Scalar inferences (SI) are a signature example of how humans interpret
language based on unspoken alternatives. While empirical studies have
demonstrated that human SI rates are highly variable -- both within instances
of a single scale, and across different scales -- there have been few proposals
that quantitatively explain both cross- and within-scale variation.
Furthermore, while it is generally assumed that SIs arise through reasoning
about unspoken alternatives, it remains debated whether humans reason about
alternatives as linguistic forms, or at the level of concepts. Here, we test a
shared mechanism explaining SI rates within and across scales: context-driven
expectations about the unspoken alternatives. Using neural language models to
approximate human predictive distributions, we find that SI rates are captured
by the expectedness of the strong scalemate as an alternative. Crucially,
however, expectedness robustly predicts cross-scale variation only under a
meaning-based view of alternatives. Our results suggest that pragmatic
inferences arise from context-driven expectations over alternatives, and these
expectations operate at the level of concepts.Comment: To appear in TACL (pre-MIT Press publication version