Sex Differences in Effective Political Participation among Elected People's Representatives of the Rural Local Governance Units, Union Parishads, of Bangladesh : Workplace and Sexual Harrassment, and Cultural Hurdles to Female Participation

Abstract

The aim of this thesis, consisting of four published articles (Studies I–IV), was to explore sex differences in political participation and factors related to these sex differences among people’s representatives in the local governance of Bangladesh. In Study I, a paper-and-pencil questionnaire was completed by 680 (347 female, 333 male) representatives from Union Parishads, the rural local governance bodies of Bangladesh. The mean age of the participating women was 42.5 years (SD 6.5) and of the participating men 44.2 years (SD 6.3). In Studies II–IV, the sample was expanded to comprise 821 representatives (412 females, 409 males) from 128 Union Parishads, who filled in the same questionnaire. The mean age was 42.6 years (SD 6.4) for females and 43.9 (SD 6.2) for males. The questionnaire included scales for the measurement of (a) political participation, (b)workplace harassment (workplace bullying), (c) sexual harassment, (d) experienced cultural hurdles for female political participation, (e) family restrictions against political participation experienced by women, and (f) to what extent these restrictions were also noticed by men. Study I: The aim of this study was to investigate sex differences in effective political participation among 680 representatives in the rural local governance of Bangladesh, Union Parishads (sample described above). Four subscales related to political participation were analysed. Females scored significantly lower than males on the scales of having influence on political decisions, active political participation and initiatives, and political commissions of trust; they scored significantly higher than males on the victimisation from faulty meeting procedures. Influence on political decisions varied according to age group for females but not for males. Of the males, 94.7% participated in meetings regularly compared to only 30.1% of the females. Of the females, 16.9 % reported they were not informed about the time of the meetings, while this was the case for only 3.7% of the males. None of the committees used voting at the monthly meetings. Of the males, 94.9% reported that meeting decisions were taken through mutual understanding, while only 15.3% of the females were of that opinion. Of the females, 64.8% reported that decisions were taken by the chairman alone, and 19.9% of them that decisions were taken by the chairman and male members only. Study II: The aim of the study was to explore the relationship between victimisation from workplace harassment and political participation among 821 elected peoples’ representatives to the rural local governance, namely the Union Parishads in Bangladesh (sample described above). The sample was the same as in Studies III and IV, and the questionnaire the same as in all four studies. In this study, the scales for the measurement of political participation and workplace harassment (workplace bullying) were applied. The scale measuring workplace harassment had six subscales measuring different types of harassment. The results showed that women were significantly more victimised from verbal, nonverbal, and rational-appearing aggression, social isolation, and indirect social manipulation than men. For women, the most common type of victimisation was rational-appearing aggression, followed by social isolation, and verbal aggression. For men, the most common type of victimisation was from verbal aggression, all the other types of victimisation appeared rarely. Representatives with low political participation scored significantly higher than those with high participation on all six types of harassment. Five of the six types predicted active political participation negatively. Women were more victimised from five types of workplace harassment than men. Victimisation from workplace harassment predicted low political participation. Study III: The aim of the study was to investigate differences between reports of victimisation from sexual harassment by females and awareness of ongoing sexual harassment of female representatives among their male colleagues. The sample was the same as in Studies II and IV, and the same questionnaire was used. Sexual harassment was measured with the Sexual Harassment Experience Questionnaire, measuring different types of sexual harassment. For all types of sexual harassment, reports by females on how often they were victimised were significantly higher than reports by males about how often they had observed female colleagues being harassed. Females 29−45 years of age were significantly more victimised from all types of sexual harassment than those 51−61 years old. Males 56−61 years of age scored higher than other males on observations of female victimisation from all types of sexual harassment. Females reported victimisation from verbal sexual harassment to be the most common type, followed by nonverbal harassment, and sexual harassment based on social manipulation; the least common type was victimisation from physical sexual harassment. Conclusively, great discrepancies were found between reports by females of victimisation from sexual harassment in the Union Parishads and awareness of the ongoing sexual harassment by their male colleagues. Study IV: The aim of the study was to investigate cultural hurdles and family restrictions on female political participation among representatives to the Union Parishads of Bangladesh. The sample consisted of 821 representatives and was the same as in Studies II and III, and the instrument was the same as in the other studies. The scales used in this study were for the measurement of political participation and for the experiences of females and observations by males regarding cultural hurdles and family restrictions on female political participation. The amount of both cultural hurdles and family restrictions experienced by female representatives were significantly higher than the amounts their male colleagues had observed. Women with low levels of political participation had experienced high levels of cultural hurdles and low levels of family restrictions. Women with high levels of political participation experienced low levels of cultural hurdles and high levels of family restrictions. For females, age correlated negatively with cultural hurdles but not with family restrictions. Conclusively, female political participation in the Union Parishads of Bangladesh is hampered by both cultural hurdles and family restrictions. Male colleagues did not observe the full amount of hurdles that the female representatives experienced. It may be concluded that despite recent legislative measures, women representatives still face far more difficulties than their male colleagues, and that female political participation needs to be improved further in Bangladesh