This is the second In Brief in a two-part series. Part 1 detailed the circumstances surrounding the unsuccessful re-election of three women members of parliament (MPs) in Papua New Guinea (PNG). In this second part I analyse the case studies and reach three findings: the women’s attempts to consolidate power in their province during their first term were unsuccessful; the importance of provincial assemblies in national politics should not be underestimated; and the rules of big-man1 politics seem likely to apply to women MPs.Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trad

Yangin, Russel

The Australian National University

In Brief 2021/2Political Leadership in Papua New Guinea: Three Women Parliamentarians Defeated in the 2017 Election: Part TwoRussel YanginThis is the second In Brief in a two-part series. Part 1 detailed the circumstances surrounding the unsuccessful re-election of three women members of parliament (MPs) in Papua New Guinea (PNG). In this second part I analyse the case studies and reach three findings: the women’s attempts to consolidate power in their province during their first term were unsuccessful; the importance of provincial assemblies in national politics should not be underestimated; and the rules of big-man1 politics seem likely to apply to women MPs.The three women, Loujaya Kouza, Julie Soso and Delilah Gore, who entered parliament in 2012 may or may not have been treated differently because they are women, but what is certain is that they had to deal with the nature of PNG politics (Standish 2007),  as experienced by all MPs. The controversies surrounding the three women relate to the politics of delivering development to electorates, which is crucial in influencing votes for the re-election of any MP. Having access to development funds or control over administrative oversight is critical in directing electoral development. Kouza’s role as chairperson of the newly-established Lae City Authority (LCA) would have given her control over the administrative and financial aspects of Lae, the second largest city in PNG. Soso, the subject of the second case study, was involved in the tussle over the appointment of the provincial administrator in Eastern Highlands Province. It is notable that the impasse over the appointment of the administrative head of the province dragged on after the defeat of Soso in the 2017 election. The bureaucratic heads of provincial government play a key role in influencing development in their province and as such, it is important for any politician, especially governors, to have a provincial bureaucracy totally committed to the visions of the incumbent governor. The third case of Gore also demonstrates this phenomenon. Gore tried to intervene in the appointment of the bureaucratic head in the province using her position as a state minister through the National Executive Council (NEC). She was also alleged to have been involved in the attempted removal of Governor Gary Juffa despite denying her involvement. As in the case of Soso, the visions and goals of Gore and other MPs in Oro Province were different from Governor Juffa’s, leading to political infighting in an effort to remove Juffa. The case studies indicate the three women made efforts to consolidate their political power and form alliances with other MPs within the province with the aim of dictating electoral politics, but they were met with resistance within their respective electorates and provinces.Secondly, the role of provincial assemblies in the politics of electoral development should not be underestimated. For a start, provincial assemblies are subnational parliaments with equally important functions in dictating electoral development (Reilly and Phillpot 2002:913). In this respect, leaders in the provincial assemblies are arguably just as influential as national MPs.2 Kouza’s absence in the Tutumang assembly (Morobe Province) proved costly to her political image in debating the Lae City Authority concept. Governor Kelly Naru used this to his advantage to mobilise support against Kouza in the Tutumang assembly.A similar trend can be seen in the second case study of Soso, who breached a court order in an attempt to remove provincial administrator Solomon Tato. The case of Soso has roots in the provincial assembly as well, although not evident from the media coverage. Then police minister Robert Atiayafa stated that there was lack of understanding between Julie Soso’s administration and the political leaders of the province — an indication of division in the provincial assembly. Soso also admitted that the political impasse cost her image as leader.Gore’s case is somewhat similar, although the narrow margin of her defeat in 2017 suggests that she had maintained support in her electorate. Gore’s involvement in the Oro provincial assembly and the conflict with Governor Juffa further illustrates how provincial assemblies can influence the politics of electoral development and voter perception. Provincial assemblies are composed not only of national MPs but village councillors, presidents, youth and women’s representatives who reside and interact with the majority of the eligible voters. Their dissemination of  information in the electoral market is paramount to understanding voter behaviour in this regard.3 In addition, The Department of Pacific Affairs (DPA) in the ANU College of Asia & the Pacific is a recognised leading centre for multidisciplinary research on the contemporary Pacific. We acknowledge the Australian Government’s support for the production of  the In Brief series. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect those of the ANU or the Australian Government.  See the DPA website for a full disclaimer.dpa@anu.edu.auDepartmentofPacificAffairs@anudpadpa.bellschool.anu.edu.auIn Brief 2021/2  Department of Pacific AffairsISSN  2209-9557 (Print)ISSN  2209-9549 (Online)Gore stood as a candidate of the Peoples National Congress (PNC), a party that Governor Juffa strongly opposed.Lastly, whether the three women’s experiences exhibited aspects of big-man politics is unclear and needs more research. In this regard the case studies give mere glimpses of how the three women performed during their tenure as mandated representatives. Gore was referred to the leadership tribunal for her inappropriate behaviour by shouting to a flight attendant in an aggressive tone, ‘Do you know who I am?’ The outburst could indicate a persona associated with big-man status in PNG politics, which can involve aggression.The cases of the three women may highlight the big-man political culture through their debates and arguments presented in the media. The behaviour of Soso in ignoring the court order to restore Solomon Tato as provincial administrator is an example of behaviour commonly associated with the big-man narrative. Kouza’s reluctance to negotiate with the LCA and her skirmish with Governor Naru is another example. It could be argued that the three women were treated as politicians and their behaviour matches that of other (male) politicians in PNG. The three women’s staunch defence of their actions was essential to preserve their big-man status. According to Ketan (2004) the achievement and maintenance of big-man status is paramount in ensuring continued support and social relations in traditional settings. It becomes even more necessary for a politician to maintain political support at the state level (Ketan 2004:209). The key findings above highlight how local politics pertaining to provincial and district matters affected the prospects of the three women MPs seeking re-election in 2017. The women were unable to strengthen their positions despite displaying some behaviours associated with big-man politicking in Papua New Guinea. Author notesRussel Yangin is a lecturer in political science at the University of Papua New Guinea. He was a participant in the 2018 Pacific Research Colloquium run by the Department of Pacific Affairs at The Australian National University.Endnotes1. For more information on big-man politics in PNG, see Ketan 2004: chapters 6–7. Thank you to the anonymous reviewer who suggested this source.2. National MPs are also part of their relevant provincial assembly and have greater powers in that role due to the discretionary funds they hold. However, presidents, councillors and youth representatives are often the agenda setters in the provincial legislature.3. The sort of information being circulated includes the passing of resolutions and progress on development issues. This point emerged from discussions the author has had with local leaders. ReferencesKetan, J. 2004. The Name Must Not Go Down: Political Competition and State–Society Relations in Mount Hagen, Papua New Guinea. Suva: USPReilly, B. and R. Phillpot 2002. Making Democracy Work in Papua New Guinea: Social Capital and Provincial Development in an Ethnically Fragmented Society. Asian Survey 42(6):906–27.Standish, B. 2007. The Dynamics of Papua New Guinea’s Democracy: An Essay. Pacific Economic Bulletin 22(1):135–57.

Political Leadership in Papua New Guinea: Three Women Parliamentarians Defeated in the 2017 Election: Part Two

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Political Leadership in Papua New Guinea: Three Women Parliamentarians Defeated in the 2017 Election: Part Two

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