Gender differences in public administration are gendered norms and practices that make clear distinctions between agentic (i.e., masculine) and communal (i.e., feminine) attributes in the workplace. Examples include both organizational and occupational elements such as employee representation, organizational culture, social rules and structure, gender bias and stereotypes, gender roles, and physical and mental differences. Occupational barriers are impediments that negatively impact women’s recruitment, retention, and promotion in the workplace

Helen H. Yu

English

ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa

GGender Differences: MaleOfficers’ Perception TowardWomen’s OccupationalBarriers in Federal LawEnforcementHelen H. YuUniversity of Hawai’i at Manoa, Honolulu, HI,USASynonymsFederal law enforcement; Gender differences;Gender inequality; Occupational barriersDefinitionsGender differences in public administration aregendered norms and practices that make cleardistinctions between agentic (i.e., masculine) andcommunal (i.e., feminine) attributes in the work-place. Examples include both organizational andoccupational elements such as employee repre-sentation, organizational culture, social rules andstructure, gender bias and stereotypes, genderroles, and physical and mental differences. Occu-pational barriers are impediments that negativelyimpact women’s recruitment, retention, and pro-motion in the workplace.IntroductionSince the passage of the Equal EmploymentOpportunity Act of 1972, the changes inemployee demographics continue to make genderan important issue in public administration. Forexample, women’s labor force participationincreased from 43.9% in 1972 to 57.0% in 2017,and overall, women account for 46.9% of allworking Americans (U.S. Bureau of LaborStatistics 2018). However, not all occupationshave seen an increase in women’s participation.Federal law enforcement is one of those occupa-tions. According to the U.S. Bureau of JusticeStatistics, women account for just 15.5% of allfull-time federal law enforcement officers autho-rized to carry firearms and make arrests (Reaves2012). Although women have worked in federallaw enforcement for almost 50 years, the scholar-ship on their experiences – aside from local andstate local law enforcement – has only grown inrecent years. This chapter focuses on women’soccupational barriers in federal law enforcementand highlights gender differences, specificallymale officers’ perceptions, to those challengeswomen face in the workplace.© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019A. Farazmand (ed.), Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance,https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3849-1BackgroundGendered Norms and Practices in LawEnforcementAlthough women have made great progress inpolicing, the public continues to view lawenforcement as a heavily male profession, creat-ing gender stereotypes of occupational roles thatare not useful for women in policing (Wells andAlt 2005). For example, women tend not to pos-sess agentic (i.e., masculine) traits that are valuedin policing such as objectivity, aggressiveness,bravery, suspicion, and strength required to fightcrime and apprehend individuals (Miller 1999),but rather communal (i.e., feminine) traits that aredisregarded but perhaps better suited for today’slaw enforcement such as communication and con-flict resolution (Swan 2016). While judicial andlegislative efforts to diversify law enforcementagencies have had some success, sex-based dis-crimination to include sexual harassment andexclusion from certain tasks associated with mas-culinity is part of the daily lives of women in lawenforcement (Tougas et al. 2005). Therefore, itcomes as no surprise that many male officerscontinue to believe that women cannot handlethe job physically, and they tend to view theirfemale colleagues as emotional, untrustworthy,and in some instances, resentful toward womenfor advancing in the organization, highlighting thecontinual gender roles and stereotypes that areseen in organizations that are traditionally maledominated (Hale 1999; Martin and Jurik 2006;Rabe-Hemp 2008). This places artificial occupa-tional barriers, both deliberate and through uncon-scious bias, that negatively impact therecruitment, retention, promotion, and evaluationof women in law enforcement.Gender Differences to Women’s OccupationalBarriers in Federal law EnforcementDecades of research have shown that men andwomen experience workplace matters and inter-actions, as well as gender issues differently. Sincelaw enforcement is a male-dominated occupation,the perceptions presumed by male federal officersprovide a majority viewpoint that emphasizesstereotyping and gender roles, adverselyimpacting women’s value and acceptance in fed-eral policing. To illustrate, in their study on per-ceptions to women’s occupational barriers infederal law enforcement, Yu and Rauhaus (2019)found that gender differences exist between theexperiences encountered by female officers andthe perception of male officers to those experi-ences for all occupational barriers.First, the perception of federal law enforce-ment as an inclusive organization varied widelyamong gender (Yu and Rauhaus 2019). An over-whelming majority of male officers (92.3%) per-ceived an organizational culture of gender equity,whereas only 59.3% of female officers felt thesame. These perceptions can be interpreted intwo ways. While 40.7% of female officers per-ceived an unsupportive culture, lending credibil-ity to prior research on the continued existence ofthe masculine culture in law enforcement (Dickand Jankowicz 2001; Franklin 2005; Hughes2011; Paoline 2003), the latter suggests that theorganizational culture in federal law enforcementis changing – albeit slowly – to reflect the diver-sity of modern law enforcement agencies and thecommunities they represent. Although federal lawenforcement does not display the extreme genderprejudices as noted in many state and local lawenforcement organizations (Martin and Jurik2006; Rabe-Hemp 2008), mild traces are stillvisible.Second, perceptions of negative attitudes frommale colleagues and sex-based discrimination toinclude sexual harassment also varied widelyamong gender (Yu and Rauhaus 2019). Over aquarter (28.6%) of the female officers perceivedexperiencing pervasive negative attitudes fromtheir male colleagues, whereas less than a fifth(18.2%) of the male officers perceived womenexperiencing workplace resentments by male col-leagues. While the overwhelming majority(75.6%) of male officers appears supportive oftheir female colleagues, remnants of an organiza-tional culture that celebrates masculine values andthe belief that women cannot handle the job phys-ically or emotionally still exist (Hale 1999; Martinand Jurik 2006; Rabe-Hemp 2008). In addition,the federal government’s efforts with eliminatingsexual harassment appear to be working (e.g.,2 Gender DifferencesNotification and Federal Employee Anti-discrimination and Retaliation Act of 2002).Despite the gender disparity – 12.2% of thefemale officers reported experiencing sexualharassment, whereas only 3.2% of the male offi-cers’ perceived women experiencing sexualharassment – the overall trends are positive. Thepercentages were much higher in previous studieson women in federal law enforcement (Schulz2009; Yu 2017). Unfortunately, the same cannotbe said for sex-based discrimination. Almost athird (29.3%) of the female officers reportedexperiencing sexual discrimination in regards tojob assignments, training opportunities, or pro-motions, whereas only 4.2% of the male officersperceived women experiencing sexual discrimi-nation. As mentioned previously, this is consistentwith male officers’ belief that federal law enforce-ment is an inclusive organization (92.3%) thatpromotes gender equity. As a male-dominatedoccupation, the disparity is not surprising sincegender differences in perception are based onpersonal and workplace reality. Women often per-ceive greater sex-based discrimination in mascu-line agencies, and occupational barriers are ofteninvisible to most men, since they are not exposedto them in the same manner as women (Kerret al. 2002).Third, a perceived glass ceiling to promotionsand lack of female role models also varied widelyby gender (Yu and Rauhaus 2019). Almost a third(29.8%) of the female officers perceived a glassceiling to promotions, whereas only 19.4% of themale officers perceived a glass ceiling to promo-tions exist for women in federal law enforcement.The disparity is interesting because far more maleofficers (54.5%) had supervisory experience thanthe female officers (35.2%) in their study, despiteboth having near identical tenure at their currentagency. Likewise, an overwhelming majority(75.9%) of the female officers perceived a lackof high-ranking female role models in federal lawenforcement, whereas only half (51.8%) of themale officers perceived the same. The disparityis again particularly interesting because there areactually more male officers (17.8%) occupyinghigher grades (GS-14 and higher) than femaleofficers (13.5%) in their study. In addition, therewas not one single female in the Senior ExecutiveService at this organization, a recurring complaintamong female officers. However, unlike the otheroccupational barriers discussed in this chapter, themasculine culture of law enforcement likely con-tributed to male officers believing there are toomany female leaders due to perceived preferentialor affirmative treatment.Lastly, perceived presence of work-life balanceinitiatives was notable among gender (Yu andRauhaus 2019). Almost a third (30.2%) of thefemale officers perceived their agency hadadopted family-friendly policies in the workplace,whereas over half (51.6%) of the male officersperceived the same. The disparity is again inter-esting and likely as a result of those who actuallyutilize these types of policies and programs.Although work-life balance initiatives are avail-able to both male and female officers, women tendto take advantage of these policies far more thanmen, and would notice if certain programs areoffered or not (Feeney and Stritch 2017).Occupational barriers will continue to be factorfor recruiting, retaining, and promoting morewomen in federal law enforcement; however, rec-ognizing the marginalization of women’s occupa-tional barriers by male colleagues should behelpful for organizations facing a similar problempropel leaders to move beyond awareness toaction. Recent national and international develop-ments have brought renewed attention on genderequality in the workforce. For example, theUnited Nations campaign identified as HeForShebelieves that gender equality is not a women’sissue but a human rights issue that requires equalparticipation and commitment from men. Thecampaign incites high-ranking men to acceleratethe achievement of gender equality by advocatingfor the removal of workplace barriers that preventwomen from achieving their potential. Until then,organizations cannot create the systematic andsustainable change needed to achieve genderequality. This is especially important for male-dominated occupations such as law enforcement,as men are more likely to hold executive-levelmanagement positions and can implementchange. All leaders must advocate zero tolerancein regards to sex-based discrimination to includeGender Differences 3sexual harassment, as well as the old boys clubmentality that adversely impact women at workand promotion boards. Eliminating even one bar-rier is a step toward gender equality in theworkplace.ConclusionGender differences will continue to exist in fed-eral law enforcement as long as policing is seen asa masculine occupation. However, any effort forincreasing the presence of women in federal lawenforcement should take the perceptions of maleofficers into account to gain insight into women’smistreatment in this nontraditional occupation.Although federal law enforcement does notexhibit the extreme gender prejudices noted inmany state and local law enforcement organiza-tions (Martin and Jurik 2006; Rabe-Hemp 2008),mild remnants of a masculine culture are stillvisible. And since organizational cultures developover time, creating a new culture is often met withgreat resistance; however, existing research sug-gests that the culture in federal law enforcement ischanging – albeit slowly – to reflect the needs of amodern law enforcement agency and the commu-nities they represent.Cross-References▶Bureaucracy and Gender▶Gender Representation in the Public Sector▶ Public Administration and Gender Issues▶Women and Work-Life Balance in Federal LawEnforcementReferencesDick P, Jankowicz D (2001) A social constructionistaccount of police culture and its influence on the rep-resentation and progression of female officers. Policing24(2):181–199Feeney M, Stritch JM (2017) Family-friendly policies,gender, and work-life balance in the public sector.Rev Public Pers Adm 39(3):422–228Franklin CA (2005) Male peer support and the policeculture: understanding the resistance and oppositionof women in policing. Women Crim Just 16(3):1–25Hale M (1999) He says, she says: gender and worklife.Public Adm Rev 59(5):410–424Hughes PJ (2011) A new sheriff in town: the barriers ofstructural discrimination facing women leaders. AdvWomen Leadersh 31(5):8–13Kerr B, Miller W, Reid M (2002) Sex-based occupationalsegregation in US state bureaucracies, 1987–1997.Public Adm Rev 62(4):412–423Martin SE, Jurik NC (2006) Doing justice, doing gender:women in legal and criminal justice occupations. Sage,Thousand OaksMiller SL (1999) Gender and community policing: walk-ing the talk. Northeastern University Press, BostonNotification and Federal Employee Antidiscrimination andRetaliation Act of 2002, Pub. L. No. 107–174, 116 Stat.566 (2002)Paoline EA (2003) Taking stock: toward a richer under-standing of police culture. J Crim Just 31(3):199–214Rabe-Hemp C (2008) Survival in an ‘all boys club’: police-women and their fight for acceptance. Policing: IntJ Police Strat Manage 31(2):251–270Reaves BA (2012) Federal law enforcement officers, 2008(NCJ 238250). Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin,U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, DCSchulz DM (2009) Women special agents in charge: thefirst generation. Policing Int J Police Strat Manage32(4):675–693Swan AA (2016) Masculine, feminine, or androgynous:the influence of gender identity on job satisfactionamong female police officers. Women Crim Just26(1):1–19Tougas F, Rinfret N, Beaton AM, de la SablonniereR (2005) Policewomen acting in self-defense: can psy-chological disengagement protect self-esteem from thenegative outcomes of relative deprivation? J Pers SocPsychol 88(5):790–800U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2018, December) Women inthe labor force: a databook (Report 1077). Retrieved fromhttps://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/womens-databook/2018/pdf/home.pdfWells SK, Alt BL (2005) Police women: life with thebadge. Praeger, WestportYu HH (2017) Post-executive order 13583: are-examination of occupational barriers in federal lawenforcement. Women Crim Just 27(4):205–218Yu HH, Rauhaus BM (2019) All boys club or genderdifferences? Male officers perception of female offi-cers’ workplace experiences in federal law enforce-ment. Int J Public Adm 42(12):1010–10194 Gender Differences

Gender Differences: Male Officers’ Perception Toward Women’s Occupational Barriers in Federal Law Enforcement

https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstreams/f33c4b6e-92c0-4af1-9d67-aea40529984c/download

Gender Differences: Male Officers’ Perception Toward Women’s Occupational Barriers in Federal Law Enforcement

Abstract

Similar works

Full text

Available Versions

ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa