequency of Visits to Workingmen's Clubs - by Age grout) "a20 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 - 83Twice a weekor more131022Once aweek10128Once amonth89920Once ortwice ayear141213Rarely2025510105Never4842526068954The PubThe centrality of alcoholic drink in British life has been commented on from avariety of sources; over the last 20 years consumption of beer has -increased by 40%,of wine by 250% and spirits 135%. (81) A recent study of teenage drinking showed that30% of boys and 20% of girls drank on a regular weekly basis (82) whilst a survey ofmiddle-aged men showed that in various northern cities such as Hartlepool 72% aremoderate to heavy drinkers. The increase of drinking among women has been cause forparticular comment, related to the easy access to drink in supermarKets. Althoughinformation on such things as national consumption rates are available at an aggregatelevel, there are gaps in our knowledge; one researcher comments on the "little factualevidence about the real extent of drinking in young adults." (83) The same can- be saidof women, for although women consume ever increasing quantities of alcoholic drink, andthere is a small but developing "female drinks" market, they are still excluded asindividuals from the single most important drinking vanue in Britain, the public house.Women drink in private, whereas their drinking in a public house is subject to a numberof regulations.The pub was the most frequently visited leisure facility in Armley. (Table 16)However, in the 'typical weeks' of respondents, visiting the pub was mentioned only asoften as ironing. 15% "never" and 19% "rarely" went to the pub. 13% went twice aweek or more, 22% once a week and 22% once a month and 9% once or twice a week. Whilstthe frequency of visits by men to pubs may no longer differ enormously from that of women,it is in the differential usage of pubs that the significant difference lies. Women havetraditionally played a peripheral role in pub culture; in the past women who frequentedpubs alone were either associated with the profession of prostitution or were obviouslyunavailable older women. Working class women more than middle class women regard the pubas a male environment, which is related to class differences in the use of pubs. (34)Whilst men are relaxed in their use of pubs, women are restrained; none of the women inArmley would go into a pub on their own. They have to be escorted or have arranged tomeet someone there. It is not possible to drop in casually .R: "Do you go to the pub at all?"J: "Depends. I won't go on my own. If one of my mates will gowith me I'll go. Generally if I have nothing planned, I go downto the bingo." -,-»„•The need for women's groups in Armley and the absence of a male counterpart wasexplained as being because "the men do it all (i.e. socialising) in pubs". The reasonsfor not going into pubs unescorted was not articulated; women simply said they felt'uncomfortable' and would be 'pestered'--69-The masculinity of the pub is maintained on two levels. There is the immediatelevel, where "women on their own are intruders in this highly evolved man-to-manencounter. They're made to feel miserable, out of place and unwelcome." (85) Thisimmediate rejection is paralleled by the possibility of a long term rejection - "thecommonsense wisdom deeply inscribed in most women's consciousness (is) that boys don'tlike girls who drink." (.86)Whilst most women were taken to the pub by their husbands and boyfriends, womenwho either had no male companion or didn't pursue joint leisure activities with husbands,had to find alternatives in social clubs or the bingo clubs. Others simply did notdrink:"There's often I think 'ooh, I'd love to go for a drink'...""It's so easy for men and not for us."Table 16 : Frequency of Visits to the Pub - by age group20 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 - 83Twice a weekor more23101310-5Once aweek252218101120Once amonth34391410--Once ortwice ayear91319--5Rarely91418307715Never218401255RestaurantsGoing out for a meal was the one activity which was most often mentioned as onewhich women would love to do but couldn't-. Four women in one discussion claimed:"If we get the chance I think for me the greatest treat - I haveto admit it - is to be taken out for a meal. That is real pleasurefor me, to be taken out.""I enjoy that but he doesn't.""I love it when the waiter comes and takes the pots away.""You're not going to be interrupted and you can be together."Another said,"There's nothing more I'd like to do than to go into town to t'pictures •and have a meal, you know, and take one or two of the kids with me, butI can't afford it, it's too.dear."It is "real pleasure" for women to eat a meal which they have not prepared and whichthey do not have to clear up after. It is this reason why eating out appeals less to men.R: "Do you ever go out for a meal?"11: "No, you can't really afford it.meals at home."My husband says he gets betterEating out tended to be instigated by the woman:"It's usually me that suggests meals. It's just on a Saturday whenwe go out anyway,book or owt."Bibi's is pretty cheap and you don't have toTable 17 : 7reauencv of Visits to Restaurants - by age group20 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 - 83Twice a weekor more-----_Once aweek32810108Once anonth343348151321Once ortwice ayear43372340228Rarely1425*154555631220108-70-Is.The CinemaThe cinema did not play a prominent role in the leisure lives of the questionnairerespondents. 24% never went to the cinema, 32.5% rarely, 27% once or twice a year,15% once a month and 1.5% once a week. (Table 18) Armley once contained six cinemas.The Providence Sunday School was converted into a cinema in 1912, but closed in 1931.The Palace also opened in 1912 and was visited by 1000 people on its opening night.People were shown to their seats by "young ladies who have electric flashlights." (87)The Palace closed in 1964. The Pictodrome opened in 1913 and was demolished in 1958,and the Crown opened in 1919 but has been used for bingo since 1968. The oldest, thePictureland, was opened in 1910; it changed its name to the "Western Talkie" in 1933,closed in 1956, reopened as the New Western in 1957 and then converted to bingo in 1960.The one remaining cinema which is still a cinema is the Lyric which opened relativelylater in 1922 with a showing of "The Three Musketeers", starring Douglas Fairbanks.It was closed twice in the 1970's, reopening after intervals of ten and eight months.It is not a modern cinema and shows films several months after they have been shown inthe city centre. However, it is cheap compared to city centre cinemas. A recentshowing of "Gone with the Wind" attracted people who had not been to The cinema for years,but the Lyric is never particularly full.In the 1940's and 50's, women in Armley remarked that there were picture houses"everywhere". In a study carried out in the 1950's in an area similar to Armley, theauthor notes the lack of places for women to "chat", and remarks on the use of the cinema:"The main recreational activity for women is the cinema. Going toa show is an occasion for active neighbouring; it expresses anestablished relationship, and also provides the opportunity forgreater intimacy. As for the men, the cinema has little effect onneighbouring. They attend less often than the women; "the fathershave to stay at home with the children". Occasionally they will gotogether to a show, but this is rare; for the most part they accompanytheir wives or drop into a cinema on the way from work." C88)A survey in 1946 showed that 35% of women visited the cinema once a week or more,and only 25% never went. (89) The annual total of 1,500,000,000 attendances in 1951provides a figure for cinema owners of the 1980's to envy. The popularity of the cinemain the early 1950's has been described as "staggering". It is commonly assumed thattelevision "killed off" the cinema trade. Since the 1950's the number of cinemas, hasdeclined; analysis of cinemas in Leeds shows that of the 107 built, only 14 still existas cinemas. 42 have been demolished, 19 are used for bingo, 25 for businesses, 1 as acasino and the remainder for other non-recreational uses. The boom in building occurredin the first two decades of the Twentieth Century - 69% of Leeds' cinemas were built before1920 and 98% before 1939. 25% were closed before 1939 and 57% after that year. (90)The rationalisation of the industry continues - in 1979 Rank announced that it wantedto close 29 of its cinemas. (91) The remodelled cinema business appeals to a new type ofconsumer, considerably younger than the audience of the 1940's and 50's. Three factorswere seen as off-putting for women in Armley. First, the cost was seen as prohibitive.Secondly, there was a great deal of concern about the type of films shown and the lack ofinformation about films. The fear of ending up watching a violent sexual film was great.The way in which most women found out about films was through television advertising:E: "Until you've seen them advertised on television you don't knowwhat they're about. It was seeing it on television that made mewant to see "The Elephant Man". It never showed you his face ....and I wanted to know what he looked like, but I really enjoyed it,it's a beautiful picture."Whilst television may be blamed for the decline in cinema attendances, it is alsouseful in inducing attendance. The third factor was related to the changed audience;cinemas were no longer seen as safe places for women to go to alone.Table 18 : Frequency of Visits to the Cinema - by age group20 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 - 83Twice a weekor moreOnce aweekOnce amonth26141110Once ortwice ayear43382010Rarely29384920785Never3520602290One woman sums up the whole picture:Mrs. E: "(television is) a lot cheaper than going to the pictures.That's why people have television now ... my husband and I, whenwe were younger, well I used to go to the pictures five nights aweek. I lived there. Where I lived in Beeston there was aboutsix picture houses all in the vicinity of a quarter of an hour,and you could go for about fivepence in old money. And you couldsit there and get a three hour show. Get your Flash Gordon tostart with. Mow there's all these sex films. I've nothing againstmusical or a good laugh,in your own life ....."Something that probably wouldn't happenEvening classesAttendance at evening classes, according to a recent writer has "for 100 years beenone of the main means by which manual workers have gained the qualifications needed toclimb into better paid, more agreeable work." (92) Whilst the initial aim of classesmay have been to provide for "serious and sustained study", research into students atevening classes suggests that they are used more for leisure than for educational purposes;moreover "as leisure (they) may perform functions for which no other forms of leisure area substitute." (93) In part of the country, 30% of evening class users are women - "thenight school has been one of the few respectable 'nights out' for women unaccompanied byhusbands and boyfriends." (94)A recent study in south-east Derbyshire found that in the five years from 1976, feesfor classes rose 240%, and the number of students fell by 28%, even though the populationof the area was increasing. One result according to the writers of the report was "totighten the grip of the middle classes and loosen contact with the working classes." (95)The proportion of working class students fell from 39% to 24%.54% of the questionnaire sample had attended an evening or day-time class since leavingschool. As some of the questionnaires were given out at classes, this proportion willprobably be inflated. However, Armley runs an excellent series of evening classes andpublicity for them is comprehensive. 88% said that they knew where to find out aboutevening classes if they wished to attend.There were two barriers to attendance: social and economic. Although evening classeswere held in schools and other buildings which were in the geographical centre of Armley andnot inaccessible, they did not feature in people's "mental maps" of the area. This womanis not only referring to physical distance:R: "Do you ever go to Thornhill (for evening classes)? Have you everbeen to a class there?"J: "No. I know it's not far away, but to me it's too far away."Another woman describes those who enrol for evening classes:Ch: "I must admit at certain times I find myself thinking of themas "them" rather than as people like us .... where you think theyare better educated than we are, they must be better people thanwe are. And I still do think at times that they must know betterhow to do things than I do."For many of the women, schooling was not recalled with a great deal of pleasure, yetthere is much latent demand for learning. These three bingo players independently said:J: "If I can keep my mind going then I am all right. I know I'mnot that bright but I'm not daft either. I just like to learnthings."Ca: "I'd like to do biology ... I don't think I've got thedetermination now to sit and study. I don't know whether Icould do it ... it's like starting all over again." (aged23 with 3 children under the age of 3 in a small house)* ""'" Ch: "I wanted to go back and do my '0' levels and for the pasttwo years I've planned it, but when it comes to the crunch Ijust couldn't afford it."It is not so much the lack of money which constitutes the problem, but the fee paymentstructure. The total for the course must be paid at the outset, and some women cannotafford to pay out a lump sum:N: "As I say, these '0' level classes I would certai-nly have takenup by now had it not been that you had to fork out all at one go ...I can't afford to part with all that all at one go ... we live fromone pay time to another." ., . - .The same woman who described an "us" and "them" situation between the community andteachers and "educated" participants had attended classes twice a week when a policy wasadopted where it was possible to attend as many classes as one liked for only £4 a year.Thus cost appears as the main prohibiting factor. For women there is an additionalcomplication. Women are unwilling to make a commitment to a course as they know thattheir first commitment is to the family. There is the possibility of "wasting" theoutlay on classes due to the likelihood of not being able to attend:P: "When you're talking about the kinds of activities that areorganised.... it means they'll be at specific tines - say Thursdayat 8 o'clock for two hours - well when you've got a family youcan't commit yourself to that - you never know what's going to Table 25 : Frequency of Playing Bingo (Bingo Players only)Every Day3 or more times a WeekTwice a WeekOnce a WeekOnce a FortnightOnce a MonthNot very often1.43.616.8404.18.320.8Why do Women play Bingo?There are a number of features which make bingo clubs unique. The bingo club is oftenreferred to as "the only place where I don't have to have anyone with me"; it is the only:place into which women can walk on their own and feel comfortable. It was often describedas the "only place to go":"I've got three kids and I've nowhere else to go.""It's the only thing I get to do.""When you were a youngster you'd go to the dancing and the pictures_yourself and now you'll not go yourself, so I cone here.1'"It's one place where you can go without a male escort; there's noquestion of 'oh, what's she doing here on her own?' I started goingafter my husband died.""For some people it's the only way to get company. One old lady turnedto me and said 'well look, my husband died and I don't like Co go topubs, so where else have I got to go?' "-77-It is one of the few places where women feel comfortable buying drinks:"Does the bar not take any money?""No - the bar's pretty good there. It's on the go sort of all night.""Is it mainly the men who drink?""No, it's women as well. In fact you'll find in there they've gotsingle seats in the middle and on one side you've got all tables andchairs, and near the bar there's tables and chairs, and then there'slike a lounge with tables and chairs, and you'll find it's mostlywomen who sit near the bar. The men that do go try and get near thebar and there's a space near the bar where you can stand, and I like tostand near the bar so I can talk to the bar staff, but it's mostlywomen who sit there and quite a lot of women drink more than the men.""Do you think they drink there because women don't like to go into pufason their own?""Probably, yes. When you go in there you can go in on your own. That'swhy I go in there. I know I'm not going to get accosted by a perfectstranger. And I think a lot of women think the same because you get alot of women going in on their own. When you get in there it's sort oflike going to a meeting you know, you sort of know everybody that's there.And you all sit round together. You can drink and you can have a laugh,and you're safe from anyone coming up and pestering you, not like if yougo into a pub, especially round here. The only pub I have gone into onmy own - and that's because I've been meeting somebody - is the Nelsondown the bottom, and it's not too bad in there because the bar staff arefriendly and if you go to the bar they'll talk to you. They are womenbar staff and you feel all right, but I wouldn't go in there alone for allnight. It's not too bad if you're meeting somebody.Apart from bingo being the "only" thing to do or place to go, players found it difficultto articulate the reasons for playing. Reasons centred on social contact and winning, butpriority could not be given to either one. One player suggests:They do come socially, but they all cone to hope to win some money, you know... it all balances out - it's not a question of winning money or losingmoney, it's more somewhere to go."Another talks of both reasons:R: "Do you think it's only a small minority who get addicted? You hear va lot about that."J: "Yes, there are a lot of people addicted to it but I think it's justa minority of people. Some people just go for the company; some justgo for a natter with a friend. It's a night out you know. You get agroup of women together - "Oh, come on, we'll go to bingo." And a lotof people go there and then go for a drink afterwards. But there are afew people that go just because of the fact that they want to win, andthey get very upset and very angry if they don't win. They'll say thatthe number they were waiting for isn't in and have them check it all andeverything, you know. They get very angry and nasty if they don't win.u,,. But I think it's just a minority though. I don't think it's sort of(':.'"••• going to get everybody."..';'.:" R: "In a way it's understandable people getting upset if they don't win.. . • There is a lot of unemployment and a lot of hardship."J: "If they are that hard up they shouldn't go in the first place to wasteit, because it costs a lot of money to go. When I go - let's see, whatdoes it cost me? - about £1.60 to get in, and I only play two tickets.There are some people going in and they are playing a book of six."Whilst the social contact and the prospect of winning are inextricably bound together inpractice, in theory they can be discussed separately.Social ContactYounger women tended to discuss their involvement in bingo in negative terms, as adiversion from home and children:"I usually go for a bit oi sanity.""It's just more or less - need to get out of the house."The importance of getting out of the house, and that bingo is a refuge, is exemplified bythis story: —"I walked out, think it was a bit of post-natal depression. It was aSaturday night, the baby'd done nothing but cry all day and I was crying,tears streaming down my face and I woke up Sunday morning crying. I camedown, made a cup of tea, went back upstairs and got dressed and he said,"There are you going?" and I said, "I'm off, if I don't get out of hereI'll do my nut" and I walked over to the park and went to my brother'sfor the day, and our Dave run us back and he said, "I won't come in 'coshe might go potty with you", and I come in and all he says was "Are yougoing out to bingo?" and I said, "I've no money" and he said "Well hereyou are then." "-78-BeiASitting where you likeCelebrating retirementPlaying to winHappy winnersMost go on their own to the club and meet friends there:R: "Do you usually meet friends there, or do you just go thereand play on your own?"C: "I usually go up on my own, but there's always that many peoplethat I know that there's always some one that I can talk to.Sunday nights Carol usually comes. Ron used to come a lot beforehe was poorly. Tuesday night Jane comes and if anybody else turnsup they all know where to find me. I know that many people therethat I just feel I'm among friends anyway."The club is used for both casual contact and for regular, organised meetings withrelatives and friends:"My night out is Wednesday and I have to come to bingo - well I don'thave to come but I come to the bingo and I meet my friends and mysister, my relations and that."For some women, it is simply contact with other women that is sought:"The reason I come in the afternoon is to get women to talk to. I'vegot a house full of men; I've got two sons and a husband at home and,well, men don't talk as much as women do."The elderly in particular use the bingo club as a point of contact, often their onlypoint of contact, with other people:"I was going out of my head living in the flat rcos I was stuck there allday on my own .... and it (bingo) was the only way I'd get out of theflat.""But you get a lot of the older people going, and they just want someoneto talk to. When I worked there we had one very old lady called Mrs.Guy - everybody in this area knew her - and she came every night. Shenever missed a night. I think she was in her 90's. It didn't costher anything because they used to give her a bingo ticket, and she usedto miss half the numbers anyway, but if she wasn't there - if she waspoorly or anything - people used to say "Where1s Mrs. Guy?". It wasn'tthe same without her. Everybody used to speak to her and I think shejust went for the company. But she got knocked over one night on the 'way to Bingo up on the High Street, and she died. They've got photosof her up in the Foyer of the Bingo Hall." . .- ."Basically the only alternative is the pub. Quite a lot of elderly peoplego (to bingo) because it's just a break for them, it's a pleasant change."As was discussed earlier, the other environment in which women feel comfortable, the home,is not used for social mixing. The bingo club provides an opportunity for non-intimatecompanionship, for a type of interaction which is found in few other ways. Playing bingois one of the "easiest" ways to be with other people:"Bingo is one of the easiest places to start to be sociable.""You don't notice one person coming in on her own to bingo.""You can sit down and if you're not a person who does mix easily, you cansit down and you don't have to mix. If you come to a place like this(Housewives' Group) and you don't mix easily, you feel uncomfortable,because it's a place where you come to mix.""It doesn't come natural to mix with folk when you've worked all your life."In spite cf the ambiguity surrounding the reasons for playing, the possibility ofwinning is an essential component. Most do not expect to win:"I'm not here to win really.company and relaxation."If I win, good enough, but I'm here forPlayers are more prepared to accept that they have not won, as they have also had a pleasantnight out:R: "How important is winning the money?"3: "Not at all. You go for a night out. The money is just an addedthrill on the very rare occasion that it happens."R: "Do you ever win?"P: "I think I've won once, (laughs) No - I've been going in there fortwo years and I've only won twice, and it's only been a couple of poundseach time. But it's just a bit of excitement and you say "oh well, it'snot cost me anything to go out to-night", so - that's the way I look at itanyway. I don't go out expecting to win. If I win then it's going tomake me feel good but I don't go out to win. I don't see how anybody canexpect to win when there's hundreds of people there and only a certainamount of things you can win. It seems impossible that everybody can win.But it's nice for you if you do win."R: "Do you think at bingo that people are attracted by the possibilityof winning some money as well? And they wouldn't go unless theycould win something?"J: "Yes - you find that out easy enough because there are certain gamesdown at the Western where you have like a jackpot which they hold oncea week, and the one they've got on at the moment, they tell you it willgo if you get it on a certain amount of numbers, and so on - say aTuesday night, it will be 'roller' night (which is what they call thegame - a 'roller'). It's for about £200 usually. On that night youfind that it's quite busy - that can be during the week, and it's quitebusy. I think a lot of them do go hoping they are going to win something."It was the younger players who were most likely to mention winning as a primary reasonfor playing bingo. They tended to 'follow the money', to frequent the larger city clubswhich gave large prizes. Thus, certain clubs were favoured for 'the money' and others for'friendliness'. One 20-year old describes nearly winning £1000:R: "Do you ever go to the Western Bingo?"B: "Well, I've been there a couple of times, but I usually to to thatone down City Square. There's good money there if you can win it."R: "Is that the attraction, do you think?"B: "Well it would be nice if you won summat you know. It would be nicefor your Mam if she found out. About 3 weeks ago I went one Saturdaynight and I were waiting for number 6 for a thousand pounds, and I justsat there and I was getting excited. I was thinking 'If I win thisI'll call for my Dad to bring me and I'll go home and I won't botherplaying any more.' And he said, 'On it's own, number 7' and I wasthinking 'Oh number 6 please' and I was shaking. And he started to say'On its own...' and I got ready to shout and he said 'Number 5', and thelady next to me shouted it, and I couldn't stop shaking. My heart weregoing 'boom, boom' with getting all excited and all that. And I wenthorns and my 5tam said, 'Did you win owt Beverley?' and I said, 'I nearlywon a thousand pounds''and she says, 'Calm down, you haven't won it.'It would have been lovely if I'd have had it, you know."The possibility of winning is seen as the factor which makes people return:"People will go to bingo and if they won a big house, say they won £1000on a Wednesday, right, so they'll go back next Wednesday and say 'MaybeI'll get it again' - well, that's human nature. You think 'Maybe I'llbe busy, maybe I won't'."R: "Would the fact that you came so close make you want to go again?"B: "Yes, it would. If I ever won any big money, I'd always fro again.I won at the Regent where I went. I won - it wasn't much - but it was£80 in 1979, or something like that. It were a surprise though, so Ishared it with my Mam and give her half. And at St. Mary's about amonth ago I won £50 worth of vouchers. But you have to spend them atAsda you see, so I shared that, and I got some clothes at Pudsey and myMam spent hers on food."People often said that they had winning streaks and then did not win again for months oryears. Certain individuals are regarded as "lucky" and "always winning". Tinning, forthe majority, is not a frequent occurrence:R: "Does he ever win?"T: "Well, not really. He won £11 last night, but he never wins big money.About two years ago he won every night, £5, £10, every night for about amonth. And then it all stopped. He hasn't won for ages until last aignt.His luck's run out."R: "How often do you win?"C: "Well, of course it varies.' I usually have a winning spell and thentwice more during the year. I don't know how it works out but I've beengoing there since I was expecting our Rick and he's 14 a week on Tuesday,and every October since then I've had a winning spell where I've won 2 or3 times and then I can go another year sometimes without winning, but Iusually have an odd touch in between. But I certainly wouldn't stopgoing if I never won agaia; I'd keep going."R: "But you have to think you might win to keep going?"C: "No. I don't know about the others, but I go for the night out. Myhusband does - he always goes 'Are you going to win to-night?' and Ialways say 'No'."R: "Why, is it unlucky if you say 'Yes'?"C: "No. Because I don't expect to win. I go just for a good night out.When you consider what you spend there it's only the price of four pintsof beer. If you go to the pictures you expect to spend a couple of quidand you don't get owt back out of that, so why expect to get somethingback out of bingo?"-30-Winnings are usually shared amongst family or friends. Often women write thename of a member of the family against each card, and if a winning house emerges, theprize goes to that member."You see, I'm comfortable enough; I'm not here to win - to needit - if I win I always share it out with my daughters."R: "So you'd always share it then?"B: "Yes, yes. If it's only a little amount of money like fouror five pounds, she says "Oh cnly give me a pound", but if it'sbigger, I share it. I'm right good to my Mam but she's rightgood to me. I don't know when I get a bit older when I'll beneeding her, if I get married and that, but I've always lookedafter me Mam, you know."Soraetiraas agreements are made between groups of players to share whatever is won."If we go we usually share. We say, "are we sharing?" if there'sthree of us. If you win a line you get £3-odd each; it pays foryour night out, but it's very rare .... Ron, the caretaker at thecommunity centra, and Christine and I went ... and he won £300 - ooh,we were all shaking."Winnings are used to buy essential, but everyday items - even from a large win, theremay be little left by the time it is shared:"I got a dress, shoes, two quilts, two quilt covers and an electrickettle.""I got a new dress for me mam's silver wedding and new shoes."GamblingAlthough 61% of the bingo players did regard bingo as gambling, it is not seen in thesame way as betting or playing on the one-armed bandit. ''ost did not gamble in other ways:"I wouldn't bet on a horsa in my life. I wouldn't go to a betting shop.""No way would I put a pound on a horse.""They can turn round and say they've lost £12 (playing on one-armed bandits),well there's no way I can lose £12 sitting here.""What working class person can afford to go into a casino? There's a limithere - £2.50 to £4 at the most, but when you start on them machines, it's£8 or £12."The minority who play en the one-armed bandits are regarded as the gamblers; womenwho spend a lot on them and on mechanised cash bingo are heavily criticised - "for anygrown woman with a family to lose-money like that" - in the same way that non-bingo playerscriticise bingo players. A great deal of money is spent on the two jackpot machinesallowed in each club; the same minority play on them in the hope of winning the jackpot."A lot of people just like to take the chance because there's the chanceof the jackpot. There are some people who never miss a night on it;they run to get to it before anybody else. The others just don't bother.I suppose there are a lot of people who just go for the gambling side ofit. You do tend to find people like that who are heavily into gambling.They go for the bingo, and then when the bingo's finished, they are at theslot machines or on that game like seaside bingo, and during the day theyare at the bookies all day. It's only people like that who do that."CostFor most players, then, playing bingo is not a gamble. The same amount is spent eachsession; the outlay is known aad is not exceeded. The fear of spending too much stoppedmany women from playing mechanised cash bingo in the interval or after the main session.Entry charges range between 15p and 40p. At' the Western the charge is 27p. Most clubsoffer reduced rates for pensioners, often as little as 5p. It is the cost of the mainsession books which maks up the bulk of expenditure. Depending on how many cards areplayed, a full session can cost between £1.50 and £4. Usual expenditure for an eveningis about £3, and rather more in city centre clubs. One woman said that she plays fourbooks, at a cost of £2.50. She played four times a week - "I work all week so I fesl I'mentitled to that £10."The cost of bingo is not off-set ^gainst winnings. Although some players sum what theywin and compare it with "losses", most do not. They are aware that it is unlikely to win alarger sum than is spent and they are unconcerned about this. Instead, costs are offsetagainst the cost of other activities:"What it costs me to go tc bingo, it would cost me a lot more to go intoLeeds."There was the feeling that they had a riprht to spend"money as chey wished, andwas as good a way as any:-SI-"I don't believe you should come and spend money you can't afford, butI do believe that any woman or man rearing a family these days isentitled to a bit of relaxation, and if they would come here for a nightor two or whatever they can afford instead of spending it in pubs -they'll get something in here. They have a chance - there's no chancein pubs."Another woman makes some interesting points, and touches on the amount spent, forexample, in more middle class pursuits such as going to the theatre:R: "In the newspapers, Bingo is often really put down - that they(the companies) make a big profit out of it."J: "I think it's put down because it's a waste of money. Peopleare just throwing their money away and because a lot of people aregoing in one place. Well, you could say the same for betting andthings like that. That's just throwing your money away on the samebasis when it's just chance whether you are going to win or not, butbecause betting shops are lots of little places and not as muchpublicised as bingo and things like that, they don't put it down asmuch. But it's the same thing. Any people will go out and spendthat much money on the theatre, say, and it's not regarded as throwingyour money away."Responses to the StructureBy and large, an 'us' and 'them' attitude existed between players and owners ormanagement. This was so even when relations v/ers good between management and their clientele,The type of relationship between the two is structured by the fact that money is involved;it is accepted that those in the bingo business make their living (often a healthy one) fromthe expenditure of players. Owners are not resented for this but it prevents them everbeing accepted as "one of 'us'". Many players can remember bingo before it became a money-making venture:R: "Why do you think bingo really took off when it was first introduced?So many people go, and like bingo."A: "Well, I think actually the Catholics started the bingo. I'm almostsure they did, because we used to call it Tombola, and when I were akid I remember all the churches used to have Tombola, but they did itwith prizes, the first ones, and that was for the church funds then,I suppose like they do round there now. And then it sort of clickedfrom there; then they started doing it for money. Gradually you foundbingo halls starting up all over, once they found it clicked."Few regard bingo club owners as providing a social service, or a place for people tomeet, which is often how bingo companies and owners present themselves. Primarily, the aimis to make money. The way in which profits are made is sometimes misunderstood, with playersbelieving that the company first takes its "cut".R: "Do you think the big bingo companies make a big profit?"L: "The big ones will, yes. I even think the small places arebound to make a profit, because they put their profit first andthen what's left over is shared out for the prizes, isn't it?"The intervention of money creates distance between players and owners; possible frictionis contained through a "joking relationship". Talking about a club owner, one player said:"Well, they say he's just been to Israel on our money, when he comesback with his lovely tan .... (but) it's just a joke .... We knowthat we spend our money there of our own free will. It's just astanding joke when he comes back with his tan. We say it aboutanybody, (like) these people on social security - 'oh, we're bloodyworking for a living and look at the tan they've got'. It's just ————one of those things you say."Callers and other staff are regarded as 'us' working for 'them'. Whilst it is importamfor the caller to establish rapport and a good relationship with the players, poor callers arinot tolerated, no matter how friendly or good-looking. The important thing is to hear thenumbers loudly and clearly. Poor calling, resulting in wrong claims, breaks in the game andhesitant decisions, are unsettling and disliked:R: "Does the caller make a lot of difference?"J: "Yes (laugh). They have got to be very thick-skinned have the callers.I—know down at the Western there's Colin and there's Brenda, and Brenda hasbeen there for years. • Everybody knows Brenda and everybody still shoutsat her if she doesn't call their numbers out, and as I say, you've got to bereally thick-skinned because they can really shout you down. ' Colin's afairly weak one and they don't like him. They like him to a certain extent,but they like to pull him to pieces. If you get a caller that you can't hearthe numbers right, or if he calls too fast, they don't like it. The customerstend to rule in a place like that. If they say they can't hear the numbers,then it's got to be altered, or if they are too fast, then they have to slowdown. It's run by the customers, mainly."-82-lele.lornlimIversIt ionItaa1arlandFlexibilityAlthough people usually go to bingo on the same night/s of the week, and the sessionbegins and ends at the same time, there is a large amount of flexibility afforded toplayers. It is possible to vary the frequency of playing:"How often do you go there?""It depends if I've got any money or not. But about once afortnight. I couldn't go down every week. I would get boredwith it. I get bored when I go down now.'1And it is possible to vary the choice of playing companions and the level of interactioninside the club:"Well, sometimes my Mam'11 come with me, but sometimes she won't.I just go myself or with my mates or I just go myself. I don'tbother."R: "Do you think some people like to go and not have to be botheredto talk to people?"C: "I'm sure they do. There are certain times that I do just totally-ignore anybody; well, say hello and that, but don't encourage themto chat. And other times it's handy to have somebody to talk to.But some people do like to go and not be bothered and it's easy enoughto get that message over without offending anybody."Further, there are choices involved in how aiany games are played, whether drinks arebought from the bar, and the time of leaving the club:R: "That's one good thing about bingo; it finishes really early."S: "It's up to you then, how early you want to come home. Itfinishes about quarter past nine during the week, but you canstay and play Prize Bingo and such, or you can just stay and havea drink with your friends there and not get home till half past ten,eleven o'clock."R: "Do you ever go and play anywhere else?"M: "I did at one point. I went with Christine to the Majestic. Thatwas when I was working at the Western, because we weren't allowed toplay bingo there, so we used to go to the Majestic on a Wednesday night,and we were made members there and I think I only went about twice. IfI've gone to a club or anything with my dad, and there's been any bingothere, I've had a game of bingo there, but I never go out of my way likesome people do. They go to the Western and then if it's not open, they'llgo to the Majestic, or if there's something special on somewhere else,they'll go there. A lot of people do tend to go round from place to place.I know a lot of people who go to the Western go to the Regal, which is ownedby Jack (at Bradford). He owns them both. A lot of people go to both."R: "People travel quite a long way then?"M: "Oh, yes; people who go to the Western will come from York Road. Thereare some people who come from Seacroft. Some come quite a fair distance.A lot of people, if they find somewhere they like, they are willing totravel there. We get people coming from all over."RitualWhilst there is considerable flexibility, and the possibility of limited and casualcommitment, biago is also an immense ritual, with a great deal of routine behaviour. Thegame itself is routine, with precise starting and finishing times; there are complaintsif the game is running too slowly:"Yes, yes. As I say, it's routine; you know exactly what's goingto happen. What time this is going to finish and what tine tha.tis going to finish. You can sort of plan your night out you know,because you know there won't be any change unless something drastichappens, of course, but you don't think of things like that of course."The routine of bingo is not resisted. Rather, people create their own precise routineswhich fit the already highly structured game. People arrive at a certain time each week;managers can recite the times at which regular players always arrive. Inside the club, eachperson has their own routine:"So do you know most of the people who go-?""Well, I know enough to talk to. They're all regulars that go. Andparticularly if you go into the other room rather than the main session.There's the ones that play the one-armed bandit at certain times. Somethat always play it before and some that go in the interval and some thatgo afterwards but they won't go at any other time. And then you get theones that go into the Party Bingo room and some that only go spend thefirst pound, and some that only go spend the last pound. So you get toknow each other's routine."-33-One of the most important aspects of the ritual is concerned with seating,majority of players like to sit in their "own"seats:R: ''Do you always sit in the same bit?"C: "Yes, my own seat. It's almost got my name on."R: "The seat I saw you on?"C: "Yes, that is my seat and I always sit on it. It's very, veryrare that I sit anywhere else and if I do it's only one or two >.rows away from it, if someone else is sitting in it."R: "Do you mind that?"C: "Not particularly. It's not my seat as such, it's just thatI like to sit round about there."TheR: "Why do people have special seats?"C: I sat there a'I've no idea, because I didn't used to have,couple of times and another couple I know sat in front of me.If I wasn't there they started saving that seat for me. So nowit's automatic that I do sit there. I don't know why becauseit's not at all comfortable."R: "They're not, are they, those cinema seats?"C: "The table's more comfortable, but you can't occupy a table allto yourself. If you want to be on your own, you can sit in thoseseats and put your bags down and such, so that no-one will comeand sit with you, but at a table you'd always get somebody pesteringyou."That people have their 'own' seats can cause friction. One manageress recalls beingcalled to a dispute one evening where another woman was sitting in a regular player's seat.Rather than take another seat in the near empty club, the regular player went home."You do tend to find that if you go for the first time and you wantto sit in a seat that somebody else has sat in for years, you cancause a big argument. There are signs up saying that no seats arereserved but that doesn't seem to follow. People do moan-if youhappen to sit in their seats. It's the older generation that_do that."Wanting to sit in a particular seat is given as the reason for arriving at the club longbefore the session begins:R: "Do you find that some people go very early to the sessions?"J: "Oh, yes, especially on a Sunday night. The doors open either athalf-past or quarter-past six and you will find there are people standingoutside the bingo queueing at six o'clock. During the week the doorsopen at half-past six and people will queue from half-past five, (laugh) "R: " Why do you think they do that?"J: "I don't know, unless it's just to get special seats. It's getting backto this that they all have their own seats, because when the bingo firstopens there is nothing going on. You caa get a cup of tea and that'sabout it, because there's no bingo or anything, because it doesn't startuntil a certain time. They can buy their tickets but that's all. Theyhave just got to sit and talk, and I think it's just so they can get theirown seats. A lot of them are the pensioners who have been sat in home allday and want to go down early. The majority are the older ones, but youdo get some younger ones who just stand in the queue. It seems daft to me.They just want to get a seat, but first thing on a night you can always geta seat. During the week when I go I leave here at half-past seven becauseit starts at eight. I can get a seat if I want one. But they just wanttheir own seats; they want to get things sorted out and get their owntables in the corner. It's like being at home - it's home from home sortof; they move the furniture around."Arriving early and sitting in a particular seat allows the player greater control overwhatever social interaction takes place. In a near empty hall, players sit dotted all overit, with large spaces separating individuals. Even friends often sit with an empty chairor two between them. C. above says that she prefers the more uncomfortable cinema seatsrather than the unit seating of table and four chairs, as she can 'put her bags down' onadjoining seats and won't be 'pestered'. Busy, crowded clubs are sometimes disliked asphysical distance is minimised:B: "Well they do get a lot in at night, but I think it's on a Wednesdaythat it's packed. It's really packed so they must take a lot. And,same as Top Rank in town, it's absolutely packed with it being for athousand or two thousand - it's absolutely packed. It opens at half-past six and if I go I've to go at half-past five to get a seat, becauseif you go a bit late you have to squash in with somebody - it's rightcrowded. You get a load on a Wednesday or a Saturday night down there.«' * • They're all queueing at half-past five or twenty-to six to get a seat.It's like a football match."-84-H: "Do you try and get the same seat?"B: "Well, sometimes I do anci sometimes I don't, but- I'm notbothered and I just go and sit somewhere else."Having to 'squash in with somebody' - somebody who is not known - is not at all desirable.Ritual is essential. Going to bingo is probably the only public ritual engaged in bythe players. One woman explains its function:"I think people feel safe. I think people get frightened at toomuch change. From what I've seen of people, because people talkto me, they are frightened of change. When they put the new garaein there it took a few weeks for people to actually go in. Thecurious ones would go in first and then they passed the word round,and now you can always tell when that game's on because everyonegoes in. t think people are a bit frightened if things are alteredtoo much. People tend to just want to stay as they are. • Every-body wants more money and to be able to live a bit better, but theydon't want to see things change too much. You get all thesecomputers and things like that and it frightens people because theyare losing control - microcomputers and things like that - they can'tfollow it at all; they get confused.""Safety" and feeling "safe" were mentioned many tines in describing a night at bingo:"It's a pleasant evening, you have a chat, you have a laugh, and you'resort of safe with people."R: "Vfhy do you think people have such a. routine in bingo?""I've no idea. I think we're all creatures of habit. I thinkyou're just brought up from the cradle so that you do certain thingsat certain times and you're secure in a routine. I mean, with littlekids, the ones that cry and carry on are the ones with no routine,whereas if you know what's coming next you feel a lot safer."One reason for routine is to do with luck. Luck plays an important part in winning; thisis particularly so in a game which ostensibly requires no skill, and the outcome cannot beinfluenced except by "luck". Most of the players believed in luck of some kind:"Well, put it this way. A lot of people don't believe that there's aGod up there, but I do. If you're right good, you'll get the luckput on to you. Do you know what I mean? If you do your work andyou doa't do anything bad, the luck cones on."Individual ideas about ways in which to make luck "come on" contribute to individual routines:R: "They really believe in luck?"J: "Oh, yes. I think that's why a lot of them like to sit in the sameplace. They don't like to move, or they will always use the same pen,or a lot of people always wear the same pair of shoes. You get a lotof that. People have their own superstitions. It doesn't always workbut then they think 'I'll try again next time, and then I'll try againnext time'. Where they always use their own pen. they hate to throwthem away when they run out. It's a laugh when you see it because itseems strange. Sow that I am one of the crowd I am among them, but whenI used to work there I could stand away from them and see what people weregetting up to. We used to sit and laugh for ages. It's just one ofthose things. I think everybody has got something like that.""I won the link one night on a Saturday wearing a green blouse and a greenjumper, and funny enough I won the link again the next night, and peoplesaid, "oh, are you wearing your lucky stuf.f?"" ;''Some people won't buy a ticket as soon as they come in, or they won't goafter a certain person to get a ticket. Some think the first ticket isgoing to be lucky." - , , - ,Bingo at the ChurchBingo at 3t. Bart's was played not for cash but for prizes. The game is played in chechurch hall, on rows of seats assembled for the purpose. The caller, Jack, sits on a smallstage and has the same 'professional' equipment as found in the bingo clubs - a square boxfrom which the balls are blown. The atmosphere is more relaxed than in the commercial clubs.There is less at stake, and there is not a 'professional relationship' between organisers andplayers. The game may be interrupted more easily, therefore, by players losing a pen or nothaving the right cards. There is also more banter between the caller and players, and thereis more likely to be variation in the way the numbers are called, with the patter, "Number 10,Maggie's den", "Number 22, a pair of ducks", and so on, which tends not to occur in bingo clubs.-85-Although the church bingo is more relaxed, the differences between it and the waythe game is conducted in commercial clubs are not enormous. The perception of players,however, is of very different 'atmospheres' in the two venues.R: "Do you think that some of the people who play at St. Bart's wouldn'tgo to the big bingo clubs because they think that that money's goingtowards the people who own the club, whereas at church the money's goingtowards something?"W: "I don't know but it's a different atmosphere up there. It's like asocial club. Everybody knows each other, you know. You can go up andhave a chat and after bingo if you're a member you can go into the bar.We always go into the bar and have a drink. We have a nice night."These two women discuss the differences:0: "And if you get somebody else's seat they can ?et to bloody fightingyou if you sit in somebody else's seat."R: "Does that not happen at St. Bart's?"0: "Oh, no,no."R: "And I suppose there,as well, you can take the whole family."0: "Oh yes, kids can play because there's prizes. Well you go up thereand you know where you sit; you have your own places. Except atChristmas. We have the choir come in at Christmas and we have bandplay, and if you aren't up early you don't get a seat; you can't getin your own seats that you generally sit in every week. It's a differentatmosphere, you know."R: "Do you think that's the biggest difference?"You can spend a lot0: "Yes, oh yes." .R: "I suppose it's cheaper than going to the western.of money there."0: "Oh no, no. I think at the Western his books are 25p and they are 30pup there, and sometimes the prizes that are on aren't worth winning - theyaren't worth tuppence. I go, but whatever I win I give away if I don'twant it. There might be something on one week that I might want, and ifI win it I'll keep it myself, but biggest part of the time I give it away.I just go for the game of bingo - I like the bingo and to be with all myfriends."R: "Why do you think bingo is associated with older people? You think ofolder women playing it."0: "I think it's 'cause it's something old people can play and not be rushed.They can take their time. They're not rushed and pushed to get things over.We have a lot of old people come up. There's a lot of young 'uns an all butthere's a lot of old people - well, I'm saying old - they're in their late50's and 60's. It's just all friends, that's all."R: "Is the church bingo different from the bingo at the Western?"K: "Oh well, this is to raise money for the church."R: "A lot of people in Armley seem to go to the Western."K: "I don't go there now. I used to go but it's about 4 or 5 years sinceI went. If you go and you win, they're all moaning and groaning becauseyou have won. They don't like you to win. If a woman goes one week andwins and then wins again the next week, they're all moaning and groaningbecause she wins twice. But I don't like that. I say, 'if you pay yourmoney and you win it's hard lines - you've paid your money'. "P.: "Do you mean there's a lot of jealousy?"K: "Yes, I think so.I just say to them,R: "Do you not get that up at St. Bart's?"K: "Not a right lot, no.""I wonder why that is: are they different people who play there? ""I don't think so. They go up there because the Western's shut ona Wednesday. You want to call in to-night; it's open to-night."Mind you, they play pop if I win up at the bingo.'I've paid my money same as you'."Bingo in Working Men's ClubsThe organisers of Working men's clubs are diffident in discussing the bingo which isplayed on their premises, due to the fact that it is organised under a different sectionof the 1968 Act to that which controls commercial bingo. It is subject to less strictregulations and the clubs are conscious of criticisms from commercial organisers. Themain attraction to players is that it doesn't occupy .the entire evening; it tends to becheaper than bingo in commercial clubs, and prize money is not taxed.-86-"It's 25p for a book in t' club and then a flyer's 10p, which isn'tbad really, but you're not just drinking, you're playing bingo anddrinking. It does work out a bit dear sometimes. It depends whatyou're looking for really."Playing bingo at clubs, either social clubs or working men's clubs, tended not tolead women to want to play at bingo clubs. This was not so for younger players, intheir late teens and early twenties, who had perhaps been introduced by parents to socialclubs, and who wished to try "proper" bingo at a commercial club. The majority, by theages of 40 to 50, had discovered where they preferred to play:R: "Does your husband ever go?"A: "Oh, yes. We go on a Suaday together."R: "To the Western?"A: "Oh, no. I don't go to the Western bingo. I"ve been a coupleof times and I found it very expensive. I an a member. I thinkyou can get addicted to it and spend your money, which I haven't got,so I'd rather save mine. I don't mind going an odd once. Ipromised to go actually this week, on Friday night, and I will do,but I probably won't go again maybe this year. I might not do, butI'm not bingo mad."The Non-PlayersThe non players comprised 53% of the questionnaire sample. They were asked to givereasons why they did not play bingo. The younger age groups saw bingo as a "game for oldbiddies", and felt they had "much more interesting and rewarding things to do". Mostcomments were short and to the point: "hate it", "dull", "boring", were typical. "It'sa moron's game of pure chance", and "all that smoke and bored by it" were more imaginative.It was seen as a waste of time and the expense was also referred to; it was a "mug's game".One, however, wrote "Find it makes my blood pressure go up - too exciting!"The majority of the women interviewed had tried bingo, either at a commercial club orelsewhere. Criticisms of bingo centred on the cost; non-players tend to see bingo playingas instrumental activity from which they expect larger returns than the actual prize moneywhich is offered:R: "Do you feel with the bingo you don't get your money's worth?"Mrs.C: "No, I wouldn't say that, but I mean I'm not struck on it."R: "Doesn't the chance of winning some money attract you?"Mrs.C: "No: the last time I went there I was near the front at sometables, and a mother and daughter were with me. The caretaker goesand when I were explaining who it were, he said 'oh, they're theretwo or three times a week'. They both must have had 5 (cards) atleast and then they paid for so much before each for different games,but the mother was playing tele-bingo in between at interval. Theywon £60 and they thought that was smashing, but how much had theypaid? If they went two or three times a week what was it costing them?In the long run they hadn't won £60 - they'd won part of what they'dpaid out. If you go once a week, you go for the company, and you geta couple, say, but when you get five and six you've to concentrate. Tome that isn't to get a night out. I wouldn't attempt to look at fiveor six - I'd never get anywhere with them. Two's as much as I can manageto be comfortable."R: "Why do you think bingo's so popular?"P: "I don't know really. The bingo up there is nothing compared withother bingos. There's big money to be won at the big bingos. Atthe Majestic they're paying out about thirteen or fourteen bundled poundsa night. That's a lot of money. Some of the houses down there runinto a hundred pounds. Everybody gets to thinking that they're going• to be lucky. It's easy money, but by the time they've finished payingout they don't think what it's going to cost them. When they win, it'sonly what they've paid out to go.Other non-players criticised the amount spent in a moralistic way:A 72-year old: "There's a place down there called Western. Well, a fewyears back I was feeling rather fed up one night and I thought I'd go tothat place and see what it's like, and have a bash at it. Well I justbought one book (mind you, it's got dearer since then) but there werepeople sat round me and they had half-a-dozen books, whica was more money.They were all sat smoking and then they all brought bags of sweets out andchocolates, and then at half-time they all went and bought pies and peas.I thought, 'my goodness, it must be costing a lot of money for all this.'I was sat absolutely bewildered you know, I'd just paid a small amountof money for one book. I came home and thought, 'I don't know whetherit's me or them that'.3 right or wrong. There's something wrong somewhere.I thought they can't pay their way right at home - pay all their dues anddemands - the electric and gas and everything when they're spending allthat money. I only just manage to get through and pay everybody, butanyway this is how they seem to go on nowadays."Either way, bingo was seen as too expensive. One said, "It's awful to think that'sall there is (bingo). To spend all that money to go out." This woman, who playsoccasionally in a working men's club, felt that the perception of money differed betweenclasses:R: "How much does it cost when you go to the Western for a night?"A: "Well, you can quite easily spend £5 in that Western bingo if youreally wanted to, because you see if you get one book you've no chance,because everybody gets five and six books, and then there's flyers whichcost a lot of money and half way through there's some machines that youcan spend quite a lot of money on - little machines, I don't really knowwhat they do; I've never been myself but I've seen women running downthere and I think to myself, 'well, half your money can go in that bingohall'. I think I've been, in five years, about five times."R: "Why do you think it does attract so many people, the Western?"A: "Well, they've only got to win once and you think 'oh, I'll go againand win', and this is what it is really. I think it's people chasingmoney. If you had a good wage you'd never find a better class peoplegoing in the bingo hall, only the ordinary lower types, low wages andworking class people, and they're always chasing money. The attractionis the money, but if you were better off you wouldn't think that way,your mind fd think different. That's how I think. I mean, I've gotfriends who've got their own businesses and worked their way up fromnothing and they're quite rich now; you wouldn't get them going in there.Not because they've got more money, because I don't think they would ifthey hadn't, because their mind doesn't think that way. They would bethinking what they could do with that £5 note. I don't think you'd getmuch change out of a fiver to go in there."R: "Do you think people that go there are not bothered about saving money?"A: "No, they have a slap-happy way of living. I think so anyway,-but thenagain, everybody's got a different outlook on life, haven't they?"Most knew bingo players, and shared the myth of bingo players as irresponsible womenwho gambled away their housekeeping money. "Our Christine spends all her wages on bingo",or, "I've a friend who says that from opening to starting the main session, she spent asmuch as £3 - well I couldn't afford .....""You can go into town and pass the Majestic about half past one and see* '; the pensioners and they look as though they could do with some newclothes .... well to me it's all wrong."In discussion groups, by the time that the non-players had put forward their views, allbut the most confident players lapsed into silence:"... it's a fever with some people.",, "...you get addicted at them places, don't they? - that's not pleasureat all, you become addicted.". , "I think it must be a disease for them."Some non-players had a more realistic view of the appeal of bingo, usually because afamily member played:R: "What do you think the appeal of bingo is?""It's easy entertainment. It's not demanding. You mark your card butit's not like playing a sport or anything like that, and there's alwaysa chance of winning some money, but to me it's a waste because youprobably pay more .... you might win £50 one week but you could go anothertwo or three years without winning a penny, and pay as much back. It's a__._ waste of money to me that sort of thing. My grandma won a few weeks ago;she won £20 and she's over the moon because she won this £20, but she'sbeen going all her life as far as I can remember, and I don't think she'swon in the past four or five years anything, and she goes religiously everyweek, and yet she won £20 and she was over the moon about it. She couldhave saved a hell of a lot more than that just on money she spends going tobingo. Not that I'm against people going out, but that to me just doesn'tappeal."R: "So you don't play bingo?""No. I hate bingo."R: "Have you ever been?""Only to the seaside ones and that's enough. The ones on the seafronts, theybore me to tears, so I couldn't face the proper bingo halls. My Grandma'salways trying to persuade me to go - she's a bingo fanatic - she's 34, andevery week she comes over and says, 'I wish you'd come with me; I'm sureyou'd be lucky.' I have to think up a new excuse of why I can't go.'"R: "When you say fanatic .....?""She's not a fanatic, but she goes regularly evary Tuesday. She can't missthat for anything. Tuesday night is her night for bingo. She used to goa lot more often but it's only since she got older and she finds it moredifficult to get about that she doesn't go as frequently."R: "Does your Mum go?""No, my Mum can't stand it either."This woman was a "bingo widcw" . Her husband, a bus driver who worked shifts, was aregular player whilst she was bored by it :R: "Why do you think that some people do like it?"T: "It's the excitement of winning - a thousand pounds, a couple ofhundred pounds - you know. It's like smoking, it's an addiction Isuppose really. He seems to be addicted; he loves it, he won't misshis bingo. To-night he'll probably come home at a quarter past seven.He'll rush in and shave and have a cup of tea, and then he's off to bingoagain. He's got to be at bingo at half past seven, so he's only gotfifteen minutes to get ready and get to bingo.''IllR: "Does he go to the Westers atT: "No, he doesn't go to the Western. He likes to travel. He's gota bus pass you see and he likes to travel to further binscos. He doesn'tlike to play at the bingo places close to home. He likes to go to theSilver Dollar and the Crown."Some women hinted that the popularity of bingo had waned. In the 1960 's it was a. newexcitement, something to try, whereas now the novelty had worn off, whilst it was realisedthat in the long term little financial profit was made."And at one time I think bingo was a thing that everybody went to; I'msaying a lot of people. And then it started fading out, you know.You only get a handful of people winning and then they realise that alltheir money ' s going in t' bingo halls. It depends what you're lookingfor in your life, really you know. Some people are content to go tobingo and come home and win a few, some women just go to bingo and don'tdrink and don't do anything else, so it depends what you like."Differences between Players and Non-playersThe major difference between players and non-players was age. The average age of theplayers was 47.6 years, with 46% below the age of 40, and the average age of the aon-playerswas 35.3 years with 68% below the age of 40. Many of the other differences between the twogroups are related to this fact. When only those aged 40 or less are considered, however,there are significant differences in levels of educational attainment. 34.6% of the non-players (aged 40 or less) has continued beyond the age of 15 at school, compared with 6.2%of the players (aged 40 or less).Players were less likely to have a car in the household (Table 26), more likely to livein Council housing (Table 27), note likely to be widowed (Table 28), more likely to have grown-up children (Table 29), and to live alone (Table 30). Players who worked in paid employmentwere more likely to have full-time jobs; 61% of the players worked full-time, compared to49% of the non-playing workers (Table 31).Bingo players were more likely to say that over the last five years their standard ofliving had gone down (Table 32) . They were also less likely to see the point of planningahead (Table 33) .Table 26 : Comparison of players and non-players : Car Ownership . ..PlaversNo carOne carTwo carsThree cars55394attNon-players3549142,*»Table 27 : Comparison of players and non-playars Type of HousingCouncil HouseCouncil FlatRented accommodationOwner-occupied% Players1913761% Non-players17-875-89-Table 28 : Comparison of players and non-players : Marital StatusMarriedSingleWidowedDivorcedOtherTable 29 : Comparison ofNoneUnder 5Aged 5-14Aged 15-18Aged over 18% Players70621-3players and% Players1114151644% Non-players7311826non-players : Children% Non-players1620301123Table 30 : Comparison of players and non-players : Household CompositionLiving:AloneWith husbandWith husband a childrenWith childrenWith parentsWith friendsOtherPlayers20234845% Non-players714602449Table 31 : Comparison of players and non-players (excluding retired women)% Non-playersPaid EmolovmentHousewifeFull-time employedPart-time employed% Players463222313435Table 32 : Comparison of players and non-players : Standard of Living% Players % Non-playersStandard of livingover past 5 years has:Gone down 34Stayed the same 21Become a bit better 25Become a lot better 2022233520Table 33 : Comparison of players and non-players : Attitudes to Planning Ahead% Players % Non-players"You've got to planahead""Sometimes planningahead gets younowhere""There's no pointplanning ahead"422236473617-90-Table 34 Comparison of players and non-players : Church-going% Players % Non-playersGoes to church:RegularlySometimesOnly for specialoccasionsNeverTable 35 : Comnarison of23135113players16235110and non-players : GamblingProportion which inlast 12 months has:Done football pools 55Put money on a horse 36Put money on a dog 8Bought a lottery ticket 59Gone to a casino 534251512Table 36 : Comparison of players and non-players : Holidays% Players % Non-playersAt least once a year 59Almost every year 22Every few years 7Very rarely 8Never 46916861bntLeisure BehaviourThere were no statistically significant differences (using Chi-square tests) betweenplayers and non-players in terms of church-going (Table 34), or involvement in other formsof gambling (Table 35). A larger proportion of the bingo players also did the footballpools and bet on horses, but the differences were not statistically significant. Non-players were more likely to take a holiday every year (Table 36), and they had the TV onfor longer periods (Table 37). The players were more likely to prefer ITT to BBC 1 andnone liked BBC 2 (Table 38). There were no significant differences between players andnon-players in the amount they liked to read books (Table 39).Table 37 : Comparison of players and non-players : Extent of Watching Television% Players % Non-playersTV is on:All the timeHalf the timeOnly for certainprogrammesRarely1554283866242Table 38 : Comparison of players and non-players : Preferred TV ChannelITVBBC 1BBC 2% Players64360% Non-players493813Table 39 : Comparison of players and non-players : Reading Books"Always have one bookI'm reading""Now and then I reada book""Don't like to read""No time to read"% Players484264Non-players504055 . -The Middle Class ResponseThe most vehement anti-bingo stance came from the 'respectable working class' andthose sections of it which were upwardly mobile. Middle class women, in contrast, wereremarkably liberal and objective in their discussion of bingo. Conversations with adozen or so women, in the academic, administrative and caring professions, recorded someinteresting responses. None had played bingo.It was felt by the middle class women that they were more financially restricted thanworking class women and were therfore less able to pursue activities such as bingo. "You'vegot to keep up appearances and make the money go round", said one, and "you're supposed tospend time and money in your home and not out of it", said another. There were some pointsin common with working class women, notably in child rearing:"My husband expected to go out after we'd had children more oftenthan I did.""No assumptions were made about specific times which were put asidefor when I was 'at leisure'.""He assumed he could just go ahead and book a squash game."Most of the women felt they had forfeited friendship with other women for a careerand had made other sacrifices for the sake of full-time jobs. They, therefore, felt thatto spend their hard earned income on activities such as bingo was feckless - "I wouldn'twant to part with money if I couldn't be sure of getting it back."The women were aware of the caricature of the bingo player, and whilst all saw "thebingo player" as female and middle-aged, they felt that the caricature presented a distortion.One women remarked, "every time I've heard the word used, it's been with the most profoundcontempt." Another said:"I'm trying hard to think of examples of other non-productive, presumablywasteful, not particularly admirable leisure activity, which is ever treatedin the same way. It's because it's a working class cum female activity."Bingo was "a shorthand way of putting people down"; "there is an underlying assumptionthat it is a social evil, 'what can we do to help these people?' - but most people don't useall their time in productive ways", reasoned one woman. Another stated that'there was no"rational grounds for picking one particular type of time passing for contempt that amountsto aggression". The "steady stream of disruptive consequences" from alcoholic drinkers wasnoted, along with a "jocular and affectionate acceptance of their behaviour".It was felt that a great deal of sexism persisted in leisure activities in Great Britain; onthe continent,mixed cafes provided an alternative for women. Middle class equivalents tobingo were seen as coffee mornings, which brought women together, and also auctions, whichwere 'rituals' in which money was 'gambled' on household goods and furniture.HusbandsNon-players were more likely to describe their husbands as "family men"; 70"* of thehusbands of non-players compared to 5l"-> of the husbands of players were described so.However, husbands of bingo players were more likely to help with housework. Only 20%rarely or never helped, compared with 35"? of those of non-players. There was littledifference in the husband's occupation, in the tendency to bring work home, or in the extentto which husbands were described as ambitious.Husbands of players were twice as likely to belong to a working men's club as were non-players' husbands. Husbands of players were significantly more involved in gambling(Table 40).Table 40 : Comparison of nlayers and non-players : Husband's involvement in GamblingProportion which:Bets on horsesBets on dogsPlays bingoDoes football poolsBuys lottery tickets% Husbands ofplayers5012587440Husbands ofnon-players36566041-92-ion.onbntbn-Women in Armley - Ladies of Leisure?It was stated above (Chapter III) that leisure research collects data on behaviourwhich has adapted to the limitations of a situation, and that it was interesting to notewhat people do not do as well as what they do. In Armley, it was interesting to note whatwomen did not talk about; the absences and the gaps revealed much about their lives. Itis not intended to fall into the same trap as those sociologists criticised by Pearson, wholabel "an entire way of life as deprived or stunted without any evidence that the peopleconcerned feel that way". (106) There is room for comment, however, on other people'slives, particularly if Deem's caveat is adopted: "we cannot accept the views of individualwomen as our only source of evidence about whether or not their way of life and leisureexperiences are deprived and unequal and inferior to those of men." (107)Women in Armley "made the best of things". They drew on people and facilities in thelocality for their leisure and took time for themselves when they could. Some had aparticular time set aside for "their leisure", perhaps every Saturday afternoon at thebingo. Their ill defined "leisure" activities were part of a routine, with special nightsout at the cinema or a restaurant interspersed with more regular visits to the pub, bingoand relatives:"Sometimes, if there's any good pictures on I go with my sister to thatone up Tong Road. Or if there's anything good in town we go there.I do a bit of gardening - plant some plants and that, you know. I cutthe lawn and do all sorts. Sometimes I'll do a bit of painting (i.e.decorating). I do all sorts, really.""Sometimes I go out. Usually on a Monday at St. Mary's at the bottomof Tong Road there's a bingo - prizes and that, you know - I usually gothere. Sometimes I go down to my Auntie's or go down so see my Gran'ma.Sometimes I stop in and read a couple of books or do some knitting, orplay with our John if he wants me to. I teach him a bit if he wantsanything doing, or bake with him a bit if he wants."Two particular absences were striking. One was a lack of variety compared with theactivities of men and less restrained, middle-class women. This lack was felt by thewomen, who were conscious that there were all sorts of activities which they would like totry but, for a variety of reasons, could not. Women often described their husbands ashaving relatively full and varied leisure lives:R: "Does he do any other sports?"E: "Not now - he's too idle, (laugh) He likes now to sit in the car anddrive round, but he used to be the chess champion. That's what Julie andhe like to play - chess. I don't like it; I play backgammon with him quitea lot. He was the chess champion for Whitwood College and Hunslet Boys' Cluband he used to do weight lifting and javelin and running for Hunslet Boys' Club.He used to swim for Central and he used to do bikini? for another club. He usedto play rugby for Hunslet Boys as well, so he was all ..... He's gone to seednow; (laugh) He still has a racing bike which he'll sometimes take out, but it'sgot to be really good weather. At one time it wouldn't have bothered him. It'smore swimming that he's really kept up, and his bike. The weight lifting and theothers he used to do he doesn't do now, but he keeps up with his chess with Julie,and he plays backgammon with me, although he doesn't like to play with me becauseI always win."The second absence was concerned with the quality of the leisure experience. None ofthe women interviewed had one particular interest or hobby about which they enthused. Thedifficulties facing women wishing to pursue individual interests are clearly outlined above,but whilst some women could describe a special meal out or a syberitic bath with obviousrelish, few women spoke of their activities with enthusiasm. There was little expresseddeep-down satisfaction with an activity or way of spendinf time. Only one woman (below)exclaimed with real gusto "Oh, I love it I"; it was the absence of this experience whichseemed saddest of all."When I was a kid I once read a story about a caravan. I must have readit at school, and I must have had a dream in my imagination, I don't know.I used to read this story time and time again. I can't remember much aboutit, but it were a runaway caravan, and when I was a kid I wanted a caravan,always. It was a lifelong dream to own a caravan, I don't know why. Andwhen I got it four year ago I thought to myself, "fancy, dreams do come true".To me it were everything having that caravan, really owning it .... I mean tome it's lovely to get t1 seaside and take all the kids there and look at thesea while you're eating and look on t' lovely big cornfield and think, "oh,it's lovely is this". And in the morning you're just walking and going toHornsea, which is where my caravan is - between Hornsea and Brid - and thengoing strawberry picking and making things. Oh, I love it!"-93-THE NATIONAL SURVEYOrganisation of the National SurveyFor the survey, the aim was to visit nine major areas of the country. A number ofomissions - East Anglia, the South-west and parts of the South - were made, but it is feltthat the survey provides an adequate national picture. A range of communities was included,urban and rural, small and large.It was hoped to include a balance between the large companies and the independent, smallowners. What this balance should have been is difficult to ascertain; whilst the distri-bution of clubs between the large, intermediate and small owners is known, the distributionof the bingo playing public between them is not known.Contacts were made with some of the NALBSC representatives, and with the organisationmanagers of the largest companies. From a list which had been compiled over the nrevioustwelve months, comprising approximately 1,500 clubs, 35 owners were contacted. The largemajority of individual owners did not respond to correspondence. Two medium sized' companies,members of the NALBSC, replied that they did not wish to take part in the survey. Fullco-operation was met from the larger organisations, including Mecca which is not a member ofthe NALBSC. The regional NALBSC representatives were most helpful. A number of individualowners, with whom personal contacts had been made, mainly in the north of England, were alsomost helpful. Because of the greater willingness of the large organisations for their clubsto be included, some bias emerged in the sample. 65% of the included clubs were owned by the"giants" of the industry.Within each geographical area, a balance was sought between large and small owners,between large and small clubs, and between very busy sessions, link sessions, and quietsessions. Arrangements were made with the respective owners and managers, and two visitswere made to most clubs, with an afternoon and an evening session included on the same day.Usually, one week was spent in each area; two weeks were spent in the north west.Players were approached before the start of the main session, and it was explained brieflywhat the questionnaire was about. The large majority of players were happy to fill in thequestionnaire, which was short enough not to be tiresome; most players appeared to enjoy theexperience. There was a number of refusals, ranging from those who had difficulty readingand writing or in seeing small print, to those who were concerned about the invasion of theirprivacy (names and addresses were not required). A few players were concerned about possiblerepercussions from, for example, the DHSS if they found out how much is spent on binso.Refusal rates were highest in Manchester, where there was a great deal of suspicion regardingthe purpose of the questionnaire. (On arrival at a club, the managers would take the attitudetaken to Christians being sacrificed to lions; most were surprised at the researcher'sre-appearance, like Daniel's, unscathed.)Questionnaires were filled in at 80 bingo sessions, 55% of which were in the evening and45% in the afternoon. An average of 38% of the players at each session filled in a question-naire. The highest number filled in at any one session was 217, and the lowest 11, at a verypoor afternoon session in Leicester. The returned questionnaires totalled 7166.A Note on the TablesTo a large extent, the tables speak for themselves, and only the main points have beenhighlighted. Most tables provide the percentage response to each question, with percentagesbeing read vertically (in nearly all cases) to total 100.-94-1- Areas included in the sample, with towns and number of questionnaires fromeach area.les,Ifjallo|bsItheleflyIhelirScotland 7831 Edinburgh2 Glasgow3 HamiltonA Irvine5 Gin/anWest Midlands 69319 Hanley (Stoke on Trent)20 Shrews bury21 Wellington22 BirminghamWales 57125 Aberystwyth26 Llanelli27 Cardiff15 Southport16 Liverpool17Birkenhead18 ManchesterNorth East 8526 North Shields7 Gateshead8 South Shields9 Ushamoor (Durham)Yorkshire 82010 Harrogate11 Bradford12 Leeds13MirfieldKWakefieldEast Midlands———— 585 |23 Leicester |240akhamLondon 68928 London29 Brighton-95-1. How did you get to the bingo club tonight?By taxiTick one:By bus By car Walked By train2. Is this the nearest club to your house? Yes No3. Do you usually play in: Tick one:The evening |___J The afternoon Both/Either« How many years ago did you start playing bingo?How often do you play bingo now?Every dayThree or more times a weekTwice a weekOnce a weekTick one:Once a fortnightAbout once a aonthNot very often5«> Do you always play on the same nights or days each week? Yes7. Do you play bingo anywhere else apart from in this club?At a working men's clubAt a social clubAt a churchAt a community centreAt another bingo clubOther (specify)8. How many books do you usually play at this club?9« Do you play on the fruit machine? Yes No10* Do you play any interval games (such as prize bingo)? Yes No11. How much do you, usually spend in one session? &,12* Aa a night out, do you think that bingo is: Tick*••..!!• MH,. , II IIM.fc T™ ' ""1oneCheap Fairly cheap A bit expensive Expensive13« Is bingo your main entertainment outside the home? Yes. Does your husband ( or wife) play bingo?Never __I SometimesTick one:Often Not applicableBy yourselfWith your husband or wifeWith a friend15« Who do you usually sit with in the club? Tick one:With a group of friendsWith someone from your family;16. Do you always like to sit in the same seat if you can? Yes . No17. Do you usually buy drinks from, the bar? Yes No No bar18. What is the main reason why ;To be out of the houseTo win some moneyTo be with companyou play bingo? Tick one:To be with people who are like youThere's nowhere else to goTo relaxOther (please specify) ............19. What is the most important reason for coming to this club? Tick one:It's cheapIt has good prizesThe staff are friendlyIt has a barIt's close to homeYour friends come hereIt's nicely furnishedand comfortable20. If another club opened just down the road, what would make you go there instead?Tick one:If it was closer to homeOther (please specify).If it had bigger prizesIf it was cheaperWould never change to another club21. Would you say that bingo is gambling? Yes|_ No22. When was the last time you won anything at cash bingo?23. How important do you think a bar is to the club atmosphere? Tick oneVery importantNot important Fairly importantWould you say that: Tick one:Bingo is very important to youBingo is fairly important to youYou can take it or leave itYou'd do other things ifyou had the chance______25. Looking back to a year ago, do you play bingo:Less often nowMore often nowTick one:The same26. If you have answered 'more' or 'less' what is the reason for that? Please state:Now we'd like to ask just a few questions about yourself:Are you; malefemaleAre you: EmployedUnemployedRetiredHousewifeHow old are you? .̂ ..yearsWhat is the occupation of the main breadwinnerin your household? ...........you have children under the age of 16?""Yes NoPlease write here any comments about bingo, the club etc. if you wish:Table 2 : Size of Clubs included in SampleLess than 500 Seats501 - 750751 - 10001001 +% Respondents % Clubs2.916.217.733.2207116412664529716661920556131645SoTable 3 . Proportion of seating capacity filled by. area% FullSouthLondonE. MidlandsW. MidlandsWalesYorkshireNorth WestNorth EastScotlandAfternoon23.525.611.5 •16 '1922.333.624.721.2Evening241821 .348.73436.546.844.436.6Total Average 19.8 35.6-98-Size of the Clubs included in the SampleThe sample was biased towards larger clubs, but as the total number of operatingclubs in each size category is not known, it is difficult to extimate the size of thebias. 55% of the clubs were over 1000 seating capacity (Table 2, column 3), but thissize category produced 63.2% of the respondents. (Table 2, column 1)The actual seating capacity of each club was used to calculate the proportion of-seats filled on the session visited. For the whole sample, clubs were on average35.6% full on the evening session, and 19.8% full in the afternoons, giving an overallaverage of 27.7%. The large organisations were not more successful than the independ-ents in filling their clubs: the independent clubs were 27.8% full and the largeorganisations 28.6% These figures accord with the Gaming Board's figures for 1980,which showed that clubs were 28.8% full. On a regional basis, there is a largevariation. (Table 3) Clubs were nearly half full on average, in the North West, NorthEast and West Midlands and less than one quarter full in the evenings in the East Midlands,London and the South-. Clubs were uniformly less full in the afternoons, except in theSouth and London.-99-Table 4 : DISTRIBUTION OF PLAYERS BETWEEN SESSIONS4.1 % of male and female players playing at afternoon and evening sessionsAfternoonEveningMale30.369.7Female35.864.2Both35.264.84.2 % Playing at afternoon and evening sessions, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. ScotlandAfternoonEvening49.850.237.662.429.970.129.970.120.479.623.876.232.068.027.572.543.856.24.3 Playing at afternoon and evening sessions, by age group (see Figure 1)18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+Afternoon 19.4 22.9 27 28.4 38.4 51.9 53.9Evening 80.6 77.1 73 71.6 61.6 48.1 46.14„4 Age composition of afternoon and evening sessionsAfternoon18-2526-3536-4546-5556-6566-7576+4.16.510.114.528.129.37 .4Evening%9.312.215.320.024.814.83.6 "-100-kndDistribution of Players Between Sessions : 1The majority of questionnaires were completed in the evening sessions, due tothe larger numbers playing then than in the afternoons. A larger proportion ofwomen compared to men played in the afternoons; the afternoon sessions were made upof 87.1% women and 12.9% men, and in the evenings of 84.1% women, 15,9% men. Thedistribution of men and women between sessions is shown in Table 4.1. The distri-bution of each age group between sessions is shown in Table 4.3, clearly indicatingthe tendency of the younger age groups to play in the evening.Table 4.4 shows that, in the afternoons, 64.8% of the players are aged 56 orolder, compared with 43" in the evenings. This reflects the tendency for old agepensioners to play in the afternoons, mainly due to older women especially, notwishing to venture out at night for fear of attack.-101-Table 5 : DISTRIBUTION OF PLAYERS BETWEEN SESSIONS : 25.1 % usually playing at afternoon and evening sessions, by sex (see figure 2)EveningAfternoonBoth/EitherMale63.715.321.0Female58.621 .619.8Both58.921.319.85.2" % usually playing at afternoon and evening sessions, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.w. N.E. ScotlandEvening 41.0 41.1 80.6Afternoon 35.4 31.3 7.6Both/Either 23.6 27.6 11.862.220.217.671.17.521.470.816.013.260.322.165.817.017.6 17.249,722.527.85.3 % usually playing at afternoon and evening sessions, by age18-25 26-35 36-45EveningAfternoonBoth/Either77.0 72.28.7 8.614.3 19.268.911.519.646-5565.214.919.956-6554.522.722.866-75 76+40.9 40.237.5 41.521.6 18.35.4 % usually playing at afternoon and evening sessions, by occupational categoryEveningAfternoonBoth/Either(read across)Employed45.817.228.8Unemployed5.67.38.4Retired22.95336.9Housewife25.722.525.9-102-Distribution of Players between Sessions : 2 (Question 3)Although it was known at which session the questionnaire was filled in,players were also asked at which session they usually played. This questionwas included so that it could be seen what proportion of players played in boththe afternoon and evening. One fifth 'floated' between sessions, sometimesplaying at both in one day, or choosing to play in the afternoons on certaindays and in the evenings on others. The latter category often included shiftworkers and the unemployed. (Table 5.4) Scotland and London emerged as theareas in which the largest proportion would play at either or both sessions.Men were more likely than women to play in the evenings, and so were the youngerage groups.-103-Table 6 : PROPORTION OF FEMALE AND MALE PLAYERS ,.6.1 Total SampleMale % Total Female % Total No Response Total Grand Total14.4 1031 82,9 5941 2.7 187 7166ExcludingNon-response 14.8 1031 85.259416.2 % of male and female players, in areasSouth London 3.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W.6972N.E. ScotlandMaleFemale24.175.914.785.323.276.818.481.610.589.59.990.114.585.512.887.2 91 .26.3 % of male and female players, in age groups18-25 26-35MaleFemale6.4MaleFemale15.4 1184.6 8936-4513.386.746-5514.086.056-6516.883.266-75 76+19.280.820.979.1of male and female players at sessionsAfternoon12.987.1Evening15.984.1Proportion of Male and Female Players14.8% of the sample of players were men, and 85.2"?- women. There weresignificant differences in the number of men playing by region. Less than9% of the players in Scotland were male, whilst in the South, nearly onequarter were male. Generally, fewer men played in the North of the country,Scotland and Wales than in the Midlands and South. Table 25.2 reinforces thispicture - husbands of players are more likely to play in the South and Midlandsthan elsewhere. Also there may be larger numbers of retired people in theSouth (see Table 10.2) and Table 6.3 shows that the proportion of"men playingrises with age, with a peak of 20.9% male players in the oldest age group.This table also shows that 15.4% of the youngest age group are males, indicatingeither a trend towards more men finding bingo attractive, or possibly that menplay between the ages of 18 and 25 but then drop out, probably when they firsthave a home of their own and start a family. The figures might also reflectthe relative strength of attraction of working men's clubs in the North ofEngland.-104-Figi1 Percentage of players in each age group playing at afternoon and evening sessions.(Table 4-3)80-70-SO-SO40'30-20'10-AfternoonEvening18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55AGE GROUPS56-65 66-75 76*Figure 2 Percentage of men and women playing at afternoon and evening sessions.(Table 5-1)Men Women2VO°/oPLAY AT BOTHOR EITHER SESSIONPLAY63-7%PLAY IN THEEVENINGS153%IN THE AFTERNOON19-8%PLAY AT BOTHOR RTHER SESSION58-6%PLAY IN THEEVENINGS^21 '60/PLAY IN THE AFTERNOON-105-Table 7 : AGE GROUPS OF PLAYERS (see Figure 3)7.1 % of players in each age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55% 7.5 10.1 13.4 18.5Cumulative % 7.5 17.6 31.0 49.5N 448 606 799 107636-65 66-75 76 +25.9 19.8 4.875.4 95.2 1001541 1132 2907.2 % of men and women players in each18-25 26-35 36-45% Men 7.3 7.0 11.4Cumulative % 7.3 14.3 25.7% Women 7.6 10.8 13.8Cumulative 7.6 18.4 32.27.3 % of players in each age group, bySouth13-2526-3538-4546-5556-6566-7576+Mean AgeMode(SingleYear)Median4,3.8,12,25.34,10,60,7064..7,5,4,3,4.3,8,33London E.SIidlands46,11,2423,24,5,56,6059..7.2.2,8,6, 5,495,14,14,24,21,16,2.50,6052.,8,4,3,9,547.96age group46-5516.141.818.650.8areaW. Midlands612152026144516053.2.3.3.6.7.3.6.6.756-65 66-75 76+27.6 24.2 6.469.4 93.6 10025.6 19.0 4.676.4 95.4 100Wales Yorkshire N.W.79112526173526556.2.8.1.3.0.3.3.7.661115,19,25,15,6,52.6054..6.0.6,8,5,5,0.529,11 ,12,17.23.20,4,47.6050., 9,4,3,5,982,34N91014192813346SO48.E..4c. tj.5.8.8.5.5.0. 9Scotland91217192512249GO51.5.3.9.9.1.9.4.3.7-106Age structure of the SampleThe majority of players were middle-aged. The mean age for women was52.5 years and for men 55.4 years; the modal age for both sexes was 60:(i.e. more players were aged 60 than any other age). The median age forwomen was 55.1 years: (i.e. half the women were aged below this age, and halfabove), and for men the median was 59.2 years. One quarter of the womenand almost one third of the men were over 65, whilst only 14% of the men and18% of the women were aged less than 35 years.The average age of players was rather lower in the north of the country;almost 10% in the North East, North West and Scotland were aged less than 25.-107-Table 8 : AGE OF STARTING TO PLAY BINGO8.1 Age at which men andStarting toplay at age :18 or less19-2526-3536-4546-5556-6566-7576 +8.2 Mean age ofMean age ofstarting (years). 8.3 Mean age atSouth18 or less 3.419-25 5.726-35 12.1. 36-45 20.346-55 26.156-65 22.866-75 9.076+ 0.5Mean 47 . 3Median 48.5women players start to nlayMale Cumulative Female Cumulative% % % %6.411.414.123.923.916.23.70.4starting18-2518.96.4 9.1 9.117.8 14.2 23.331.9 18.8 42.155. S 23.1 65.279.7 21.1 86.395.9 10.8 97.199.6 2.7 99.8100 0.2 100to play, bv age grouo (%}Both Cumulative% Both %8.713.718 223.221 611.62.70.326-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-7522.9 29.3 37.3 46., 1 54.48.722.440.663.885.497.099.710076+62.9which players start to play, by area (%)London5.49.916.924.126.213.416.90.642.343.4E. Midlands W. Midlands Tales8.4 6.2 5.716.2 15.2 16.618.9 18.0 20.728.0 22.4 22.017.1 23.0 23.08.7 12.2 - 11.02.4 3.2 1.00.3 . 0.2 0.038.0 39.9 38.438.7 40.7 39,1Yorkshire11.115.319.623.217.012.01.60.237.737.1N.W. N.E.9.4 12.615.2 15.617.4 19.822.4 26.821.8 16.610.7 7.32.9 1.30.1 0.138.7 36,239.5 36.4Scotland10.816.520.021.321.28.01.80.437,237.0-108-Age when starting to play bingo (Question 4)Perhaps more important than the actual age of players, in terms of futuretrends, is the age at which people start to play. Respondents were asked forhow many years they had played bingo, and this was then subtracted from their age.Table S.I shows that 64% of players were already playing by the age of 45.The mean age for women to start playing was 38.9 years, and for men 42.3 years.The respective medians were 39.1 years and 43.6 years. Analysis by region showsthat the "strong" bingo playing areas, such as the North West and North East, havea larger proportion of players starting to play at 18 (Table 8.3) and have a loweraverage age of starting. For example, the average starting age was 36.2 years inthe North East compared with 47.3 years in the South. The greater success ofbingo in the northern areas can therefore perhaps be related to its attraction fora wide spread of ages, as well as for larger numbers of the middle-aged.-109-Table 9 : NUMBER OF YEARS BINGO HAS BEEN PLAYED9.1 Total sample by calendar yearsCumulativeNo.9,2Meanno.of Years123456789101112131415161718192021 ' :222324-31+By areayears°c4.4.4.4.5.3.2.3.0.13.1.4.0.2.9.2.1.2.0.16.1.1.0.0.South12.2078107438738952767934675%100.96.91.86.82.77.73.71.68.67.53.52.47.46.44.34.32.30.27.26.10.8.7.6.London E13.5003544730252450805891714N235 Year2762852392932181431974980974283561475441619216154991859439374.Midlands W. Midlands12.0 11.2t.ending Feb. 198219811980197919781977197619751974197319721971197019691968196719661965193419631962196119601959-1952+Wales Yorkshire N.ff. N.E.13.1 13.9 12.3 13.3.1Scotland12.2Medianno.Modeyears% playing forless than 2 yrs.% playing forless than 5 yrs.11.7201023.314.5207.818.711.6108.020.89.910.' , 10.930.6.13.0 14.3 11.1 12.420 20 20 205.4 5.7 10.8 4.320.3 16.3 25.0 24.510.4208.223.6-110-Number of Years for which Bingo has been playedPlayers were asked for how many years they had been playing bingo. Some erroris introduced, as players tended to round the number of years for which they have beenplaying, for example to say 10 or 20 rather than 9, 11, 19 or 21. The data from thisquestion are presented in Table 9.1, which shows the percentage of the sample which hasbeen playing for each number of years. The actual year is also given, to indicate theyear in which the players started to play.As it stands, this information has limited use. However, it can be used tocalculate the annual number of new players, the rate at which new players replace theold, the growth rate of bingo playing, and also the age and sex structure of bingo ineach year since the beginnings of commercial bingo. In relation to the latter, it mustbe remembered that the data only refer to players who are still playing; if all thosewho started to play and stopped were included, the age and sex structure could be different.Table 9.1 shows the percentage of the sample which joined the bingo playing populationin each year; the cumulative percentages show that 74% of the sample ha-d been playing forseven years or more, and 52% for twelve years or more.When these findings are broken down by area, Yorkshire and London emerge as having thelongest-playing population. Half the Yorkshire sample and half the London sample hadbeen playing for fourteen years or more (Table 9.2). Conversely, in the West Midlands,over 10% had been playing for less than two years; almost one third for less than fiveyears, and one half for less than ten years. This area appears to have been the mostsuccessful in recently attracting younger players.The data have been reassembled in Table 9.3 to show the rate of growth of bingo playing.If 1960 is taken as a base year, to include all players playing in that year and prior to it,it can be seen that by 1982, almost five times as many people are playing. The annual rateof increase shows that there was a large leap in the number of new people playing in 1963,and smaller increases in 1968 and 1973. For the last eight years, there has been asteady average increase of 5% per year. Unfortunately, it is not possible to calculate anannual rate of increase of new admissions, nor of people ceasing to play.Tables 9.4 and 9.5 show the extent to which new players have not replaced the old. Itis not known to what degree Table 9.4 gives an accurate picture of the age structure of thebingo playing population in the 1960's, as older players will have died, and therefore arenot included. Thus the average ages given in Table 9.5 will probably be lower than werethe actual ages of bingo players, particularly in the 1960's. At the same time, it isclear that the bingo playing population has aged, and there is a difference between theaverage age in 1960 (36.1 years) and that in 1982 (52.9 years) of 16.8 years. Those agedmore than 75 years number 4.8% of the total sample in 1982. The proportion aged 18-25has fallen from nearly 20% in 1960 to only 7.5% in 1982. It is possible that thesefindings describe a trend of younger people ceasing to play at the onset of family responsi-bilities (either temporarily or permanently). However, the proportion in the youngest agegroup during the last three years, 1980, 1981 and 1982, is higher than it has been in any ofthe previous six years.Table 9.6 presents the proportion of men and women playing in each year since 1960.It was expected that at a certain point it would be obvious that more men were beginning toplay. In fact the figures indicate an overall decline in the proportion of men playing,with only a slight upturn in 1982.The occupational structure of the bingo playing population appears to have remainedremarkably consistent (Table 9.7). Although less than one quarter of the 1982 samplewere playing in 1960, a similar proportion from 1960 and 1982 are found in the six occu-pational categories. (The retired and unemployed are excluded), 69.9% in!960 wereinvolved in manual work, compared with 69.8% in 1982.-Ill-9.3 The growth of bingo playing 1960-1982 *FiYear Index % Increase fromprevious year19601961196219631964196519661967196819691970197119721973197419751976197719781979198019811982100128147.340.344.354.359.367.395.400.402.413.415.441.443.448.451.456.463.467.473.478.482.861475089379115509568-28.019.8192.83.510.35.37.827.55.82.110.42.426.21.26.03.45.06.54.95.65.14.2^*It should be noted that this includes only players who have continued to playand not those who have stopped.1960 is taken as the base year, and new players added in the year they startedto play.9.4 Age structure of the18-2519601961196219631964196519661967196819691970197119721973197419751976197719781979198019811982-1918161412,121110,10.9.8,8.7.7.-7,7.6,6,7 ,6 .7.7.7..8.6.9.2.9.6,6,8,3.2.4.1, 7°.9,0.1,7,50,9,2.8526-3520.620.520.319.318.317.015.714.715.213.913.913 412.713.112.411.911.613.910.710.110.110.110.1bingo36-4533.231.529.030.929.728.928.927.526.223.822.421.721.019.418.917.716. 916. 016.014.914.914.313.4playing46-5522,24.27.28.30.31.31.3231.33.33.32.30.29.28.27,27.26.24.2221 .20.18.9333 '4140966368483392015population 1960-1982 (see Figure 4)56-65 66-75 76+3.4.6.6.8.9.11.13.14.16.18.20.23.23.26.27 .27.28.27.29.28.27 .25.232815465954093032638590.30.30.30.50.60.91.01.3 0,11.7 0.22.4 0.23.0 0.23.7 0.44.6 0 45.5 0.46.5 0.57.8 0.79.4 0.811.0 1.112.3 1.514.5 2.115.4 2.616.9 3.319.8 4.8Figure 3 Age groups of players 1982 (Table 7-1)18-25 26-35 36-45 6-55 56-65 66-75 76*AGE GROUPSRgure A Number of 18-25yrolds & 76yr olds playing 1960-82 as a percentageof total bingo players (Table 9-4)3Ch201076+yr olds18-25 yr olds1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1982-113-9.5 Structure of the bingo playing population 1960-1982 : average age by yearI96019611962196319641965196619671968196919701971197219731974197519761977197819791980198119829.619601961196219631964196519661967196819691970197119721973197419751976197719781979198019811982Mean36.137.138.139.540. 241.142.042.943.444.345.245.846.747.148.048.649.350.150.451.051.451.752.9Structure of the bingoMale18.618.317.715.615.415.315.314.914.814.714.614.414.414.614.614.414.414.514.414.414.414,514.9Median38.439.040.041.041.942.643.544.445.146.147.047.848.749.450.451.151.952.653.053 654.054.055.7Dlaving populationFemale81.481.782.3 -84.484.684.784.785.185.285.385.435.685.685.435.485.685.685.585.685.685.685.585.1Mode37383940414243444546474849505152535455565758591960-1982•F% Male/Female by year-114-9.7(excluding retired and unemployed)Professional1960196119621963196419651966196719681969197019711972197319741975197619771978197919801981198211111111111111111111111.1.1.1.3.5.5.5.2.2.2.1.1.1.1.1.1.0.0.1.0.0.2.2W. Collar76767666666666666666666.6.6.1.9.3.9.6.4.4.6.4.4.6.6.6.8.7.6.9.6.7.6.8Service21.21 .20.21.21.21.21.21.22.22.22.22.21.21.21.21.21.21.21.21.21.22.22.40789999566176666599722Manual 138.539.439.438.938.538.838.839.437.837.938.338.538.539.239.238.838.838.838.638.838.938.838.4Manual 217.18.18.17.17.18.18.18.19.19,19.19.19.19.19.19.19.19.18.18.18.18.18.94185464433395546898868Manual 31313131313121212121212121212121212121212121212.5.5.6.3.3.5.6.7.7.4.3.6.2.0.0.3.3.3.6.9.9.6.6NCumulative16801774185928502904306531573318386240094065434844225231528054775620583861316370665569317166-115-Table 10 : OCCUPATIONAL STATUS10.1 % of male and female players in each occupational category (see figure 5)EmployedUnemployedRetiredHousewife10,2 % ofEmployedUnemployedRetiredHousewifeMale44.914.340.8—players in each occupationSouth London E. Midlands23.7 42.8 51.65.3 2.8 4.746.3 36.6 25.124.7 17.8 18.6Female35.05.230.429.4category, byW. Midlands34.58.430.726.4Both36. 46.531.925.2areaWales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.33.1 38.5 35.0 37.74.5 4.9 8.5 6.125,0 28.8 32.8 26.337.4 27.8 23.7 29.9Scotland37.69.827.025.610.3 % of players in each occupational category, by age group18-25EmployedUnemployedRetiredHousewife10.4 Activity45.422.0.32.6ratesand of26-3547.310.5-42.2(%) ofwomen36-4565.010.6-24. 4womenin the46-5559.8.2.29.in thesample218956-6530,4,42-,23.general,0,1,5,466-753.6-80.915.5population76 +1 .-83.15.064("Great Britain), bv areaSouth E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. North ScotlandEast* &HumbersideGreat Britain 47,6 47.2Sample 55.8 68.849.049.641.544.146.354.047,152.045.351.249.151.4*South East = Areas 'South' and 'London' from the sample-116-Occupational StatusRespondents were asked two questions regarding occupation, their ownemployment position, and the actual occupation of the main household breadwinner.The figures show the dependence of the bingo industry on those who are in adisadvantaged economic position relative to the population at large. Only 36.4°f>of the total sample were in waged employment; 38.4% were on fixed incomes; and25.2% had no income of their own.A larger proportion of male players were unemployed than the proportion ofmale unemployed in the general population. At the time of the survey, 12.4% ofmen in Britain were unemployed, whilst 13.8% of the men players were unemployed.Unemployment of players by area reflects the unemployment pattern in Britain, withmore players in Scotland, the North East and North West unemployed than in Londonand the South (Table 10.2). There was little difference between the findings ofthe survey and figures from the Central Statistical Office, which show that 19.7%of the labour force aged 29 or less are unemployed. This suggests that bingo doesnot attract a disproportionate number of the young unemployed.Women players almost certainly will have categorised themselves as housewivesrather than as unemployed. The number who are employed, 35%, gives a slightlyhigher activity rate (i.e. involvement"in the work force) than that found in thegeneral population. That is, bingo players have an activity rate of 50.3% comparedto 47% for the female population of Britain. Table 10.4, which compares involvementin waged employment for the female population of Great Britain with that for thewomen players, shows that, in each area, bingo players are drawn disproportionatelyfrom women in waged work. This reinforces earlier suggestions that women are morelikely to play bingo if they use money which they themselves have earned, and whichthey can call their own.31.9% of the players are retired, compared with 18.9% in the general population.A larger proportion were retired in the South than in any other region, which shouldbe borne in mind when examining the results from other questions, when region-relatedvariables are discussed.-117-TABLE 11 : OCCUPATION OF THE MAIN "BREADWINNER" IN THE PLAYER'S HOUSEHOLD11.1 % of household breadwinners in each occupational category, by sex of theplayer (where a 'housewife' is the main 'breadwinner' she is included asretired or unemployed, depending on age)UnemployedRetiredProfessionalWhite CollarNon-manual-serviceManual-skilledManual-semi skilledManual-unskilledMale11.945.30.34.28.317.37.25.5ExcludingUnemployed& Retired.79.819.440.516.812.8Female5.443.00.73.311.619.79.86.5ExcludingUnemployed& Retired1.36.322.438.618.912.5Both6.443.60.63.411.019.39.46.3ExcludingUnemployeda Retired1.26.822.038.418.812.811.2 % of household breadwinners in each occupational category, by areaUnemployedRetiredProfessionalWhite CollarNon-manual-serviceManual - 1Manual - 2Manual - 3South5.661.10.72,913.310.41 .14.9London E.Midlands W..Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. Scotland1.649.20.42.014.020.05.57.34.832.10.55.123.519.35.16.239.70.74.313.220.57.87.65.546.42.011.321.27.56.15,40,1,5,8,16,13,7,.8.2.3.9.6.6.3.864201920117.3.8.5.3.7.9.5.083715102285.7.6.0.6.3.9.9.011360411IP96.6.2.2.9.6.3.8.411.3 . % of household breadwinners in each occupational category,UnemployedRetiredProfessionalWhite CollarMon-manual-s(Manual - 1 " "Manual - 2Manual - 311.4by age groupirvicfi ' *-.Occu]18-2523.4-0.85.43 16.528.514.411.0Dational26-35 36-4512.4 9.51.6,17.35,16.9..6, 6,5.5.9.5categories1 .01.16.618.036.715.911.2ofof player46-558.98.0 ,4 ,1930,16,11.general.2.5.4.3,4.6.756-653.755.10.53.08.818.07.75.2population,66-759501101-1979.3.4.2.4.7.0(%>76+970000--(see.5.7.7.4.7t igure 6)South E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. North Scotland G.3.HumbersideProfessionalWhite CollarServiceOther203512331427134613251349152816411326134815301342152613461629144116301341(source: General Household Survey 1979)-118-11.5 Occupational categories of the sample population (%) (see FigureSouth LondonProfessionalWhite collarServiceOther2.18.739.949.30.94.128.466.3E.Midlands0.78.015.475.9W.Midlands1 .27.924.466.5Wales4.323.472.3York-shireN . W . N.E. Scot-land2.10.15,70..5.9.9,602 ,19.77..9.5.2, 41 ,10.19.68.8,3, 09092268.3.3.2.2Total1.26.822.269.8Occupation of the Household "Breadwinner"Respondents were asked the occupation of the main household breadwinner.19.5% did not answer this question, and all percentages relate to the remaining80.5% It was interesting to note that a number of women still referred to theirhusband as the 'main breadwinner' even though he was unemployed and they wereworking. In general, the replies relate to the female player's husband'semployment, to their own if they have no husband, and to the male player's ownemployment.Again the figures show that bingo does not attract disproportionate numbers ofthe unemployed. 11.9% of the male players stated that the main breadwinner wasunemployed (usually themselves), whilst the unemployment rate for the generalpopulation at the time of the survey was 12.4% The discrepancy between the numberof unemployed men in Table 10.1 and in Table 11.1 is probably due to the maleplayer not always being the main breadwinner (e.g. sons living with parents).Only 5.4% of the female players had unemployed breadwinners, i.e. less than halfthe national unemployment average. It cannot be said with any certainty that themajority of women stop playing if their husbands become unemployed. However, ifthe number of unemployed in the general population is similar to the number ofunemployed breadwinners in the bingo playing population, it could be postulated that,for every one woman with an unemployed breadwinner who continues to play bingo, 1.3women with an unemployed breadwinner stop playing. Therefore, for every 100 men-who become unemployed, 43 of their wives continue playing, and 57 stop. There issome evidence to suggest that, when unemployment hits a family, it is the wife'spersonal money which is first affected.The single occupational class to which more players belonged than any other wasthe relatively well paid 'manual-skilled' class. (Table 11.1) The occupationalstructure of bingo players' household heads is quite different to that of the generalpopulation. (Tables 11.4 and 11.5) As the older age group is excluded from theanalysis of occupational categories, the difference between the two populations cannotbe attributed to age. Table 11.5 clearly shows that bingo does not appeal to theprofessional and white collar classes to any great extent.The Occupational Categories used ' .Professional : higher and intermediate professional; e.g. doctors, lawyers, teachers,senior civil servants.White collar : lower professional; e.g. draughtsman, chiropodist, commercial traveller,shop-keeper arid self-employed.Non-manual-service : supervisory, inspectional, minor officials, self-employed with noemployees or expensive equipment; e.g. shop assistant, foreman,meter reader, bus conductor.Manual -skilled : i.e. with an apprenticeship, or other training; e.g. skilled craftsmen,miners, qualified mechanics, electricians, etc.Manual -semi-skilled : e.g. machine operator, assembler.Manual -unskilled : e .g. farm labourer, builder 's labourer.-119-Figures. Occupational status (fromTablelCH)Male Bingo players Female Bingo players*EMPLOYED UNEMP RETIRED EMPLOYED UNEMP RETIRED HOUSEWIFEFigures Occupational categories (fromTables 11-4 & 11 -5)Population of Great Britain(Household heads)Bingo players (Household heads)1-2%SERV1CEQWH1TE COLLAR HfflMANUALHPROFESSIONAL-120-Table 12 : PRESENCE OF CHILDREN (UNDER 16 YEARS) IN THE HOUSEHOLD12.1 % of male and female players with children aged less than 16With childrenWithout childrenMale17.982.1Female23.077.0Total22.277.812.2 of players with children aged less than 16, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. ScotlandWith 7.6 16.0 29.8 23.7 - 22.4 24.7 23.2 26.4 29.1Without 92.4 84.0 70.2 76.3 77.6 75.3 76.8 73.6 70.912.3 % of players with children aged less than 16, by age groupWithWithout18-2540.859.226-3579.220.836-4560.339.746-5520.579.556-652.098.066-750.399.776+0.799.3ChildrenAs the majority of players are middle-aged, a minority had children underthe age of 16 living at home. As we have already seen, young children presenta major constraint on the leisure activities of women, affecting the ability toplan an evening out and the amount of finance available. It was expected thatthe younger age groups would be most affected by the presence of children. 79%of the 26-35 year olds had children aged less than 16, as did 41% of the 19-25year olds. In total, however, 77.8% of the sample had no children under the ageof 16, which would seem to contradict the Police Superintendents' Association'scontention that bingo leads to "considerable family hardship". The inaccuracyof this "mythology" of child neglect is further underlined by the findings on theage structure of the bingo playing population (see Table 7),-121-Table 13 : FREQUENCY OF PLAYING13.1 Frequency of playing by sexMale Female BothEvery day3 or more times per weekTwice a weekOnce a weekOnce a fortnightAbout once a monthNot very often13.2 Frequency of playing, by area5.33,39.16,1.0.1.. 5.9,3.88,985 ,35,35.18.1 .0 ,2 .9.5. 7.3,5,6,55353618102.9.4.3.0.4.6.4SouthEvery day 5. 53 or more 31 . 7Twice/week 36.9Once/week 21.2Once/2 weeks 1 , 7Once/month 0.9Not often 2.113.3 Frequency of18-25Every day 1 . 63 or more 16. 5Twice/week 31.3Once/week 33.3Once/2 weeks 6.0Once/month 2.4Not often 8.913.4 Frequency ofEvery day3 or moreTwice /weekOnce/weekOnce/ 2 weeksOnce/month andnot oftenLondon E.8.934.339.813.80.70.41.6playing, by26-352.626.329.930.43.51.75.6playing, byEmployed3.731 .136.722.81.93.813.5 Weekly admissions, by age18-25Admissions *from sampleper week 702% of totaladmissions 5.3% of samples **in each agegroup 7 . 5Average visitsper week 1 . 726-3511168.410.. 11.9Midlands W. Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.3.030.237,126.50.90.71.62.928.639.224.41.60.72.66373615101.6 5.7 5.1 6.6.5 38.4 35.8 35.6.7 34.8 34.0 37.4.6 15.6 19.8 14.9.4 2.3 1.4 1.3.7 0.3 0.7 0.9.5 2.9 3.2 3.3Scotlandt7.338.535.015.60.50.32.8age group36-454.331.336.223.01.90.82.546-555.637.436.517.60.70.41.8occupational statusgroup36-45168412.713.42.1Unemployed5.131.737.317.42.56.0(see Figures46-55247618.718. 52.356-656.740.039.012.20.80.31.0( see66-75 76+7.7 12.240.8 41.937.3 32.212.7 11.40.5 1.00.1 0.30.9 1.0Figure 7)Retired Housewife8.2 6.040.1 35.837.8 34.212.1 18.90.5 1.61.3 3.58 a 9)56-65357527.025.92.466-75 76+2925 75722.2 5.719.8 4. -82.5 2.6* number of each age group x frequency of playing** from Table 7.1Frequency and regularity of playingThe tendency for women to make some kind of weekly timetable or routine hasalready been discussed in Chapter IV. Where bingo fitted in to this process ofplanning was measured by asking questions with regard to both frequency andregularity of playing - frequency to measure the importance of bingo in their lives;and regularity to measure the extent to which bingo was planned for in the weeklytimetable - a technique used by women to avoid erosion of leisure activities.Frequency of playing (Question 5)It is not known how honest players were in answering this question, sinceexisting data sources tend to describe only admissions totals, rather thanfrequency of individual players.The figures support the earlier suggestion that players either play veryfrequently, or rather infrequently, with few falling in between. 95.5% playonce a week or more often, and 77.6% play twice a week or more. The largestgroup in each region is that which plays twice a week. Those who play every dayare small in number, ranging from 8.9% in London to 2.9% in the Midlands (Table13.2), and from 12.2% of the oldest age group to 1.6% of the youngest (Table 13.3).The modal number of times which each age group plays is once a week for the 18-25and 26-35 year olds, twice a week for the 36-45 and 46-55 year olds, and three timesa week or more for the oldest three age groups.There were no statistically significant differences between the number of timesthe unemployed played each week, compared to the employed (Table 12.4). Theaverage weekly attendance can be calculated. The proportion of the sample whichanswered the question regarding frequency of playing was 99.6% or 7,140. Thisproportion gave a total of 16,231 admissions per week, or 2.27 admissions per headper week.The proportion of admissions from each age group can be calculated. If thenumber of players in each age group is multiplied by the number of times they playeach week, a total of 13,235 admissions per week is obtained from the section of thesample which gave their ages (i.e. 82.9% of the sample). Table 13.5 shows that,although 7.5% of the players are aged 18-25, this age group accounts for only 5.3%of weekly admissions. The oldest three age groups account for more admissions thanexpected according to the proportion of these groups in the sample, whilst theyounger age groups account for fewer admissions than expected from their proportionin the sample. The number of visits per week rises steadily with age, and thereforepresumably with available free time. Some of the rise in number of visits with ageis also associated with the greater tendency to attend afternoon sessions among theolder age groups.-123-Table 14 : REGULARITY OF PLAYING14.1 Regularity of playing, by sexMale%Always play on same night(s) 72.0Don't play on same night(s) 28.014.2 Regularity of playing, by areaFemale%77.422.6Both%77.023.0Same night(s)Not sameSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. Scotland% % % % % % % % 177.6 77.622.4 22.483.516.575.9 78.0 76.6 73.1 77.7 76.124.1 22.0 23.4 26.9 22.3 23.914.3 Regularity of playing, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55Same night(s) 66.3 70.1 74.7 76.2Not same 33.7 29.9 25.3 23.856-65 66-75 76+78.0 81.6 82.222.0 18.4 17.8Regularity of playicg (Question 6)The regularity of bingo playing and the routine of the activity havealready been remarked upon. Respondents were asked whether they alwaysplayed on the same nights of the week, from week to week. Three-quartersof the sample tended to play on the same night each week, with littlevariation by region or sex. The elderly (14.3) were rather more likelythan younger people to go out on the same night of the week. It isapparent from conversation, with players and managers that those who regularlygo out on a Sunday night are those least likely to change their preferrednight; whilst promotions on a mid-week night might draw those from othernights, this tends not to be the case with Sunday players.-124-Figure 7 Frequency of playing by occupational status (Table 13-4)302010EVERY 3 OR TWICE ONCE LESS THANDAY MORE A A ONCE AA WEEK WEEK WEEK WEEK\EMPLOYEDUNEMPLOYED\ RETIREDHOUSEWIVESFigures Average visits per week, by age group (Table 13-5)18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+AGE GROUPS ", . •Figure9 Percentage of "admissions" in each age group (Table 13-5)I30co^20U.OjS10-27%22-2%5-7%18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 56-75 75+Table 15 : NUMBER OF BOOKS PLAYED15.1 of men and women playing each number of books IBooks12345S7815.2 %Books1234567 .8Averageno. ofbooks(iromsample)(fromclub booksales)15.3 %Books12345678Averageno. ofbooksPlayingMale Female1.0 0.47.7 7.638.8 38.631.2 33.91.7 1.919.4 17.30.2 0.10.2each number of books , byBoth0.57.738.733.41.917.60.10.1areaSouth London E. Midlands W. Midlands Wales0.61.922.140.02.5Q2 7-0.24.44.0Playing18-25A ••?V i (16.536.730.53.212.20.2-3.50.7 0.5.2 3.6 6.22.2 46.4 41.42.7 32.3 26.3.6 2.2 1 .25.7 14.8 24.0.3 - 0.0.3 -4.2 3.7 . 3.4.3 3.9 3.each number of books , bv41O009393age26-35 36-45 46-550-3 0.6 0.4.4 4.9 4 .33.4 29.9 38.36.1 35.4 36.4.0 2.3 1.21.2 26.6 19.0.3 0.2 0 .0.3 0.14.0 4.1 3.46404029114412911333group.0.2.0.0.5.3-—.5.656-65074232L163.4.5.1.2. 5.3--,7V.Yorkshire N.w. N.E.0.13.55.22.0.7.0.-3.3.33437323266-750.9.41 .32.1 .14.--3.56614860.4.39.40.1 .13.0.-3.3.76+1 .12.43.28.j. .13.0.-3.3 0.22 11.99 47.05 30.62 2.28 7.81 0.3-7 3,44 3.650105545Scotland0.410.234.631.43.419.30.2-3 83.8-126-Expenditure (Questions 8, 9, 10, 11, 17)Total expenditure inside the club is made up of several items. Firstly thereare the books for the main session which, with very rare exceptions, everybody buys.The main session is usually made up of a main session book plus a series ofindividual games - "flyers", "quickies", "scoop", etc. There may also be a linkgame (when the club links with another club, thereby doubling the prize money). Theplayer may choose to play any number (usually from one to six) of cards, that is, tohave one to six cards in front of her on each game, with the cost varying accordingly.The player can also choose to take part in interval games, such as mechanised cashbingo, to play on the fruit machines, and to buy refreshments from the snack bar oralcoholic drinks from the licensed bar. Expenditure can therefore vary a great dealbetween players.Main Session Books (Question 8)An average of 3.8 books were played, with no differences between men and women.Two ways of calculating average number of books played were used, one from thequestionnaire sample, and one from admissions and book sales figures from each club.The latter, therefore, includes the total admission and the former a sample from it.The results of the two are quite similar (Table 15.2). This is an encouragingindication of the honesty and accuracy of response of the sample. Tables 15.1 to15.3 give the proportion playing each number of books. Very few play more than sixbooks, whilst only 8% play less than 3.-127-Table 16 : PROPORTION PLAYING ON FRUIT MACHINES16,1 % of men and women playing on fruit machinesMale FemalePlay on fruit machines 30.8 25.7Do not play on fruit machines 39.2 74.3Both26.573.516.2 % of players playing on fruit machines, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. ScotlandYes 34.5 28.3 30.0 25.3 24.5 26.7 25.7 22.3 22.2No 65.5 71.7 70.0 74.7 75.5 73.3 74.3 77.7 77.816.3 % of players playing on fruit machines, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+Yes 28.9 21.0 19.9 28.7 29.3 2,7.1 30.1No 71.1 79.0 80.1 71.3 70.7 72.9 69.9Fruit Machines (Question 9)Managers were often heard to say that it was the fruit machines and theinterval games, which kept the club as a viable business. If this is the case,the profitability of bingo rests on the shoulders of a minority of its players.One quarter of the sample said that they play on fruit machines,'with slightlymore men than women playing. The fruit machines appeared to appeal equally toall age groups, although it had been expected that the younger element wouldfind them more attractive. The age groups 26-45 were the least likely to play,whilst the incidence of playing decreased significantly moving from the Southto the North; 34% in the South compared to 22% in Scotland played on the machines.The average spent at one session by those who play on the fruit machines was£4.80, compared with £3.58 for those who did not.-128-Table 17 : PROPORTION PLAYING INTERVAL GAMES17.1 % of men and women playing interval gamesPlay interval gamesDo not play interval gamesMale28.671 .4Female40.259.8Both38.561 .517.2 % playing interval games, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. ScotlandYes 39.0 44.1 38.6 36.2 44.9 57.2 31.6 29.3 33.2No 61.0 55.9 61.4 63.8 55.1 42.8 68.4 70.7 66.817.3 % playing interval games, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+Yes 42.7 44.2 43.5 42.6 39.3 30.4 29,2No 57.3 55.8 56.5 57.4 60.7 69.6 70.8Interval Games (Question 10)Just over one third of the sample took part in interval games, such asmechanised cash bingo and prize bingo. There was a significant differencebetween men and women in the likelihood of playing interval games. Mechanisedcash bingo is a very fast game and men and older women tended not to be able tokeep up. There were also significant differences by area, with as many as 57oplaying interval games in Yorkshire. Two of the clubs visited in Yorkshireplayed "board" bingo rather than mechanised cash bingo, which may explain this.(Board bingo does not require the player to leave her seat, and does not requirequite the same concentration and speed). In the North East, continuous pre-session games of bingo are played, which can tee joined at any point after .arrival, and therefore there were fewer sessions of mechanised bingo.Significantly more younger than older people played interval games. Thelatter often said that it was too fast a game for them, and that it was possibleto spend a great deal of money. Those who played_the interval games spent anaverage of £4.82, compared to the non-players' £3.53.A large number of complaints were made about mechanised cash bingo from thosewho did not play it, regarding the noise caused by it and the intervals whichaccommodated it being too long, thus highlighting a possible conflict between thecommercial function of the club, and the social function of the club as perceivedby these players.-129-Table 18 : PURCHASE OF DRINKS FROM LICENSED BAR18.1 % of men and women buying drinks from the barUsually buy drinksDo not buy drinksNo barMale55.838.26.0Female37.450.612.0Both40.048.811.218.2 % of players buying drinks from the bar, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. ScotlandYes 48.4 42.8 41.3 53.7 34.1 42.7 42.6 46.4 7.3No 51.6 57.2 42.7 46.3 65.9 43.4 57.4 53.6 26.4No bar - - 16.0 - - 13.9 - - 66.318.3 % of players buying drinks from the bar, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+Yes 56.5 47.4 39.6 40.7 39.6 33.3 35.2No 29.2 37.2 45.8 47.9 50.7 59.4 57.4No bar 14.3 15.4 14.6 11.4 9.7 7.3 7.4-130-Drinks from the Licensed Bar (Question 17)The other item which made a major difference to total expenditure wasdrinks from the licensed bar. 45% of the sample in clubs which had a barbought drinks from the bar. (13% of the clubs, most of them in Scotland,had no bar). There were minor variations between regions (possibly relatedto licensing hours), and more important variations between age groups andbetween men and women (.also, it appears that men were more likely to visit aclub with a bar than one without a bar).e s-131-Table 19 : "SPEND PER HEAD"19.1£1 and£1.01 -£2.01 -£3.01 -£4.01 -£5.01 -£6-01 -£7.01 -£8.01 -£10.0119.2Spend per headunder• £2.00• £3.00• £4.00• £5.00• £6.00• £7.00• £8.00• £10.00plusS.p.h. , bv, by sex (see Figure 10)Male0.715.124.719.517.89.22.83 .25.11.9areaSouth£1 and£1.01 -£2.01 -£3.01 -£4.01 -£5.01 -£6.01 -£7.01 -£3.01 -£10.01Average19.3under£2.00£3.00£4.00£5.00£6.00£7.00£8.00£10.00plus£ spentS.p.h. ,11619152410,3.2.4,0,4.by.8.4.6.9.9.1,7.3,6,7,30age18-25£1 and£1.01 -£2.01 -£3.01 -£4.01 -£5.01 -£6.01 -£7.01 -£8.01 -£10.01under£2.00£3.00£4.00£5.00£6.00£7.00£8.00£10.00plusi.15.30.17.19.7.3.2.2.0.,2309235187London0.65.816.816,024 . 814.44.85.68.42.85.19group26-350.811.622.522.423.09.02.62.64.41.1E.Midlands0.53.915.931 .728.010.33.73.02,80.24.6136-450.99.927.520.422.56.83.02.94.81.3Female1.517.830.018.918.35.92.31.92.60.8W.Midlands1.911.724,917.723.97.83.53.04.70.94.3746-551 .012.328.920.519.98.02.52.63.40.9Both1 .417 . 529.319.118.16.32.42.12.90.9Wales York- N.W.shire% % ^1.517.530.818.721 .15.31 .22.41.00.53.8256-65or1.419.530.213.316.95.82.32.02.61 .01.5 1.13.4 2439.3 32,19.0 1816.9 144.7 31.3 12.1 1.1.3 2,0.5 03.76 3,66-751.828.429.716.415.13.81.81.31 .30.4.9.18.0,2.4.6.0,4.6.57V.N.E. Scotland« 0̂0.528.538.918.98.72.10.50.41.20.33.251 .923.334.020.213.43.71.50.81.10.13.4076+4.2929.1613,4,0,0,0.0,.1.4,6.0.6,9,8,4,8,4Average £ spent 4.05 3.73 4 . 3 ? 4.1! 3. 85 3 .48 3 . 3 3-132-19.4 S.p.h., by employment statusUnemployed Employed Retired Housewife£1 and under£1.01 - £2.00£2.01 - £3.00£3.01 - £4.00£4.01 - £5.00£5.01 - £6.00£6.01 - £7.00£7.01 - £8.00£8.01 - £10.00£10.01 plus19.5 Opportunity(occupationUnemployedRetiredProfessionalWhite collarServiceManual - 1Manual - 2Manual - 30.710.427.221.320.68.13.42.84.51.0index showing the0.718.223.417.920.98.23.52.04.50.72.326.332.615.814.44.11.61.31.30.3likelihood of each occupationalof household breadwinner) to spendCol.l% in sample6.541.40.63.711.320.09.86.7Col. 2% spending£5 or more, 6.824.40.63.818.227.510.38.4more than £5Col. 2 f Col.l011 .040.581.001.021.601.361.051.201.516.930.319.518.65.82.02.32.30.8categoryCol. 4% of eachcategoryspending£5 or more14.88.316.114.723.919.414.917.3-133-Figure 10 Amount spent at one Bingo session (Table 19-1)30'SPENDINGEACH 20'AMOUNT10.09%£ 2-01 2-01 4-01 5-01 6-01under 200 3-00 4-00 5-00 6-00 7-00AMOUNT SPENT7-01 8-01 10 & over8-00 10-00Figure 11 Mode of transport to the club (Table 22-1)Male players Female playersH%1-3%I CAR E2 BUS I TAXI Q ON FOOT HI TRAIN-134-Total Expenditure (Question 11)Respondents were asked their expenditure at any one session, in order tocalculate the "spend per head", to use the jargon of the leisure industry.Whilst it was clear, from the sums written in the margin of the questionnaire,some players had worked out exactly how much they spend, others gave a roundfigure which approximated their actual expenditure. 13.8% declined to sayhow much they spent.Total expenditure from the remaining 6,307 respondents was £24,525.09,giving an s.p.h. of £3.88. Between the area with the lowest s.p.h., the NorthEast, and that with the highest, London, there was a difference of almost £2.The least spent was 85p, whilst 2.6% of the sample spent an average of £10;and £15; and 0.31"- spent more than £15. 0.21̂ of the latterThese "big spenders" are therefore in a minority, but their0.6% between £10.01spent £20 or more.spending raises the average for the whole. The mode for men and women was £3.The average s.p.h. in the evening was £4.14, and £3.74 in the afternoons.The age group with the highest s.p.h. was the 36-45 age group. Tables 15.3and 17.3 show that this group plays a greater number of books than other age groupsand is more likely to play interval games.The s.p.h. of the unemployed, compared to that of the employed, did not showthe differences which might have been expected (Table 19.4). This suggests thatunemployment does not affect the amount spent at any one session. 80.2% of theunemployed, 81.1% of the employed, 91.4% of the retired, and 86.8% of the housewivesspent £5 or less. This pattern remains when the occupational status of the house-hold breadwinner is considered (Table 19.5). Those with an unemployed breadwinnerwere as likely to spend £5 or more as those where the breadwinner was in whitecollar work, for example (Table 19.5, column 4).An "opportunity index" (01) was constructed to quantify precisely the likeli-hood of each occupational category spending more than £5. If the proportion ineach category which spent £5 or more was equal to the proportion of that categoryfound in the sample, the 01 would be equal to 1.00. The table shows that those withan unemployed breadwinner were as likely or more likely than those whose breadwinnerwas in other occupational categories to spend more than £5. The retired were onlyhalf as likely to spend £5 or more as most other groups, whilst those whose bread-winners were in "service" occupations were over half as likely again as most othergroups to spend more than £5.There were no significant differences in the amount spent between those whoplay more now than one year ago, those who play less, and those who play as oftenas they did a year ago. This suggests that people spend as much per visit, butplay less often when affected by a change in income.-135-Table 20 : PERCEPTION OF COST OF BINGO20.1 Perception of cost, by sexCheapFairly cheapA bit expensiveExoensiveMale%5.130.947.516.5Female%5.028 . 548.318.2Bothĉ5.028.848.118.120.2 Perception of cost, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.W. Scotland% % % % % %CheapFairly cheapBit expensiveExpensive5.134.045.615.33.621.051.823.62,195523..3.1.3.33254525.8.7.4.13.922.556.217.44.527.749.917.9%4.429.448.417.8<*6.342.841.59.4or11.033.546.39.220.3 Perception of cost, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+CheapFairly cheapBit expensiveExpensive6.842.440.810.04.632.547.615.34.229.348.018.53.129.649.218.15.727.949.616.85.827.248.518.58.831 .245.614.4Table 21 : PROXIMITY OF CLUB TO HOME21.1 % of men and women playing at the club nearest to homeMale Female BothNearest 53.6 63.7 62.5Not nearest 46.4 36.3 37.521.2 % of players playing at the club nearest to home, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W,Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. ScotlandNearest 42.5 69.0 76.3 61.7 75.7 67.5 60.0 54.0 67.7Not nearest 57.5 31.0 23.7 38.3 24.3 32.5 40.0 46.0 32.321.3 % of players playing at the club nearest to home, bv age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+Nearest 59.5 62.7 61.4 61.5 62.2 60.6 69.4Not nearest 40.5 37.3 38.6 38.5 37,8 39.4 30.6-136-landPerception of Cost (Question 12)Although players are more likely to say that bingo is expensive than cheap, inthe knowledge that there would be more room for price increases if many of themregarded it as inexpensive, it is apparent from responses to this question thatbingo is not seen as a particularly cheap night out. Two thirds of the sample feltthat bingo is a "bit expensive" or "expensive" (Table 20.1). The age groups whichwere most likely to regard bingo as expensive, the 36-45 and 46-55 groups, were alsothose which spent the most CTable 19.3). Conversely, the 66 years plus age groupwere most likely to regard bingo as cheap, and also spent the least. Old agepensioners tend to play more often in the afternoons, when in fact the tendency isto spend less.Bingo seems to be played very cheaply in the North East compared to the restof the country, which is reflected in Table 20.2.11% of the comments written in the space on the questionnaire for "further comments"stated that bingo had become too expensive, whilst this subject was invariably broughtup by players in conversation. A further 8.6% of the comments were complaints about thelow levels of prize money. A number of players keep a tally of how much they spent andhow much they won over a period of a year. As might be expected, in the large majorityof cases, more was lost than was won.Proximity of Club to Home (Question 2)Although approximately two-thirds of the sample played at the club nearestto their home, it is apparent that many players are willing to travel longdistances to play bingo. One couple who had filled in the questionnaire atShrewsbury also turned up in Aberystwyth the following week. They explainedthat this was a regular pattern, with Shrewsbury also being where they wentshopping. The one-third not using the club closest to their home (Table 21.1)correlates with the one-third using a car to get to the club (Table 22.1).Men were more likely than women not to play at the nearest club, which can berelated to their greater access to and use of cars. The younger age groupswere the most likely to by-pass smaller, local clubs to travel to city centreclubs with larger prizes.-137-Table 22 : MODE OF TRANSPORT TO THE CLUB22.1 Mode of transport, by sex (see Figure 11)Male Female BothBusCarWalkedTaxiTrain22.2BusCarWalkedTaxiTrain23.047 . 022.31 .41.3Mode of transport. by areaSouth London E.Midlands40.931.424.22.51.039.233.623.82.41.0W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. Scotland34.735.825.44.139.629.927.21 .22.121.353.325.438.444.613.93.125.442.829.82.039.935.823 .21 .122.3 Mode of transport, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55BusCarWalkedTaxiTrain33.734.326.83.61.626.740.127.75.20.329.344.623.02.11.037.138.521 .32.30.856-6541.833.221.91 .81.366-7551.722 .223.01 .41 .722.4 Mode of transport, by sessionAfternoonBusCarWalkedTaxiTrain52.918.025.32.41.4Evening32.041.623.1_,,-_ 2 . 40.940.7 44.732.0 22.023.8 24.72.9 3.00.6 5.676+52.214.729.02.91.246.924.624.92.90.7-138-^tGetting to the Club (Question 1)In terms of getting to the club, bingo players appeared to fall into threecategories. First of all, there were those who lived near to the club, forwhom the bingo club was an important physical feature in the community and forwhom bingo was a "neighbourly game" in the original Gaining Act sense. Theywould "pop down" to the club frequently, see their neighbours there, and werenot concerned with "dressing up" to go. Secondly, there were those who sawgoing to the club as a special event in the week, who perhaps went with theirhusbands by car, or with women friends or family members by bus, and for whomit was an occasion to dress up, have a few drinks, and meet other friends likethemselves. The third group were those who fitted in bingo with other activ-ities such as shopping, or visiting relatives in another area. This group waslikely to use either a car or public transport.The bus was the most likely means of transport (Table 22.1). Men weresignificantly more likely to use a car, and therefore in those areas wherehusbands were likely to accompany their wives to bingo (see Table 25.2), thecar was also important for women in those areas. Often, too, husbands woulddrop their wives by car at bingo and collect them later. The car was usedmore frequently in the relatively affluent Midlands (Table 22.2), and was farmore likely to be used in the evenings than in the afternoons (Table 22.4).52.9% of those playing in the afternoons arrived by bus (Table 22.4). Thenew metro system was making a significant contribution in the North East(Table 22.2).<-139-Table 23 : BINGO AS A MAIN LEISURE ACTIVITY OUTSIDE THE HONTE23.1 % of men and women for whom bingo is the main leisure activitvBingo is main activityBingo is not main activityMale60.739.3Female72.927.1Both71.228.823.2 % of players for whom bingo is the main leisure activity, by areaSouth London E. W. Wales York- N.ff. N.E. ScotlandMidlands Midlands shireMain activity 74.0 75.2 69.0Not mainactivity 26.0 24.8 31.072.0 72.3 72.8 66.4 71.0 71.128.0 27.7 27.2 33.6 29.0 28.923.3 % of players for whom bingo is the main leisure activity, by age group18-25Main activity 39.9Not mainactivity 60.126-35 36-4550.9 62.749.1 37.346-55 56-6571.8 81.028.2 19.066-7585.614.476+89.310.7Bingo as a main leisure activity outside the home (Question 13)This question was designed to establish the extent of dependence on bingoin relation to other activities. In general it supports the earlier discussionthat bingo is one of the few acceptable sources of entertainment. Women, morethan men, and the older age groups rather than the younger, regard bingo as theirmain entertainment outside the home. There was little variation by region.-140-figure 12 Percentage of each age group which plays alone (Table 24-3)2015-10-2-5%'6%129%6-5%8-9% 10-3%18-25 26-3518-9%36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+AGE GROUPSFigure 13 Involvement of spouse in Bingo (Table 25-1)Male players Female playersJSPOUSE NEVER PLAYS ^SPOUSE SOMETIMES PLAYSI NO SPOUSE QSPOUSE OFTEN PLAYSFigure 14 Reasons for playing: Importance of (a)\Vinning money"(b)'To be with company"(c) "To be out of the house," by ageLUtr60UJ§ 50<40in?2 30120ID-61 -3 %-5?5% 5,,50-4%6% „ COMPANYWINNING MONEY242BEING OUT OF THE HOUSE13-718-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75Table 24 : PATTERNS OF COMPANIONSHIP INSIDE THE CLUB24.1 Patterns of companionship, by sexao who play: Male Female BothAlone 9.2 8.9 9.2With spouse 53.4 11.2 17.4With a friend 15.3 35.7 32.5With a group of friends 12.0 20.6 19.3With relative(s) 10.1 23.6 21.624.2 Patterns of companionship, by area% who play: South London E. Midlands W. Midlands Wales YorkshireAlone 10.7 10.9 8.0 8.5 9.2 10.3With spouse 28.3 18.0 25.7 18.5 13.9 13.2With friend 31.5 34.0 28.7 33.2 35.3 35.1With friends 17.2 20.1 17.2 15.2 21.7 16.2With relative(s) 12.3 17.0 20.4 24.6 19.9 25.224.3 Patterns of companionship, by age group (see Figure 12)% who play: 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75Alone 2.5 5.6 6.5 8.9 10.3 12.9With spouse 11.6 9.9 16.1 21.7 20.4 20.9With friend 18.8 29.9 31.4 29.9 32.9 34.9With friends 17.9 15.5 22.5 21.8 18.4 17.0With relative(s) 49.2 39,1 23.5 17.7 18.0 14.3Table 25 : INVOLVEMENT OF SPOUSE IN BINGO25.1 % of men and women whose spouses play bingo (see Figure 13)Wife of male player Husband of female playerNever plays 8.5 36.1Sometimes plays 32.3 30.9Often plays 44.2 9.3Not applicable 15.0 23.725.2 % of players whose spouses play bingo, by area*E. W.South London Midlands Midlands Wales YorkshireNever 13.9(28) 33.1(46) 28.5(33) 30.2(38) 32.4(43) 38.0(45)Sometimes 23.6(35) 26.0(36) 37.0(43) 31.2(39) 32.2(43) 34.6(41)Often 25.0(37) 12.7(18) 21.0(24) 18.2(23) 10.3(14) 11.1(14)N.A. 32.5 28.2 13.5 20.4 25.1 16.325.3 % of players whose spouses play bingo, by age group*18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75Never 28.9(38) 39.3(43) 40.3(44) 35.3(42) 30.7(39) 21.6(35)Sometimes 36.8(49) 42.4(46) 35.8(39) 33.3(38) 29.4(38) 23.4(39)Often 9.4(13) 9.1(11) 15.7(17) 17.0(20) 16.9(23) 16.0(26)N.A. 24.9 9.2 7.7 14.4 23.0 39.0wN.W. N.E. Scotland10.1 6.1 6.517 6 15.2 11.131 .9 29.4 34.017 1 23.5 24.623 3 25.8 23.876+IS .911.437 .214.518.0Spouse of player31 .931.214.522.4.•«*'*N.W. N.E.33.4(44) 26.6(32)27.8(36) 41.8(52)14.7(20) 12.5(16)24.1 19.176+16.0(37)15.6(36)11.7(27)56.7Scotland!40.5(50*31.3(38)18.9(12119.3 I••iBFigures in brackets show the percentages in each category when those with no spouseare excluded-142-Bingo Companions (Question 15)Friendship patterns are important to the frequency and regularity of playing.Nearly one quarter of the players played in their particular club as that was wheretheir'friends also played, (see Table 27.1). Choice of playing companions appearsto be most affected by age (Table 24.3). In the youngest age group, half the sampleplayed with a relative; usually daughters (or sons) are introduced to bingo by theirmothers. In the middle age groups, friends are more important than relatives, perhapsas parents die and children are not yet old enough to play. As relatives (usuallymothers) become less important, friends are more likely to take over as companionsthan husbands are. Playing is more of a "family affair" in the north than in the south;it can be suggested that links with the extended family are more tenuous in the south(Table 24.2). The incidence of playing alone rises with age (Table 24.3).Involvement of Spouse in Bingo (Question-"23in ScotLnri U h^f n thl f i h l a K d V m e r ? e aS t h e a r e a s w h e r e h usbands are most likely to plava "woman s game" ^Tablels^ "^ P l a y 6 d ' ^ M n g° W a S Sti11 ^garded ver/much^'4fi ^ ™H -f 2* (Table 25 .2 ) . Players were more likely to play as couples in the46-55 and o6-65 year age groups (Table 2 5 . 3 ) . , ^P'-^ in me-143-Table 26 : REASONS FOR PLAYING BINGO36.1 Reasons for playing bingo, by sex1. "To be out of the house"2. "To win some money"3. "To be with company"4. "To be with people who are like you"5. "There's nowhere else to go"6. "To relax"7. "Other"26.2 Reasons for playing bingo, by areaMale Female Both750.1534,17,1..8.71.3.3.8.01143,183417,0,.9_ 2, 6.9,5.4.511,44,183417.0,.3.3.1.8.3.4.6788309212662623161217424126537a i i& o -aw -a in in i a)i-* T3 -HT3 -H T3 Q) ~£ f->3 C EC S C rH fc -HO O • rt - O S rt O .CO> J WrH * r-( S >< MocOn!03 rH1. "To be out of the 10.2 11.6 10.3 13.2 18.2 10.3 12.7 7.0 9.0house"2. "To win some money" 37.1 41.2 44.3 44.2 38.0 38.6 50.7 46.8 50.33. "To be with company" 24.0 16.9 18.2 18.9 19.7 17.4 14.9 18.6 17.34. "To be with peoplewho are like you" 5.5 2.8 3.0 2.8 3.5 5.5 3.0 4.7 3.05. "There's nowhereelse to go" 4.0 4.0 3.7 4.5 4.8 7.1 3.0 4.7 4.86. "To relax" 18.6 23.3 20.3 15.7 15.8 20.0 15.5 17.8 14.27. Other 0.6 0.2 0.2 0.7 1.1 0.2 0.4 1.426.3 Reasons for playing bingo, by age group (see Figure 14)18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+1. "To be out of thehouse"2. "To win some money"3. "To be with company"4. "To be with peoplewho are like you"5. "There's nowhereelse to go"G. "To relax"7. Other17.561.38.50.92.78.20.915.957.59.12.03.611.10.810.454.39.42. 24.019.10.69.250.412.92.84.020.30:49.937.820.34.45.421.50.712.431.428.15.94.916.80.513.724.238.66.74.611.11.1Reasons for Playing Bingo (Question 18)The question most frequently asked by non-players during the course of theresearch was "But why do they do it?". A reoly is not straightforward. Thesuccess of bingo is related to the way in which it combines a number of features;it is not played for one, outstanding, reason and players themselves find itdifficult to isolate and verbalise the single most important feature which attractsthem.44,3% of the sample said that the main reason they play is to win money. Theattraction of prize money varies according to age. Two-thirds of the youngest agegroup pux this reason first, compared to one-quarter of the oldest age group.Reasons not related to money were put forward by 55.7̂ . 15.6% referred to theclub as a place to go, which allowed "getting out of the house" (reasons 1 and 5).21.9% referred to the other players and companionship (reasons 3 and 4). Theolder age groups placed greater emphasis on companionship (Table 26.3) and theywere probably more realistic about the chances of winning.Table 27 : REASONS FOR PLAYING AT ONE PARTICULAR CLUB27.1 Reasons for playing at one club, by sexMale Female Both1. "It's cheap"2. "It has good prizes"3. "The staff arefriendly"4. "It has a bar"5. "It's close to home""Your friends comehere""It's nicely furnished& comfortable"4.16.14.7 ,20.17.18.6.99.3.8.0.54 .13.15.1 .29.23.12.5105838413152282213.5.6.0.4. 4.4.727.2 Reasons for playing at one club, by areaTJS1CO1 .2.3.4.5.6.7.27"It's cheap""It has good prizes""The staff arefriendly""It has a bar""It's close to home""Your friends comehere""It's nicely furnished& comfortable".3 Reasons for plaving',7 .15.152132421at CD I V*rt ̂3 *HT3 QJ £4 JH ••E B SO rH ^-rt 3=• d -cd . oi ox:WrH 3=*-* S >• CO Z9 c1.6 46.6 918,0 124.5 239.5 2224.9 224.9 25', q.6 2..9 11..8 17..5 1..1 36..7 19,.4 11,,3 2..7 5.,0 20,8 3,.5 30.5 28.2 109 %.6 4.1.3 17.0.0 11.3,4 2.7.2 26.6.2 18.6.3 19.7K%6.20.17.1.25.23.5.0909561iO Co am^OJ,9.114.912.70.433.625.04.3by age group36-453.318.914.81.629.620 .311 .546-554.113.415.32.330.622.611.756-653.212.415.42.428.122.216.366-756.110.220.11 .823.721.117.076+7 .9.21.2.21.21,15.8298229Reasons for Playing at One Particular Club (Question 19)Players were also asked what attracted them to the particular club where theyplayed most. Nearly 30% said that the most important attraction of "their" clubwas its proximity to their home. The majority of players travel by bus andtherefore have fares to account for. Almost one-quarter played at'their clubbecause their friends did.The prize money as an attraction ranked only fourth, suggesting that, althoughthis is the single reason for playing most commonly put forward, it is not importantenough to make players travel to other clubs or to play without their friends. Thefriendliness of the staff was ranked third. Members take a great deal of notice,not only of how the staff and management treat them, but also of how the managementtreats its staff. A friendly relationship between staff and players is perhaps thesingle most important factor in making a bingo session enjoyable; poor relationshipsor a dislike of the manager can lead to players leaving the club's membership. 46"of the comments on the questionnaire concerned the staff and the atmosphere of theclub.Men were more likely than women to refer to the level of comfort of the club.It is felt that women are more prepared than men to be content with less plushsurroundings. Often women said, in clubs which had been redecorated, that theypreferred the old level of comfort and decoration.-145-Table 28 : REASONS FOR CHANGING TO ANOTHER CLUB28.1 Reasons for changing to another club, by sexReason for changing: • Ma£» Fetn|le 3o|h1. "If it had bigger prizes" 27.8 23.8 24.22. "If it was cheaper" 27.9 29.8 29.53. "Would never change" 26.9 24.3 25.84. "If it was closerto home" 17.4 21 . 5 20.528.2 Reasons for changing to another club, by area+> -a 1-1 -o •H'O ® & t-<9 c 5 c S c .-H S-.-H0 O -ctf ' cfl oJ O •&CO *4 Wr-c î-1 * >* MReason for changing: % «f, % % % %1. "If it had bigger prizes" 21.7 20.7 23.4 20.6 24.8 27.92. "If it was cheaper" 22.5 31.6 35.5 36.6 33.3 24.33. "Would never change" 36.2 22.2 19.5 19.2 18.3 28.44. "If it was closerto home" 19.6 25.5 21.6 23.6 23.6 19.428.3 Reasons for changing to another club, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65Reason for changing: %1 . "If it had bigger prizes" 36.3 37.2 34.2 26.0 18.72. "If i-c was cheaper" 24.3 27.7 25.9 28.5 33.13. "Would never change" 23.8 16.8 20.2 23.6 25.34. "If it was closerto home" 15.6 18.3 19.7 21.9 22.9Table 29 : INCIDENCE OF PLAYING AT OTHER LICENSED BINGO CLUBS29.1 % of men and women playing at more than one clubMale Female BothMore than one club 31.7 25.9 26.6One club 68.3 74.1 73.429.2 % playing at more than one club, bv areaSouth London E. Midlands W. Midlands Wales YorkshireMore than one 34.7 31.0 27.4 25.2 24.3 27.4One club 65.3 69.0 72.6 74.8 75.7 72.629.3 % playing at more than one club, by age group18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65More than one club 27.5 29.0 30.0 28.1 28.1One club 72.5 71.0 70.0 71.9 71.9wi* w ocOc*Z Z CO-1ô of or26.0 27.0 27.530.5 25.0 27.924.6 9.4 25.98.9 18.6 18.766-75 76+14.1 8.929.4 24 732.7 45.623.8 20.8N.W. N.E. Scotland22.3 22.7 30.877.7 77.3 69.266-75 76+25.1 16.274.9 83.8-146-Reasons for changing to another club (Question 20)Whilst the previous question was designed to see what attracted players to oneclub this question aimed to find out what would make players switch to another club.Whilst it could be expected from Table 27.1 that the main reason for moving would beif the club was closer to home, this was ranked last. This, of course, may reflectplayers' awareness, in the current economic climate, of the unlikelihood of a newclub opening nearer their home. The most important attraction of another club wouldbe its cost, and the second reason would be if larger prizes were offered.The question was also designed to test loyalty to one club. One-quarter saidthat they would never change to another club. The older age groups in particularshowed greater loyalty to one club.Incidence of playing at more than one club (Question 7)Slightly more than one-quarter of the sample played at more than one club.It was apparent that players could talk with knowledge of the costs, prizes, staffand atmosphere of other clubs in the vicinity. New clubs were tried out ofcuriosity. Some players played at one club, their "local" for a couple of nightsa week and then went to a different club perhaps once a week for a change. If thehusband accompanied his wife once a week, they might visit a different club fromwhere the wife usually played, often due to the availability of a car, A larger,city centre club with bigger prizes might be preferred on its link night or on aSaturday night, whereas for the rest of the week the local club sufficed.In Leicester, three clubs belonging to the same company, were visited to gainan impression of the extent to which players visited more than one club. Certainfaces were seen in all three and a larger number in two of the three, even thoughthe clubs were at opposite ends of the city. This also occurred in other citiesbetween clubs not owned by the same company. Sometimes the reason for playing atmore than one club is to disguise to the staff the frequency of playing.-147-Table 30 : PREFERENCE FOR ONE SEAT INSIDE THE CLUB30.1 % of men and women preferring toMalePrefer same seat 75.2No preference 24.830.2 % oi players preferring to sit inSouth London E. MidlandsSame seat 78.5 75.4 78.1No preference 21.5 24.6 21.930.3 % of players preferring to sit in18-25 26-35 36-45Same seat 63.5 63.2 70.6No preference 36.5 36.8 29.4Table 31 : IMPORTANCE OF THE BAR TO THE31.1 % of players regarding the bar asMaleBar is not important 31.9Bar is fairly important 41.5Bar is very important 26.631.2 % of players regarding the bar asyt; • . South London E. MidlandsBar is notimportant 30.6 40.5 44.5Bar is fairlyimportant 45.8 43.6 41.9Bar is veryimportant 23.6 15.9 13.631.3 % of players regarding the bar as18-25 26-35 36-45Bar is notimportant 37.2 39.5 48 . CBar is fairlyimportant 41.4 43.7 37.0Bar is veryimportant 21.4 16.8 15.0sit in "own" seatFemale Both76.7 76.523.3 23.4"own" seat . by areaW. Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.72.1 76.2 81.5 71.5 80.327.9 23.8 18.5 28.5 19.7"own" seat , by age group46-55 56-65 66-75 76+75.5 80.1 84.2 88.624 5 19.9 15.8 11.4"CLUB ATMOSPHERE"important, by sexFemale Both45.7 43.640.4 40.513.9 15.9important , by areaW. Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.31.2 52.3 41.9 43.1 40.947.4 34.1 42.5 41.6 44.721.4 13.6 15.6 15.3 14.4important, by age grour>46-55 56-65 66-75 76+43.9 41.8 43.6 42.340.0 42.4 41.2 42.316.1 15.8 15.2 15.4Scotland79.420.6Scotland69.323.77 .0-148-Preference for One Seat (QuestionStories abound of players who refuse to sit in any seat other than "theirs1who, on finding another in "their" seat, return home even if the hall is almostempty, and of players who, during alterations to the club, risk climbing overrafters and scaffolding to reach "their" seat.The fear of sitting in someone else's seat in an unfamiliar club, or whenchanging one's usual day of playing, is a problem. It also presents problemsto owners wishing to change the seating plan, and to introduce unit seating ornon-smoking areas.Three-quarters of the sample, both men and women, preferred always to sitin the same seat, and this preference was particularly strong amongst the olderage groups. Players like the familiarity of being associated with a certainseat, and to know that the same faces will be in the seats around them. Indeed,this constitutes their "meeting" - few players actually meet outside. Playersalso like to be associated with certain parts of the club, and appear to findclubs with a number of nooks and crannies and small rooms off the main hallappealing, in contrast to the large open spaces of converted bowling alleys.Importance of the Licensed Bar (Question 23)Respondents were asked how important they felt the bar was to the club atmosphere.Only one-third of the men regarded the bar as unimportant, compared to one-half of thewomen. Differences also emerged according to age (Table 31.3).In Scotland a great deal of discussion emerged regarding the desirability of bars.It was strongly felt that men and youngsters already had too many places in which todrink, and that bars in bingo clubs would change the character of the game. A bingoclub, it was felt, was one place to get away from drink and its consequences; drinkingwas essentially masculine and that was not how bingo should be. Such feelingsevidently arose from concern over the drinking "problem" in Scotland.-149-Table 32 : PERCEIVED IMPORTANCE OF BINGO32.1 Perceived importance of binge, by sexMale1.2.3.. "Bingo is."Bingo is, "You canvery important"fairlytake itimportant"or leave it"of5.15.69.337Femaleqj,9.23.59.425Both{82260"£.9.0.94."You'd do other things if youhad the chance" 9.7 7.9 8.232.2 Perceived importance of bingo, by areaSouth London EMidlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E. Scotland1."Bingo is veryimportant"2."Bingo is fairlyimportant"3."You can take itor leave it"4."You'd do otherthings if youhad the chance12.727 .753.18.926.355.17 . 619.461.86.523.660.69.22 4 . 458.410.223 .259.36.5 9.7 11 .2 9.332.3 Perceived importaneeof bingo, by age group18-25 26-351 .2.3.4.%"Bingo is veryimportant" 2.3"Bingo is fairlyimportant" 11.8"You can take itor leave it" 75.0"You'd do otherthings if youhad the chance 10.9Table 33 : PERCEPTION OF33 . 1 % of men and women%4.017.268.810.036-45%4.820.064.910.346-55%8.922.761.56.9BINGO AS GAMBLINGregarding bingo as gambling8.056-659.924.458.47.3Male FemaleBingo is gambling 73.5 73.5Bingo is not gambling 26.5 26.5Both73.526.57.366-7512.825.754.96.68.2 7.3 8.fi20.9 18.6 17.161.8 67.6 67.59.1 6.576+21.629.045.04.46.833.2 % of players regarding bingo as gambling, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W, N.E. ScotlandIs 77.5 73.8Is not 22.5 26.278.022.075.6 73.1 77.3 71.4 72.5 66.924.4 26.9 22.6 28.6 27.5 33.133.3 % of players regarding bingo as gambling, by age groupIs gamblingIs not gambling18-2578.721 .326-35 36-45 46-55 56-6580.719.381.413.676.523 .571 .128.966-7564.135.976+60.739.3-150-The Perceived Importance of Bingo (Question 24)I landhRespondents were asked how important bingo was to them. Unfortunately, thewording of the question, it is suspected, meant that players responded to it asthough it was asking whether or not they were addicted to bingo and they thereforetended to give defensive answers. The phrase used in the scale to indicateindifference was, "You can take it or leave it", which players may have understoodto be asking the extent to which they were "hooked". If the question wasinterpreted in the way intended, the bingo industry has every reason to be concerned,as 61% are indifferent and 8.2% would rather be doing something else: (Table 32.1).Only 8.9% said that bingo was "very" important to them, and it was "fairly" importantto 22%. This is surprising, given that for 71.2% bingo is their main leisureactivity (Table 23.1).The younger age groups in particular would "do other things" given the chance.During the course of the survey, many of the elderly were most concerned that anoutcome of the research was to cut back bingo playing, and reassurance was required.Bingo was often described by elderly players as a "lifeline", "what I keep living for",and so on. Therefore, it was the elderly who were most concerned that bingo might betaken away from them, if their dependance upon it became known, and they especaillysaw it as something to be protected from government intervention.Perception of Bingo as Gambling (Question 21)With changed attitudes towards gambling in the last twenty years, it was thoughtthat it would be of interest to see to what extent bingo is perceived as gambling, orsimply as "an entertainment". Three-quarters of the sample did regard bingo asgambling, with little variation by sex or region (Table 33). The older age groupswere slightly less likely to see bingo as gambling, suggesting that they see theirinvolvement more in terms of the non-monetary, non-gambling elements. This isconsistent with the reasons which older people gave for playing (Table 26.3).-151-Table 34 : NON-LICENSED SINGO34.1 % ofWorking Men'Social ClubChurchmen ands Clubwomen playing at non-licensed facilitiesCommunity CentreOther34.2 % ofW. Men's ClubSocial ClubChurchComm. CentreOther34,3 % ofplayersSouth2.67.61.52.20.7playersMale16.814.81.91.70.4playing atLondon E210140.9.9.9.2.4playing at18-25Working Men'Social ClubChurchs ClubCommunity CentreOther1421010.7.0.7.3.9Female Both11 .16.3.3.0.non-licensed.Midlands25.113.61.12.10.2W.non-licensed26-3519.322.94.02.61 .27 12.34 16.11 2.93 3.15 0.5facilities, by areaMidlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.16.3 11.7 26.5 6.1 23.711.8 23.3 10.9 21.9 17,52.2 4.6 2.6 5.2 2.62.0 4.9 3.9 2.9 3.20.9 1.0 0.1 0.7 0,4facilities, by age groupScotland5.023 .91.92.7-36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76+17.17.3.2.0.0 15.6 10.9 6.7 9.75 15.5 14.7 13.4 12.56 2.9 3.0 2.5 4.25 1.5 3.1 5.6 6.96 0.3 0.3 0.6 0.3-152-Non-Licensed Bingo (Question 7)It was noted previously that the bingo industry has become increasinglyconcerned with competition from non-licensed bingo. Respondents were askedwhether they played bingo at any of four groups of facilities which providebingo - working men's clubs, social clubs, community centres and the church(Table 34„1).There were significant variations by region. Working men's clubs wereparticularly important in Yorkshire, the North East and the East Midlands,with one-quarter of the sample in each of these areas visiting them. Likewise,a quarter of the sample in Wales, Scotland and the North 'Vest played bingo atsocial clubs. The church was an alternative for 5% in Wales and the North West.Of the two most important non-licensed premises, working men's clubs andsocial clubs, 71'. 6* of the sample played at neither, 16.1"- played at socialclubs, 12.3% in working men's clubs, and 1.1% at both.The sum of the percentages of people playing at non-licensed premises doesnot give the total number of people playing non-licensed bingo, as a numberof respondents played at more than one type of facility, and of course, asindicated in the community study, many people play bingo only at non-licensedpremises.-153-Table 35 : RELATIVE INCREASE/DECLINE IN PLAYING BINGO35.1 % of men and women playing more oi- less often than one year agoMore often nowLess often nowThe same nowDifference between more + lessMale Female Both14.922.262.9-7.3IP . 425.658.0-9.216.225.258.6-9.035.2 % playing more or less often than one year ago, by areaSouth London E.Midlands W.Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.T. N.E. ScotlandMoreLessSameDifference23.321.155.6+2.217.325. '357.4-8.011 .28.60.-17.04641327,58.-13..8.4,8,613.530.855.7-17.314.626.259.2-11.617.324.458.3-7.114.225.460.4-11.217.921.460.7-3.535.3 % playing more or less often than one year ago, by age group.. .. 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66-75 76 +MoreLessSameDifference28.925.146.0+3.817.426.556.1-9.118.027.354.7-9.314.524.061.5-9.514.926.059.1-11.114.824.261.0-9.417.022.860.2-5.7-154-Increase and Decline of Playing (Question 25)Respondents were asked whether they played as often at the time of thequestionnaire as one year previously. 16.2% played more often and 25.2^ less,giving a net loss of 9%. The South was the only region where those playingmore often exceeded those playing less often, and the difference between the twowas especially high in Wales and the Midlands (Table 35.2). The youngest agegroup was the only group where those playing more exceeded those playing less,which can be expected due to the number which had recently started to play.Losses were evenly spread through the other age groups.It can be calculated what these figures mean in terms of the effect on totaladmissions. As the figures stand, a person stating that they play less oftenmay have reduced from five to four times a week, whilst a person playing more oftenmight have increased from once a fortnight to once a week.In fact,those who play more now, give an average admission of 2.6 visits perhead per week; those playing less, 1.9 visits, and those playing the same, 2.2visits. If the latter are taken as an average, it can be said that those playina:less often (n=1741) have decreased their playing by 0.3 visits per week (2.2 - 1.9)and those who have increased (n=1116), by 0.4 visits (2.6 - 2.2). This gives atotal of 522.3 fewer visits per week due to the 1741 playing less, and 446.4 morevisits due to the 1116 playing more often. This gives a net loss of 75.9 visitsper week for this sample.The proportion of the sample which answered this question, i.e. 96.7"?!, gave atotal weekly admission of 15,642. With a loss of only 75.9 visits per week, thisamounts to only 0.48% of the total. Given the relatively small loss it must beconcluded that the decline in bingo playing observed by the industry is due topeople stopping playing completely, rather than playing less often, or to peopleplaying more often in non-licensed clubs.-155-Tab1e 36 : REASONS FOR PLAYING MORE OFTEN (OF THOSE WHO GAVE REASONS FOR PLAYING36.1 Reasons for playing more oftenHave more moneyHave more timeEnjoy it moreRecently started (new players)Others36,2 Reasons for playing more oftenSouth London E. MidlandsMoney 4.8 8.0 6.9Time 15.9 20.0 19.3Enjoyment 52.5 46.0 44.4Others 26.8 26.0 29.436.3 Reasons for nlaying more often18-25 26-35 36-45Money 10.6 19.9 12.2Time 12.9 25.8 19.4Enjoyment 19.9 28.8 41.0Others 56.6 25.5 27.4MORE : N = 510), bv sexMale Female Both12.2 8.6 9.218.9 28.7 25.839.2 42.5 42.018.8 11.9 13.710.9 8.3 9.3, by areaW. Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.8.6 - 8.0 6. 6 18. 629.8 26.3 21.0 16.9 28.832.8 42.1 35.5 46.8 39.028.8 31.6 35.5 29.7 13.5, by age group46-55 56-65 66-75 76+8.4 5.7 1.5 6.321.8 35.3 19.4 12.545.8 44.3 65.6 50.824.0 14.2 13.5 30.4Scotland23 .230.433.912.5Table 37 : REASONS FOR PLAYING LESS OFTEN (OF THOSE WHO GAVE REASONS FOR PLAYING37.1 Reasons for playing less oftenLESS : N = 1070), by sexMale Female BothLess money , . 1Less timeEnjoy bingo lessOthers37,2 Reasons for playing less oftenSouth London E. Mid landsMoney 80.8 74.6 83.8Time 2.4 3.3 4.3 'Enjoyment 5.9 5.9 6.4Others 10.3 10.9 5.537.3 Reasons for playing less often18-25 26-35 36-45C7 Of OfMoney 61.1 68.1 73.8Time 22.2 10.9 18.4Enjoyment 13.9 6.0 3.0Others 2.8 15.0 4.8VB.V! . 78.9 79.49.4 9.8 9.78.6 5.9 5,35.8 5.4 ' 5 . 6, by area -_..-—__.. ...._... ......... ———— : ————— — : — ;___W. Midlands Wales Yorkshire N.W. N.E.79.5 82.2 71.7 69.3 81.09.4 7.6 10.8 13.7 11.86.2 7.6 8.3 7,0 3.64.9 2.6 9.2 10.0 3.6, by age group46-55 56-65 66-75 76+84.2 80.9 82.1 60.07.9 4.9 4.2 3.43.9 4.9 3.6 10.04.0 9.3 10,1 26.6Scotland84.313.31 .21 .2-156-Reasons for Playing More Often (Question 26)Only 45% of those who play more often now gave a reason for doing so.Table 34.1 relates to this 45%. This was an open-ended question, that is,respondents could write what they liked. The reason given more often thanany other was thai; enjoyment of bingo had increased. Others had changedtheir routine, had started work (and therefore had more money), or hadretired or stopped work (and therefore had more time).Reasons for Playing Less Often (Question 26)61.3% of those playing less often gave reasons for doing so. Financialconstraints were by far the most important factors. Lack of money affectedapproximately 80% of those playing less often in each area, with the nroportionfalling only in the North West, to 69.3%; and in Yorkshire to 71.7%." Moneyconsiderations affected the older age groups more than the younger; the latterwere more affected by a reduction in time available to them, perhaps as jobswere found or children born. It was not statistically significant that morewomen than men played less due to financial constraints.-157-Players' CommentsA space was left at the end of the questionnaire and players were invited towrite any comments they wished to make. 1,213 players wrote comments, or 16.9%of the total.Nearly one quarter of the comments, 24.4%, were favourable comments about theclub, its staff, levels of comfort and so on. The second largest category of comments,comprising 17.9% of the total, were adverse comments about the club, complaints aboutthe staff, and that the club was cold.13.4% of the comments were favourable ones towards bingo. 7.9% of the 13.4% werecomments about the social contribution bingo made to their lives, and 5.5*- of the13.4% referred to bingo as an important relaxation.9.6% of the comments complained that bingo was expensive and a further 4.4% madecomments about the food and drink offered - mainly that they were too expensive. (Infact, prices of tea and snacks are very competitive compared to other commercialestablishments, but players may not have the opportunity to compare prices.) 7.7%complained that the prize money was too low, and 2.0% complained that they never win!8.6% of the complaints concerned the bingo tax. Players do not like the amount ofprize money to be shown with the 10% tax not taken out. They like the amount to beshown which is the amount they would receive upon winning. This caused an amazing levelof discussion in the clubs.7.7% of the comments concerned suggestions regarding organisation of the game. Manyof these felt that the intervals were too long between games, particularly for those whodo not play interval games. 3.0% called for a no-smoking area. 0.8% complained of thehabit of players reserving seats for others, and 0.5% of the comments stated that bingowas "bad" in some way, a waste of time and money.There are too many comments to quote, but a selection representing the range of thosegiven are reproduced here:•"I never went out before bingo started.67 year old man, Gateshead.It gets you out and meet friends."2. "It's a night out and added bonus if you win. Only place a woman can go on herown without raising eyebrows." 41 year old woman, South Shields.3. "I like bingo; it cheers you up, keeps your mind off anything troubling you;keeps you in touch with the 'family when you don't live near them." 75 year oldwoman, Edinburgh.4. "It's the best thing to happen for lonely people." 65 year old man, Gateshead.5. "I like the club because it is warm, comfortable and I think it is more of asocial club rather than just a place to play bingo." 22 year old woman, Hanley.6. "Bingo is the best thing for pensioners. Looking back we had no place to go,only sat at home looking at four walls. Now they look forward to an afternoonout and meet people. Please take off tax for pensioners' sake." 69 year oldwoman, Liverpool.7. "I come to the club to get kindness and affection from staff and members. I needthis to go on living as I have rheumatoid arthritis." 67 year old woman, Brighton.8. "Being a widow, I come to bingo to meet people, and have a good laugh and chat."64 year old woman, London.9. "It's getting more expensive. Women can come alone, not like walking into a publichouse alone. Enjoyment, company, touch of luck to go with it. It gets oldpeople out of the home, something to look forward to," 59 year old woman, Hanley.10. "I used to think it stupid until I tried it - now I wonder what elderly people woulddo for amusement without it." 74 year old woman, Brighton.11. "This club is not as good as it was due to the price of books going up." 20 yearold woman, Shrewsbury.12. ''I think you should deduct the tax from the prize money before it is displayed onthe board. So you know how much you are playing for. ' 37 year old woman, Leicester13. 'Do something to get mors people in, like cheap days and gifts-."Brighton.66 year old woman,-158-14. "When you buy your tickets you should pay tax, not off the prize money."44 year old man, Leicester.15. "It beats hell out of the square box." 60 year old man, Gateshead.16. "Bingo is a place where a widow like myself can go without being embarrassed.Almost every other place of entertainment needs a companion." 66 year oldwoman, Birmingham.17. "I find Top Rank very homely, friendly people, good staff, always have a wordwith you, sort of home from home." 60 year old woman, Gateshead.18. "You never win." 20 year old woman, Manchester.19. "I think bingo is as important to most women as football is to men, and it getsthem out of the house to give them the chance to mix more." 32 year old woman,Manchester.20. "Would like to see actual amount of money I could win; - without doing sums(less 10%) in my head. An entrance needed at rear of building with no stepsfor disabled patrons. Higher seats for same (and long legged people). Lessdraughts." 52 year old woman, Brighton.21. "Too many people saving seats for other people, and ones and twos seated at onetable and won't let anybody sit with them." 54 year old woman, Hanley.22. "It would be a lot more pleasant if something could be done about the very smokeyatmosphere." 42 year old woman, Birmingham.23. "Better seats to sit in and a table to lean your books on - to sit in a littlecomfort for a change," 28 year old woman, Edinburgh.24. "It's a great feeling when you win." 56 year old woman, Bradford.25. "When one can go and feel content at my age and feel that one is among friends."70 year old woman, Gateshead.-159--160-VIA SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGSSocial research rarely comes up with answers. Rather, at the end of a researchproject, there is an awareness not only of how many questions are left unexplored andunanswered, but also of how difficult it is to ask the right questions. The aims ofthe research were twofold and simple: to find out more about bingo - who plays it andwhy, and, aware of the dearth of literature about women's leisure, to provide morematerial on women and leisure, in the belief that leisure is essential to well-beingand is an area in which women experience inenuality.The research, it is felt, has been successful in revealing the extent to whichbingo is a very important component in the leisure lives of millions of people inBritain. The questionnaires filled in by 71P6 bingo players provide a great deal ofdetail about the activity of bingo playing. The research also was intended to collectdata on other activities in which women were involved, and to examine the relativeimportance of bingo as an out-of-the-home leisure activity in a working class community.The research did not aim merely to collect data on what women did, or did not do, thoughit inevitably did collect data of this kind. Rather, a major aim was to show how womenexperience the constraints placed upon them by their gender and class, and to indicatesome of the ways in which gender differences are expressed in terms of leisure activities.The research adopted two main approaches - a community study with emphasis on tapedinterviews with groups and individuals, some bingo players and some non-players, and anational survey which used a questionnaire administered inside bingo clubs. Summarisingthe large amount of data which was generated is difficult, but the main findings of thetwo parts of the project are as follows:1. Main Findings of the Community StudyTo a great extent, the leisure of women in Armley took place within the community.Women drew on the facilities and people which were immediately available. This waspartly due to a lack of resources, of money, time and transport. Women with young childrenoperated under considerable strain, with responsibility for children and the home, whilst 'working to limited budgets in a situation of economic uncertainty. They often feltisolated and there was a general lack of awareness of what facilities were available in thecommunity, and how to take steps to make contact with others. Women were fearful ofcommitting themselves to activities, as they knew that they probably could not honour suchcommitments. Women in full time employment may have enjoyed money of their own to snend,but often this was spent on family, rather than on individual wants or needs, whilst thetime available to them was limited as housework had to be done in the evenings.Husbands tended not to be particularly involved in the responsibilities of running thehouse and looking after children. They went out more than their wives, but in general,most families conformed to the model of the "privatised family", spending much leisure timeat home as a family unit.The women found it difficult to say what "leisure" meant to them. Whilst they agreedthat they did enjoy some free time, this did not always constitute "leisure". Women weregrappling, perhaps, with the fact that they had free time, that is, time when they werefree from work or doing housework, but they were not free to engage in a particular leisureactivity. They were on "stand-by" in case the family needed them. Some saw having nofree time as a virtue, and that if free time was available, then they were not working hardenough. Some younger women asserted a right to leisure and to time to themselves. Thelarge majority distinguished work from leisure, contrary to what has been written abouthousewives.It was almost easier to find out how women were constrained in their leisure time -by children, by being required to fit in with husbands' work and leisure routines, by alack of resources - than it was to find out how women actually spent their free time.One item included on the women's leisure questionnaire was to ask respondents to write downeverything they had done in the previous seven evenings. Although cumbersome, the raw dataprovide interesting profiles of the typical weeks of women in a variety of situations andstages of the life cycle. They illustrate the dominance of the television, and of localfacilities.The questionnaire sample indicated that women in their twenties are still relativelyactive, despite having very young children. Women in their thirties expressed a preferencefor quiet activities, such as reading, and relaxing. This appeared to be a difficult time,with children growing up and financial demands being made. The leisure of women in theirforties reflected the mixed nature of the group; some women were in full time employmentand therefore had little time but spare cash. others had children who were old enough toallow parents to go out in the evenings and this apneared as a time of enjoyment and ofbecoming involved in a variety of activities. Women in their fifties appeared to be theleast content and most unsure of what they wanted to do in their leisure time, whilst womenin their sixties could take advantage of the activities aimed at old age pensioners, and theytended to do more things with their husbands. Women in their seventies and eighties spenta considerable time in the home, were afraid to go out at night, and increased theirdependence on their families. Women in all age groups expressed a wish to go out to-161-restaurants more often,but few could afford it.This emerged as a very popular way to spend an evening,The incidence of playing bingo increased with age.Women were not involved in a wide range of activities. Active involvementin sport was low. Swimming was the physical activity most often engaged int but asmall minority, approximately 5%, took part in sport on a weekly basis. Enthusiasmfor keep-fit classes and certain sports such as badminton, were not lacking, but anumber of factors reduced opportunities for participation. Women's non-participatoryroles, as servicers, for example, of the family's sport involvement, were one reasonfor their own non-involvement.It was felt that for women, leisure revolved around the "big five'' of television,people, drinking, reading and bingo. One third of all leisure time was spent watchingtelevision. Despite its overwhelming dominance, women were surprisingly indifferentto the content of programmes. However, the word "watching" must be used with caution;women set aside time to watch specific programmes, but for the remaining time thetelevision was on as a background to other activities. Television was criticised as aform of leisure as many women preferred to be out of the house in the evenings whilstthe family was content to watch. The content of programmes was also not acceptedwithout criticism.Women relished reading, and regarded it as very important. It simulated privacyand solitude and was a simple way to relieve boredom. The appetite of some women fornovels was insatiable; books were passed around in circles of friends, and the libraryappeared an important resource. A very small number of women had "hobbies". Activitiessuch as knitting, sewing and cooking, which are often regarded as "hobbies" in leisuresurveys, were not seen that way by women. In fact many saw sewing, knitting and especiallycooking, as something they had to do, and therefore as work.The women did not have large circles of friends, but perhaps one close friend and acircle of "mates" or acquaintances. Much activity was based on the marriage partnership,and the impression was that couples spent more time together than they did 30 or even 20years ago. Husbands were willing to babysit for particular reasons, to allow the wifeto visit relatives, to go to church, to play bingo - but there was opposition to wivesgoing to less "safe" venues - to pubs or dancing. Neighbours were not important sourcesof contact and sociability, but mothers and sisters were, and generally women saw theirfamilies several times a week.Outside the house, the pub was the most frequently visitedfacility, but all the women felt uncertain about going to pubs unaccompanied. Husbandswould take their wives to pubs, and the same was true of clubs. Social clubs and workingmen's clubs were an important asset to the life of the community. The churches were alsoan important community asset, and more used their facilities than actively went to church.St. Bart's, for example, held old time dancing, bingo, badminton and fellowship meetingsin its church hall, plus playgroups and activities for children and teenagers.There was one cinema left in Armley, the other five having been closed. Cinemas wereinfrequently visited; women's ideas of a "good" film seemed not to be the same as thoseof the film makers. The cinema was also regarded as prohibitively expensive. Restaurantstoo were seen as expensive, but going out for a meal was very much enjoyed. There wereboth financial (e.g. having to pay for the whole course at the beginning) and social barriersto attending evening classes, whilst women did not want to commit themselves to a course,in the knowledge that family needs took precedence. Evening and day time classes wereactivities in which women would have liked to be more involved.Approximately one-third of the women filled in football pools, and a number also beton horses. Doing the pools was seen almost as a form of investment and not regarded as"betting". Gambling was not seen as an attempt to escape to riches; it was part of life,bringing a little excitement and interest and a point of conversation.Bingo emerged as the one activity which successfully overcame the constraints facingwomen. It was fairly cheap, allowed flexibility and lack of commitment, was local andhusbands did not mind their wives going. Nearly half the questionnaire sample played bingo,in five venues - commercial bingo clubs, social clubs, working men's clubs, churches andcommunity centres. Approximately the same amount of bingo was played in each venue, withslightly more played in working men's clubs. It is difficult to say why some women playedand others did not. Family links are important, with women often being introduced to bingoby their mothers. A small number of statistically significant differences were foundbetween players and non-players, notably with regard to ages and also to education, evenwhen age is taken into account. A number of other differences emerged, some of which werenot statistically significant. Bingo was extremely important to those who played; toyounger women it was often the only period they had away from home and children, and toolder women it was an important source of companionship.Of the 53% of the questionnaire sample which did not play, no single alternativeactivity emerged in which they were involved instead. Reasons for not playing werelargely financial - it was either seen as a waste of money, or as boring and tedious.Non-players were more likely to ';plan for the future". The response of a small groupof middle class women to bingo was positive though it was not seen as for them. The mostvehement opposition came from "aspiring" families and elements of the "'respectable" workingclass.-162-An overview of women's leisure in Armley suggests that "leisure" is not consciouslythought about and planned for. Women's leisure is restricted by their duties as house-wives and mothers, and hence access to leisure time and activity is limited compared tothat of husbands. For both men and women, however, in Armley, leisure is part ofcommunity life - it takes place within the community and is interwoven with other aspectsof life. Leisure time is not used to engage in varied, exciting, innovative, creative,learning pursuits so admired by leisure policy makers and providers. It is used to besociable, to relax, to recuperate.2. Main Findings of the National SurveyThe national survey was based on 7166 questionnaires filled in by bingo players innine areas of the country, at eighty bingo sessions. On average, clubs were only 27.7%full. There was little difference between the capacity for the large owners and theindependents to fill their clubs, but clubs were fuller in the North West, North Eastand West Midlands than in other areas.85.2% of the players were women, with an average age of 52.5 years. The averageage of male players was 55.4 years. The age balance was different at afternoon sessions,with more elderly people playing during the day. The North East, North West and Scotlandhad the most players aged less than 25 years, approximately 10%. The larger numbersplaying bingo in the "popular" bingo areas, such as the North East and North West, is due,it is suggested, to the attraction of a wider spread of ages, and not to the attraction oflarger numbers of older people. On average, women start to play at the age of 38, and inthe North West and North East, a larger percentage starts to play at the age of 18.The majority of players are drawn from a population which is in a relatively dis-advantaged economic position. Only 36.4% were in paid employment with the remainderbeing retired, housewives, or unemployed. Bingo does not attract disproportionatenumbers of the unemployed, and unemployment of men appeared to affect their wives playing.Of those with a "breadwinner" in the family, the majority were employed in the "skilledmanual" category. Numbers of professional people playing bingo remain small. More womenplayers of working age (up to 60 years) were employed than were women in the nationalpopulation.95.5% of the players played once a week or more often. Few played infrequently,confirming the notion that bingo playing is a regular and frequent aspect of leisure.Average visits per week varied with age, with the least visits, 1.7 per week from theyoungest age group - the 18-25 year olds, and the most, 2.6 visits, from the oldest agegroup - those aged more than 76 years. Three-quarters of the sample always played on thesame night or nights of the week. For 71.2% bingo is the main leisure activity outsidethe home.The average amount spent was £3.88. Thi-s varied by region, and the most usual amountspent was £3. (The average is inflated by a minority spending over £10.) Those playerswith a breadwinner in a "service" occupation were most likely to spend more than £5,followed by the skilled manual category. The professional and white collar categoriesspent less than service and manual categories. Younger players spent more than the older,with the 36-45 year olds spending the most. 26.5% played on the fruit machines. (31%of men and 25.7% of women), and 38.5% played interval games (40.2% of women and 28.6% ofmen). 40% bought drinks from the licensed bar. Nearly half felt that bingo was "a bitexpensive" and an additional 18% felt it was "expensive".Two-thirds of the questionnaire sample went to the club which was nearest their home.The bus was the most frequently used way of getting to the club, followed by a car, andthen by walking. Although the majority played at the nearest club, players were found totravel substantial distances to certain clubs, particularly if they had a car. One-quarterof the sample played at more than one club.The majority played bingo with a friend. For younger players it was essentially agroup activity, whilst 19% of those aged more than 76 years played alone. Few men playedif their wives were not bingo players, and the number of married couples playing varied byarea.44.3% of the players gave the possibility of winning as the reason for playing. Theremainder, 55.7% gave other reasons, related to companionship, relaxation and being out ofthe house. The main reason for playing at one particular club was that it was the nearest,and the second most important reason was that the players' friends also went to that club.The main reason for changing to another club was not that it offered bigger prizes, butthat it was cheaper.76.5% of the players preferred always to sit in the same seat. 43.6% felt that alicensed bar was not an important feature of the club. 73.5% regarded bingo as a form ofgambling. A proportion of players also played in non-licensed facilities. Social clubsattracted 16.1% and working men's clubs 12.3%-163-The national survey ends, perhaps pessimistically, with figures on those whoplay less than they did a year ago. 16.I" played more often in February 1982 thanin February 1981, but 25.3% played less often. A number of those playing more oftenwere new players. Reasons for playing less often related mainly to finance. It issuggested that the decline in playing in clubs is due to players stopping playingaltogether, rather than to players playing less often. Where players have decidedto cut back on the amount they spent on bingo, they tend to visit the club less oftenbut spend the same at each visit as they used to, rather than to visit as often butto spend less.3, DiscussionA Woman's Place ....It could be suggested that the social and economic changes of the 1950's, withhigher disposal incomes and more women going out to work, should have made it possibleand acceptable for married women to go out without their husbands. However, the maledominated leisure institutions, the pub, working men's club and social club, werestill seen as closed to "respectable" women on their own. Membership to women intheir own right is still denied by the C.I.U. in working men's clubs (despite SheilaCapstick's campaign), whilst few women will enter pubs unaccompanied with the same easefelt by men. Given that the home was not (and is not) used to meet friends, theproblem facing women in the late 1950's was simply one of having a place to meet.In Armley, friends and neighbours were seen at the washhouse and in the street. Thehigher involvement of women in the church may perhaps be explained by the fact that theyfind companionship with other women there.In 1947 Rowntree explained women's non-attendance at social clubs as due to a lackof interest and not to a mechanism of exclusion:"Old men belong to clubs, where they can spend much of their time.Old women are not apparently as interested in clubs, perhaps becausethey are more fully occupied in their own homes." (1)A decade earlier, in 1939, the need for a place in which women could meet was commentedon by Marjery Spring-Rice:"Both young and middle-aged women need some form of recreation; theyneed opportunities to use the leisure they may have, and to indulgeinterests outside the home. They need to meet their fellows, toform social ties, to laugh.... in short they need a club to which theycan go at any time on any day for a few hour's rest and recreation." (2)Such a place was provided, in the early 1960's, by bingo clubs. Marjery Spring-Ricemay have envisaged working women's clubs, run by women for women, on the same lines asworking men's clubs, but, consistent with the pattern of leisure provision in contemporarysociety, the clubs to which women go are provided by commercial (profit-making) concerns,the bingo companies.There are no social clubs for working class women which have a solid financial baseand in which women make the decisions regarding aims and organisation. In Armley,individual women were important members of the community centre organising committeesand had a considerable voice in the running of the centres. Women also derived greatbenefits from the use of the community centre. However, community centres usually relyon local authority assistance and are subject to decisions which are outside the controlof the community. Hall Lane Community Centre in Armley, where women met in the mornings,was continually faced with threats of closure over a period of several years, whilst atArmley Lodge Community Centre,rents were raised by the local authorities without referenceto the organising committee.The bingo clubs therefore play a vital role in providing a public space which islocal and handy. That the club is local is vital for women operating under constraintsof time and/or money. Moreover, the club gains a. local identity - it is an extension ofthe community, a "home from home". Where men can regard the pub or club as their secondhome, many binge players refer to the bingo club as "theirs". The importance of a senseof place, of feelings of rootedness and "at-homeness" has been recognised by thosegeographers who have adopted a phenomenological approach to the study of space. (3)"At-homeness" refers to a state of being comfortable in and cosily familiar with a physicalplace. In 1959 Hoggart made the point that in English working class life the livingroom/kitchen constitutes a deeply private place, where the family is truly "at home". (4)It was only men who experienced a similar feeling in other places, usually the pub.Dennis et al. suggest that the miners they studied almost felt more "at home" in the pubtnan they did in their homes. (5).-164-Remarks made by women in the course of fieldwork suggest that the bingo olub isa home-from-home. Many women, particularly the older ones, would arrive up to twohours before the game started, to eat, talk, knit, read or play cards with others.Some even said that they felt happier at the bingo than at home, where all too oftenthey would be alone. One club even opened on Christmas Day for those with nowhereelse to go.The feeling of ease and familiarity in the bingo club is facilitated not only bythe club being an extension of the community, but also by the fact that clubs haveusually been physically present in the community for many years, as cinemas and lateras bingo clubs. The striking similarity between the use of the cinema in the 1940'sand the use of the bingo club since the 1960's was noted above. In the 1950's,"It is not at all unusual for women to attend the cinema unaccompanied.For many women with young children the cinema is the sole relaxationoutside the home and they often come alone while the husband looksafter the family." (6)Whilst playing bingo replaced watching films in cinemas, and the two activities arequite different, the way in which the two activities are used is remarkably similar. Thecustom of women going unaccompanied to the cinema may help to explain why men readilyaccept their wives going to bingo unaccompanied.The fact that bingo is a home-from-home for many(not all) players, has implicationsfor behaviour inside the club. The notion of "at homeness" has a reverse side, that offeelings of territoriality which involve aggression. Territorialitv involves theorganisation of space into "clearly demarcated territories which are made distinctiveand considered at least partially exclusive by their occupants." (7) Thus inside theclub, individuals or groups "always" sit in certain seats, and their right to sit thereis defended. It was seen above that 76% of the national sample liked to sit in the sameseat. Bingo players in Armley referred in effect to the defence of space, that havingtheir "own" seats.allowed them greater control over their choice of neighbours. Suchbehaviour, however, can exclude outsiders and results in the "cliques" criticised bynon-regular players. Special characters in the clubs (such as Mrs. Guy at the Western)occupy their own physical niche in the club in the same way that particular old menoccupy a special seat at the bar in their local pub.Although the notion of at-homeness may have a negative side, in excluding outsiders,it "may also have a major role in fostering community." (8) Certainly, the majority ofbingo players report the friendliness found in bingo clubs, and how quickly it is possibleto make friends.It is also clear that the bingo clubs possess, for their working class, female members,an ambiance and a possibility of entry which is conspicuously lacking in most^publiclyprovided facilities. The mesh in the "social filter" appears to be very fine indeed aroundsports facilities, arts centres, theatres and evening classes, for these women, who alsoexperience further feelings of exclusion from "men's" facilities such as pubs and clubs,when they are not accompanied by men.SociabilityThe research findings would support the comments made by the Royal Commission onGambling, that bingo clubs "fulfil a valuable social function":"The clubs introduce an element of pleasant diversion into the lives oftheir members, nearly 85% of whom are women, mostly middle-aged orelderly, and many of whom are of limited means .... They provide placeswhere people can meet at very little expense .... and the intervalsbetween play provide plenty of opportunity for chatting with neighbours.These qualities are particularly apparent in the smaller establishmentswhere the players know each other and are often known to the management."(9)The research findings suggest that bingo clubs provide, for a minority of players,their only source of companionship. This minority comprises mainly older players who donot belong to the church or other organisations and who do not see family members on aregular basis. Comments from elderly people such as, "Bingo is my lifeline", "Bingo isthe only thing that keeps me going", were frequently heard, whilst a handful of olderwomen were most concerned that the aim of the research was to "close down binfro clubs" -"You're not going to take it away are you? It's all we've got."It can be suggested that the bingo club provides a valuable social network in anage when other social and caring networks have failed. A report prepared for the DHSSin 1981 declared that the Government's attemnts to provide a system of voluntary care inBritain, rather than investing in paid community care, had failed:"Those most in need - the old with no relatives - were largely ignoredin urban areas unless there were paid social workers to watch overtheir welfare." (10)Other research has noted that the most reliable basis of care and attachment is thefamily, and that much mutual aid and helping which occurs in the community in fact,"...turns out on closer scrutiny to be kin care .... our next strongestbasis of social involvement is that of the non-located ''moralcommunities" associated with churches, races,friendship nets andcertain kinds of occupations .... Neighbours, or more broadly localcommunities, come a very poor third." (11) kIt can be suggested that bingo clubs provide such a "moral community" in which memberscare for, and notice, the welfare of others. Don Dixon, Vf.P. for Jarrow, has gone so faras to say that if pensioners cannot go to bingo regularly the local authority would have toprovide more home helps and other visitors to the elderly. (12) In some clubs, themanagement too plays a welfare role; the staff listen to players' problems and chat, whilstsome clubs send flowers to widowed players or get well cards when players fall ill. Althoughthe Royal Commission on Gambling questioned the extent to which membership of clubs is basedon anything tangible (subscriptions are non-existent, membership lists are not kept up todate, membership is given to anyone who asks for it, and players may belong to several clubs),it is important to players that they are "members", and they do feel a sense of belonging totheir club.The importance of bingo to the leisure lives of the elderly is not always commentedupon by those concerned with old people. Bingo is often curiously ignored in the literature,even though it is known to be an activity peculiarly attractive to the elderly. Thus, onewriter notes,"In open-air activities, cultural entertainments, social activities,home-based activities and betting and gambling, the elderlyparticipated less in each of the thirty listed pursuits ....." (13)It is one of the few activities available during the day-time, and one in which older peopleare not in a minority.It is not only for elderly people, who would otherwise be lonely, that bingo clubs filla "genuine social need", to quote the Royal Commission on Gambling. Rather, for women ofall ages, the bingo club provides something which no other facility provides - a largelyfemale environment in which women feel free from the possibility of unwanted contact withmen, where they can chat with other women about what concerns them, and where the sexualinnuendo (jokes directed to the male caller, for example) is under their control and, incontrast to that in pubs and clubs, not directed at them: Young women are often initiatedinto bingo by their mothers. It provides an opportunity for female family members to soout or meet together; approximately one quarter of the national sample played bingo witha relative other than their husbands. The strength of ties with mothers and sisters hasbeen commented on by a number of community studies. (14) Female family members are animportant source of help and companionship. Playing bingo may be used to arrange a regularweekly meeting with sisters, whilst daughters and often sons sometimes finance their mother'sbingo playing.Some, younger, women enjoyed playing on their own; sitting, not having to talk toanyone, provides a useful break from the children. Other women set aside their "bingotime" as the time which was theirs, away from home, with their own friends. The numberof references to "regaining sanity", or "a bit of peace and quiet" reflects the strainsimposed on mothers with young children.The national survey indicated that for 72.2°!, of the women players, bingo was their mainleisure activity outside the home, and even for the 26-35 year old group, for just over halfit is their main leisure activity outside the home. The proportion rises to 89.3% of the76 and over age group, and 85.6% of the 66-75 year olds.Moreover, the type of sociability found in the bingo club is of the non-intimate.easy-going, but also bond-forming type, based on an activity, which appears to be favoured inworking class communities.RitualIf ritual is activity which expresses a "striking or incongruous rigidity ... someconscious regularity" (15) then bingo can correctly be called a ritual. (Goody, however,points out that the description of action as ritual or the attribution of 'symbolic'elements to action is often a way of announcing that the researcher is unable to make anysense of the observed action or behaviour. (16)) Johnson points out that "for a ritualreally to succeed, more than regularity is required - it must express and encapsulatethings beyond itself in symbolic form." (17)It may be argued that bingo symbolises the economic position of bingo players. Ifthe ideas of David Riches are used, that in all forms of gambling the essentials ofeconomic life are brought together in a condensed sequence and repeatedly and rituallyexposed, and that "the legitimacy of the gambling game may lie in its capacity to denote,and give value to, the essentials of mainstream economic life" (18) , then it can be suggestedthat bingo symbolises the fact that, due to their socio-economic position, bingo playershave to rely on luck in life as much as they rely en luck in the binso game. Such an ideais open to criticism, although at times,particularly in clubs owned by giant organisations,-166-bingo does appear to symbolise economic life - it is plainly obvious which group -the players or the owners - gains financially from the "ritual". , Such symbolism isprobably unrecognised by the players, and it is more likely that for them the ritualis given meaning through having a social basis.The regularity of involvement in particular activities was noted in the leisurelives of people in Armley, whilst bingo players in Armley had some interesting thoughtson why they enjoyed the routine of bingo. Other researchers have noted that the mostpopular leisure activities in certain communities are repetitive. Men in the pub andwomen at bingo sit in the same places and meet the same people on the same nights eachweek. It is suggested that reassurance arises from repetitive activities and fromspending time in familiar haunts and with familiar people and through playing familiarroles. It has also been suggested that the working classes have a greater need toplay familiar roles than the middle classes. Harrison notes the 'fundamental uncertainty'of working class life, and that working class families- are both more exposed to disasterthan the middle class, and also less equipped to cope with it if and when it arises. (19)Likewise, Fyvel notes that the working class is more vulnerable to the socially and psycho-logically harmful effects of rehousing and the break up of community life. (20) It wouldbe logical, if this 'fundamental uncertainty' is actual, that the working class would bemore likely to engage in activities which reduce uncertainty and are fairly repetitive:"Through this constant repetition of the same kinds of activity itseems that people find satisfaction in consolidating the world theyknow rather than expanding it, and in making secure their old 'roles'rather than seeking new ones. It is thus, by keeping 'still'......that the individual can avoid the impact of the powerful and unknownforces of 'society'." (21)The repetitiveness of bingo and the fact that it is always known what will happen, istherefore an asset, and is one of the attributes which players like. The possibility ofa win, which arises several times a night, disguises the actual extent of repetition -there is always the chance that the next game will be slightly different and result in aprize. It can be suggested that, for the elderly in particular, whose social role haschanged dramatically this century, there is a special appeal in the familiarity of thebingo ritual.The GameIt is easy, perhaps, when players emphasise aspects of bingo such as companionship andhaving a night out, to forget the actual game of bingo itself. The game is relativelysimple; each card has fifteen numbers on it and the object is to cross them off as theyare called out in random order. If six cards are played in one game, every number from1 to 90 is present and a number is crossed off at each call. Each game lasts severalminutes, with a brief interval of a further few minutes whilst the winning card is checked.There is complete silence in the hall whilst the game is in progress, apart from the voiceof the caller, and then a release of tension as the winner shouts "House:" or, more usually,"Here!". When a large prize is at stake, the atmosphere is charged with excitement: atthese times, players can hardly be charged with "mindlessness" - a label so often inaccu-rately applied to bingo players!It can be suggested that the popularity of a game of pure chance is that, as itrequires no skill, there can be no criticism for failing to win and neither can one'sconfidence be undermined, as the result has nothing to do with one's own efforts. Theabsence of competition or the opportunity to show skill minimises the possibility ofconflict and the game proceeds (usually) in an amiable manner. It is important thatindividuals get along with each other and therefore that all players are equal before fate;no-one can use skill to get ahead of the others. It can be suggested that a game not sodependant on luck would not be as popular. The game has a rhythm which is compelling.Players do describe a game when none of their numbers are called as "boring"; a "goodgame" is one where the player comes close to the target of a full house or line. Playersassert that winning £50 is as good as winning £1,000. This perhaps relates to the factthat the important point ̂ to gamblers is to be gambling - the act is as important as theoutcome, hence the cliche, "the next best thing to winning is losing".The findings of the research also served as a "debunking" exercise with regard to themythology of bingo playing as a problem. Women are rarely defined as a problem group,usually only when their behaviour is seen as adversely affecting their families. In thecase of bingo, as has already been mentioned, criticisms of women playing bingo have notbeen concerned with its effects on women themselves, but have been based on assumptionsthat women neglect their children to play, and spend money on bingo which should be devotedto family expenditure.-167-Neither of these accusations is borne out by the research findings. The agestructure, and number of dependant children, of women who play bingo, both indicatethat few bingo players have children of an age to need "minding" in the evenings.The fact also that many female players mention bingo as their only opportunity toget out of the house, and the apparent willingness of their husbands to look afterchildren when it is necessary, indicate that bingo playing forms part of a planned,responsible routine, rather than a stimulus to the "gad-about wife" image so^oftenportrayed in the media and by the police.In addition, the impression of spending behaviour obtained during fieldwork,was that bingo spending formed part of a planned, tightly controlled budget, and,indeed, that one of the attractions of bingo for many women was that they could predictprecisely how much they would spend and that they did not get "carried away" and stakemore money than their income would merit. The tendency too, for those players withfinancial constraints playing less often, also points to a pattern of responsiblespending.Women's real "problems" highlighted by the research, and those acting as constraintson their leisure opportunities, are those described in detail in Chapters II, III and IV -feelings of powerlessness and lack of control; increasing aloneness and loneliness inold age; "captive wives"; poverty, especially in personal spending terms; alienationwith those in power and controlling the media; fear of assault and harassment, especiallyamong the elderly; rigid division of labour associated with sex roles; and lack ofpersonal time and space.The FutureThe 1960's was a unique and remarkable decade, which saw a great number of changes,particularly in the way leisure time was spent:"The steady spread of affluence and the increasing tempo of changewas creating a rising appetite for excitement throughout England . . .The bright lights were indeed reaching the provinces - and not justthe bingo palaces and striptease clubs and steak houses, but theChinese restaurants and French films and the taste for Spanishholidays." (22)It is not surprising that bingo was launched and had (perhaps) its heyday in such aturbulent decade. The bingo companies acknowledge that the "rising appetite" for bingodid not continue to rise much after that decade; the bingo market reached a plateauduring the 1970's. Indeed, the amount of money staked in all forms of gambling (apartfrom in casinos) fell in real terms in the 1970's. In 1970, the bingo companies expressedconcern to the Gaming Board about the extent of competition from non-licensed bingo, andthey have lobbied the Board to change the regulations surrounding the advertising of bingoclubs. In 1982 the NALBSC launched a compaign called "Survive to Thrive", which aimspartly at changing the restrictive legislation embodied in the 1968 Gaming Act, and henceto take steps to ensure the survival of the bingo industry.Bingo clubs still attract between a third and half a million people every day, however;amidst talk of a declining market it must be remembered that millions of people still playin bingo clubs each week, whilst non-licensed bingo attracts additional numbers. Theextent and significance of a 'decline1 in playing is not known. Players may simply betransferring from commercial bingo to non-licensed bingo, perhaps at the churches andcommunity centres, and hence not be included in Gaming Board figures. However, there isa decline in the numbers playing at commercial bingo clubs, and some speculation about thiscan be made.It is suspected that the present recession has simply speeded up, not caused, the falloff in numbers. The national sample survey indicated that one quarter of the sample playedless bingo now than one year ago, and 80% gave a financial reason for doing so. Theresearch did not include a large enough number of ex-players (i.e. players who had stoppedplaying altogether) to make generalisations about their reasons for doing so. During aperiod of recession, it can be expected that families will not have surplus cash to spendon going out. However, figures show that during a recession, it tends to be savings whichare affected rather than spending. Thus, in the first quarter of 1981, when both totalpersonal Income and total personal disposable income increased by the smallest amount inten years, by only 1%, consumer expenditure rose by 3.5%. This was financed by a fall inthe savings ratio, from 17% to 14%. (23) During times of economic uncertainty and socialinstability, spending on alcohol and gambling tends to increase. The incidence of bettingincreased during the two world wars, whilst, the major football pools firms, "with some fore-thought", established themselves in areas subject to heavy unemployment, (24) The factthat betting shops experience an increase in takings during times of unemployment has beencommented upon, whilst the Daily Mail has described bingo as the "Asprin of the Eighties."(25) However, it is suspected that gender differences in patterns of spending areprobably more apparent in periods of recession, with women becoming more careful than everin the way they allocate the housekeeping money and spending less on themselves, whilst menmay indulge in spending splurges to compensate for a depressing economic situation. It iswomen's expenditure on themselves which is first affected during hard times. There is someevidence to suggest that the recession has begun to bite so deeply that even the phenomenonof compensatory spending is affected - Deer sales, for example, are dramatically down in1982. (26)-168-The study ir. Armley found a minority of women who regarded themselves as upwardlymobile, and who saw playing bingo as incompatible with their desired lifestyle and image.In the main, however, the decline in playing bingo does not anpear to be due to changesin the values of the population from which bingo players are drawn. The idea that theworking classes were becoming more middle class - the embourgeoisement thesis - and thatincreases in working class incomes have led to a loss of clarity of class divisions (27),was debunked by Goldthorpe and Lockwood's study. They shewed that middle class norms andvalues were not adopted, nor were middle class lifestyles consciously emulated by the new,relatively affluent working classes. As a whole they did not wish to be assimilated intomiddle class society, though affluence had changed their values in certain ways. (28) Itis suspected that activities such as bingo will still be sought, but the activity mav beused in different ways; for example, there appears to be a trend for more married couolesto go to bingo together, and for women to "dress up" to go to the club.Some reaction during the course of the research was encountered to the "respectabilising"process through which bingo seems to be going. Certain bingo companies have made attemptsto maximise the attractiveness of bingo by upgrading their facilities and decor, and offeringlarge cash prizes. Some players do not like the carpets, soft lighting and potted plantsimage. The closure of small local clubs and the tendency for the major companies toconcentrate on large, city centre clubs, may affect the frequency of playing of the elderlyand middle-aged, whilst attracting the younger and wealthier players. The costs of plavingat large city centre clubs are higher than in the old fashioned local cinemas. The govern-ment tax on winnings, raised during the last two years from 5% to 10"-, is criticised byplayers and may be one reason why they seek non-licensed bingo, which is not subject to thetax. During the Parliamentary debate discussing the tax increase, ".PS, mainly from thenorth of England, described it as an attack on women and on the working class; "it is aclass issue and a sexist issue (and) an issue between North and South." (29) One Labour M.P.suggested a reason for the 'attack': "Is it perhaps because when the caller shouts, "NumberTen, Maggie's Den", the howls of derision and opposition which come straight from the neoplehave been observed by the Government?" (30)Although playing bingo is a popular pastime, there is evidence which suggests that manvwomen would prefer to engage in other activities if they had the opportunity, and that bingois played not as a positive choice but due to a lack of alternatives. Dobbin providesuseful data by showing that, of his sample of retired people, 13.3"- play bingo - 4.2"" of themen and 19.4% of the women. However, when asked which activities they would like to do moreof, only 1.7% mentioned bingo - 2.8% of the women and none of the men. Bingo ranked fourthin a list of ten activities which respondents most often engaged in, but ranked last in alist of activities in which they would like to be more involved. (31) As Cornish pointsout:"The presence of institutionalised expressive activities in a culturedoes not necessarily imply that they owe their existence to theirsuperior ability at meeting special expressive needs .... for eachnew generation the satisfactoriness of these contingent arrangementsis once more on trial." (32)If bingo does not owe its existence to the fact that it is the best way of satisfyingpeople's (especially women's) demands for entertainment and excitement, it is still the onlyform of leisure outside the home available to large numbers of people - particularly women -at present. Furthermore, women are notoriously slow at articulating what they would like todo - even if they know!It can be suggested that other leisure providers, both "public" and "commercial" ,canlearn from the way bingo is organised and marketed. '̂ here providers are concerned onlyto get "bottoms on seats" (or in the squash courts, pottery classes, etc.), and wheredemand exceeds supply, there is no particular motive, apart from an altruistic one, to makespecial overtures towards women. With marketing strategies such as those adopted by manysports halls, which include pre-booking and not inconsiderable expense, it is not surprisingthat the "bottoms on seats" tend to belon? to white middle class men. '"here demand doesnot exceed supply, providers may have a larger incentive to appeal to women. Whilst it isnecessary for providers to adopt policies based on the material circumstances of women, itis also necessary that women assert the right to their own leisure.Large groups of people remain unaffected by the "leisure explosion" and by the expansionof leisure time choices. In the 1980's an estimated ten million people live in "poverty"(33) and 1.8 million live in physically unsatisfactory housing. One-quarter of all house-holds consist of elderly people, (34) many of whom have limited financial means, and three-quarters of whom left school at 14 without qualifications. A leisure future conjured upby futurologists in which "only a small percentage of people work.... while the rest of usget on with home computing, Open University degrees, learning foreign languages and otheredifying pursuits " (35) will be available only to a small minority, and certainly will notbe possible in most homes as they are designed at present. The need for cheap, sociableentertainment outside the home in the 1980's has not diminished, whilst alternatives to bingohave not been established.The significance of bingo lies not in the game itself - a simple game of calling outnumbers and ticking them off, with a prize to the first person to tick off all the numbers.Rather, bingo is a cypher to which different groups attach meaning: and content. To membersof the midd'le and upper classes it may still be pernicious, symbolic of the decadence andapocalyptic powers of popular culture. (36) Commenting on a recent radio programme, areviewer wrote,"'God knows what we'd do if we didn't go to bingo', said one hooked lady.And that's surely a sad comment on our education system." (37)To the Government, bingo represents a substantial source of revenue. Further,it can be argued that bingo saves the Government expenditure on community care. Bingoprovides a living for large numbers of people, not only for the businessmen who ownBritain's 1,600 clubs and their 2,019 managers, but also for the several tens of thousandsof staff employed. (38)To the players, bingo is an unremarkable fact of life, a home from home--, an invaluablesource of companionship, a refuge which offers excitement. It is not surprising that 84"of players are women, given the options bestowed on them by virtue of their gender and class.The future of bingo is dependent not only on changes in the leisure market and in the stateof the economy but also on changes in the allocation of gender roles. For the present,bingo is an activity adopted and fashioned within the limitations of an imposed structureby those not in an economically, politically or socially dominant position. Bingo is usedto give expression and meaning to that position; it is also a most important means ofcoming to terms with that position and making it more attractive.-170--171-APPENDIXWOMEN'S LEISURE QUESTIONNAIREThis questionnaire is being given out to women who live or workin the area around Armley. We would like to know about thetypes of things that you do in your spare time. Many women saythat they have no spare time, and we are interested in this too.lour answers will be very helpful to those who are concernedabout providing leisure facilities.A space is provided at the end for you to comment, if you wish,on the provision of leisure facilities in your area.The questionnaire is easy to fill in. Nearly all the answerssimply require a tick.Tour help and co-operation on this important project is very muchappreciated.-172-First of all we'd like to ask some general questions about the thingswhich you do in your spare time.1. Are you a member of a social club?If 'no' please go to the next question.Yes NoIf 'yes' please write here the sort of club, for example - Irish Club,Liberal Club, etc.2. Are you a member of a sports club? les3. Are you a member of a working men's club? YesNoNoAre you a member of any other organisation? (forexample - The Women's Institute, Liberal Party) Yes NoIf 'no1 please go to the next question.If 'yes' please write the name or names of the organisation/s here,5. Do you belong to a library? Yes No6. Save you attended an evening class or a daytimeclass since leaving school? Yes Non.7. Have you ever attended a keep fit class? Yes8. Thinking back over the last week, could you please write down all thethings that you did during each evening, for example - "Tuesday, watchedT.V. with husband". Start with what you did last night and work backwardsuntil all the spaces are filled.Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday9. Was this a fairly typical week? Yes No L10. Which of all the activities which you do regularly, would you miss ifyou couldn't do it?11. Could you please tick the number of times which you do the following things:Twice aweek or moreGo to a restaurantAbout oncea week About oncea monthOnce ortwice ayearRarelyGo to a pubGo to the cinemaGo to a social clubGo to a working men's clubGo to the theatreGo to a disco-173-12.13.There are many reasons why people don't go out more oiHow often have the following things stopped you from jVeryOften Somet:Can't afford to go out moreToo busy at homeNo-one to go out withToo tired to go out at nightDon't like to leave the childrenAfraid of being mugged or attackedSave nowhere to goHusband doesn't like to do thethings I like to doWould you prefer to go out more often that you do?14. Do you ever play bingo?If 'no' please go to question 1?If 'yes! please go to the next question15.16.Could you please tick all the places where you play b:A Bingo ClubA Social ClubA Working Men's ClubA ChurchA Community CentreHow often do you play bingo? m.Every day j3 or more times a weekTwice a weekOnce a weekOnce a fortnightOnce a monthNot very oftenft en.going out?Lines NeveriYes NoYes NoLngo?Yes - NoYes NoYes NoYes NoYes NoLck one.. ' •.-— ..-.-'. <;-----17. Could you write down the reason or reasons why you don't play bingo?18. Do you take part in any sports (such as swinging,snooker, etc.)?If *no' please go to question 20If 'yes' please go to the next questionYes No-174-19. Please write down what sports these are, and tick how often you do them.Name of SportSeveral timesa weekEvery one ortwo weeksEvery fewmonths Infrequently20. Do you ever go to watch sports, such as footballor cricket? Yes NoTick one21. To what extent do you enjoy watching sports on television?I like watching most sportsI like watching some sportsI don't like watching any sports22. During the last twelve months, have you done any of the following?Football poolsPut money on a horsePut money on a dogBought a lottery ticketGone to a casinoTesTesYesYesYesNoNoNoNoNo23. How often do you go away on holiday'At least once a year*Almost every yearEvery few yearsVery rarelyNeverTick one2k. Do you ever go away for weekends or short breaks? Yes No25. Have you a caravan?Have you a boat?Have you a holiday home?Yes*" Yes"•"• YesNoNoNo26. How often do you go to church?Regularly Sometimes Only for special occasions Never27« How much would you say that the church and church activities contributeto your social life?A great amount A fair amount A little Nothing at all28. What is your favourite way of spending an evening?29. Are you involved with any voluntary organisation' Yes No-30. If you wanted to go to an evening class, would youknow where to find out about them? Yes No-175-Now we would like to ask a few questions about the things which you do at home.1. Would you say that in your house the television is on:All the timeHalf the timeOnly for certainprogrammesTick oneRarely onNever on2. Which TV channel do you enjoy the most?ITV BBC 1 BBC 2 Tick one3. In the time which you don't spend at work or doing housework,who do you spend most time with?Your husbandYour childrenYour whole familyBy yourselfWith friendsWith one specialfriendTick one. Thinking about the following activities, how would you describe them?A Hobby Somethingyou enjoySomethingyou don'tmind doingSomething youdo only becauseyou have toSomethingyou neverdoKnittingSewingCookingDecoratingGardeningIroningAre there any other hobbies or interests which you have which have notalready been mentioned? If so, please write them here:6. Bo you read a daily or Sunday newspaper? Yes NoIf "no1 please go on to the next questionIf 'yss' please write hers the name/s of the newspapers which you read:?. How often do you rsad a book?Have no time to readDon't like to readNow and then I read a bookAlways have one book whichI'm readingTick one8. Do you read any magazines regularly? Yes NoIf 'no' please go on to the next questionIf 'yes1 please write the name/s of the magazine's here:1. Thinking about leisure in general, coulddisagree with each of these statements.1. "I never have any free time*"2. "I can't really tell what's 'leisure'3. "Whp_ you do things with is more*K "I can't sit and do nothing; I5. "I don't have enough time to do6. "I like leisure activitiesto think."you say whether you agree orand what ' s ' work ' . "important that what you do."like to be occupied."all the things I'd like."where I can relax and don't have7. "My choice of leisure activities is limited by my notknowing how to do some things."8. "People who are out at work all day deserve more leisurethan those who are at home all day."9. "I like leisure activities which are10. "I often have time on my hands11. "I can never really be 'at12. "I am perfectly happy withwhichleisure 'howintellectually stimulating."I don't know what to do with."when the family is around."I spend my free time."Agree Disagree————————————2. Here are some ways in which people sometimes describe themselves.Thinking about yourself, would you say that you are:.„Outgoing YesSportyQiietCleverYesYesYesHomeloving Yes3. Here is a list oPlease would youthose activitiesHorse riding.SquashBadmintonChessBingoGreyhound racingSkiingBridgeEvening classesDartsf activitielook at thare like yLike meNoNoNoNoNos which some pe list and decou or not:Like me butricherSociableBusyOverweightYesYesYesJashion-conscious YesMaternaleople do.ide whether theLike me butpoorerYespeople who doDifferentto meNoNoNoNoNo;!i. Thinking back over your life, at what age did you enjoy your leisure time most?And at what age did you enjoy your leisure time least?5. Of the following activities, which do you think could beconsidered as gambling?Playing cards for matches YesPlaying cards for money YesPlaying on a one-armed bandit YesDoing the football pools YesPlaying bingo YesPutting money on a horse YesPlaying roulette YesNoNoNoNoNoNoNo6. Do you think that ordinary people have a say over decisions made bythe Government, such as about the closing of leisure facilities?Ordinary people have no sayOrdinary people do have a sayTick oneThinking: about the future would you say that:You've got to plan aheadSometimes planning ahead gets you nowhereThere's no point in planning aheadTick oneOver the last 5 years would you say that your standard of living has:Tick oneGone downStayed the sameBecome a bit betterBecome a lot better9. Thinking about your life in general, would you say that you are:Tick oneCompletely contentContent most of the timeContent only some of the timeNot content•178-1We'd like to ask a few questions about your husband's leisure.If you have no husband go to question 13» . .... ., . ... .. „,__!1. Would you say that your husband goes out without you:Often Sometimes Never2. Would you say that your husband goes out:Less than youThe same as you3. Does your husband play sportsMore than youMuch more than youregularly? Yesk. Is he a member of a working men's club? lea5« In the last 12 months has he done any of the following?:Bet on a horse YesBet on the dogs YesPlayed bingo YesNo Done the football pNo Bought a lottery tiNoTick one- ———— -HTick oneNo) jn NOCZLsols Yes | Nof~~sket Yes Not6. Would you describe your husband as a "family man" who likes to spend jbig fr»- *•?*»» a-h horn* with the family? Tick oneNot at all He's a little like that He'a very like that7. What is your husband's occupation?If he is retired, what was his occupation:?8. Does your husband bring work home?C9. In his job,Very keeget ahea10. How often dAlwaysft en £om

Women, leisure and bingo

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