Since the first contacts, the ’lowlands’ of South America have been defined in a residual way, as the term referred to all the regions that do not belong to the Andes: the immense Amazon, the Chaco, Patagonia and the Atlantic coast. In fact, the lowlands were thought of as a sort of negative image of the picture that Andean societies presented to the conquistadores: like Central America, with its kings and nobles, its numerous armies, its productive surpluses and its monumental constructions, the Andes and its inhabitants offered an exotic image, certainly. But it was also one that was more understandable or, at the very least, easier to identify: the image of a consolidated state, of farming and sedentary peoples, with a certain demographic density, and more familiar to Europeans. Therefore it is not surprising that in trying to understand the peoples who lived east of the Andes, beyond the Piedmont, European observers most often recycled the prejudices, generic categories and stereotypes of savagery or barbarity that were held by the Andean peoples themselves, who thought of the peoples of the lowlands through the reductive prism of the ’Anti’, the ’Chuncho’ or the ’Chiriguano’ – all generic and contemptuous terms, equivalent to our ’savages’ or ’barbarians’.Fil: Combes de Guzman, Isabelle. Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Antropológicas; Bolivia. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos; Perú. Universidad de Barcelona; EspañaFil: Córdoba, Lorena Isabel. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Ciencias Antropológicas. Sección de Etnología y Etnografía; Argentina. Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Antropológicas; Bolivia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; ArgentinaFil: Villar, Diego. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Ciencias Antropológicas; Argentina. Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Antropológicas; Bolivia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

Combes de Guzman, Isabelle

Córdoba, Lorena Isabel

Villar, Diego

English

Abstract: Since the first contacts, the ’lowlands’ of South America have been defined in a residual way,
as the term referred to all the regions that do not belong to the Andes: the immense
Amazon, the Chaco, Patagonia and the Atlantic coast. In fact, the lowlands were thought of
as a sort of negative image of the picture that Andean societies presented to the
conquistadores: like Central America, with its kings and nobles, its numerous armies, its
productive surpluses and its monumental constructions, the Andes and its inhabitants
offered an exotic image, certainly. But it was also one that was more understandable or, at
the very least, easier to identify: the image of a consolidated state, of farming and sedentary
peoples, with a certain demographic density, and more familiar to Europeans. Therefore it is
not surprising that in trying to understand the peoples who lived east of the Andes, beyond
the Piedmont, European observers most often recycled the prejudices, generic categories
and stereotypes of savagery or barbarity that were held by the Andean peoples themselves,
who thought of the peoples of the lowlands through the reductive prism of the ’Anti’, the
’Chuncho’ or the ’Chiriguano’ – all generic and contemptuous terms, equivalent to our
’savages’ or ’barbarians’

Combès, Isabelle

Institutional Repository UCA

Anthropology of the South American Lowlands

LAReferencia - Red Federada de Repositorios Institucionales de Publicaciones Científicas Latinoamericanas

Encyclopédie internationaledes histoires de l’anthropologieAnthropology of the South AmericanLowlandsIsabelle CombèsIFEA, CIHA - Santa Cruz de la Sierra, TEIAA BarcelonaLorena CórdobaCONICET/UBA, ArgentinaCIHA, BoliviaDiego VillarCONICET, Buenos Aires / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra2020Pour citer cet articleCombès, Isabelle, Lorena Córdoba & Diego Villar, 2020. “Anthropology of the South AmericanLowlands”, in Bérose - Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l'anthropologie, Paris.URL Bérose : article2131.htmlConsulté le 10 décembre 2020 à 17h14minPublication Bérose : ISSN 2648-2770© IIAC-LAHIC, CNRS / Ministère de la Culture. Direction des Patrimoines. (Tous droits réservés)Votre utilisation de cet article présuppose votre acceptation des conditions d'utilisation des contenus du site de Bérose(www.berose.fr), accessibles ici.Encyclopédie internationaledes histoires de l'anthropologie1 / 4Combès, Isabelle, Lorena Córdoba & Diego Villar, 2020. “Anthropology of the SouthAmerican Lowlands”, in BEROSE - International Encyclopaedia of the Histories ofAnthropology, Paris.Publié dans le cadre du thème de recherche « Anthropologie des basses terres sud-américaines », dirigé par Isabelle Combès (IFEA / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra / TEIAABarcelona), Lorena Cordoba (CONICET, Buenos Aires / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra) et DiegoVillar (CONICET, Buenos Aires / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra).Since the first contacts, the ’lowlands’ of South America have been defined in a residual way,as the term referred to all the regions that do not belong to the Andes: the immenseAmazon, the Chaco, Patagonia and the Atlantic coast. In fact, the lowlands were thought ofas a sort of negative image of the picture that Andean societies presented to theconquistadores: like Central America, with its kings and nobles, its numerous armies, itsproductive surpluses and its monumental constructions, the Andes and its inhabitantsoffered an exotic image, certainly. But it was also one that was more understandable or, atthe very least, easier to identify: the image of a consolidated state, of farming and sedentarypeoples, with a certain demographic density, and more familiar to Europeans. Therefore it isnot surprising that in trying to understand the peoples who lived east of the Andes, beyondthe Piedmont, European observers most often recycled the prejudices, generic categoriesand stereotypes of savagery or barbarity that were held by the Andean peoples themselves,who thought of the peoples of the lowlands through the reductive prism of the ’Anti’, the’Chuncho’ or the ’Chiriguano’ – all generic and contemptuous terms, equivalent to our’savages’ or ’barbarians’.A large part of this imagery of otherness – whose most complete paradigm is perhaps theJesuit proto-ethnography of José de Acosta (1985 [1590]), or that of Martin Dobrizhoffer(1968 [1784]) – has survived in the observations accumulated by missionaries, naturalists,government officials, adventurers and explorers. During the colonial era and then in the19th century after the South American Independencies, they entered Native American landsfor various reasons and recorded their experiences in writing. In doing so, consciously orunconsciously, these characters became the ancestors of South American lowlandanthropology and ethnohistory. However, the canonical opposition between Andean’civilization’ (associated en bloc with complexity and social differentiation, centralization andhierarchy) and lowland ’barbarism’ (associated with simplicity, atomization, autarchy oregalitarianism) is not the only prejudice that marked the colonial exegesis of South Americanotherness. Beyond the recognition of the exuberance of the natural environment and thediversity of the indigenous landscape of the lowlands – linguistic families of a surprisingextent, hundreds of languages and an extremely polychrome cultural heritage – the work ofthe ’classical’ ancestors of South American ethnology, such as Erland Nordenskiöld (2001Encyclopédie internationaledes histoires de l'anthropologie2 / 4[1924], 2002 [1910], 2003 [1922]), Karl von den Steinen (1894), Curt Nimuendajú (1987[1914]) or Alfred Métraux (1930, 1946), shows that other notorious prejudices havepersisted to a greater or lesser extent. One thinks of implicit evolutionary theories,explanations by the diffusion of cultural traits, or a certain typological inclination, not tomention certain utopian idealizations: primitive communism, the good savage, the smallcommunity, the Natürvolker and the ecological indigenous peoples.Once the institutional professionalization of the discipline of anthropology was consolidatedduring the first half of the 20th century, particularly in Europe and the United States,thematic sedimentation continued its singular drift. The icon of canonization is undoubtedlythe grandiose synthesis imposed by the Handbook of South American Indians edited byJulian Steward (1946-1950), with its cultural ecology which recycles thematic keys whoseorigin could be traced to the Jesuit proto-ethnography: the classification of South Americainto ’cultural areas’, the environment considered as a limiting factor of human adaptation,and the consequent evolutionary levels of social integration. Following the heuristic leapcaused, twenty years later, by the cryptic Mythologiques of Claude Lévi-Strauss (1964-1971),the construction of the anthropological canon gave rise to a kind of exponential explosion ofstudies devoted to the lowlands of South America in the last quarter of the twentiethcentury: a new anthropological imaginary of the lowlands emerged, characterized byecological diversity but also by the variability of its history and its social, linguistic andethnic complexity, by the search for synergy between structural and historical explanationsand by the preference – more programmatic than real – for interdisciplinary synthesis. In thisnew landscape, evolutionary, functionalist or structuralist readings have had to learn tocoexist with studies of ethnogenesis and ethnicity, with historical anthropology and with thedeconstructionist critique of postmodern anthropology, gender studies, postcolonial studiesand even the current fashion of the ontological turn, while gradually integrating indigenousscholars themselves, who are increasingly successful in transcending the networks ofintercultural intermediation.Far from the monochromatic and insular reason attributed to essentialisms, and seeking toavoid metonymic explanations that reduce social complexity to mono-causal formulas (theenvironment, constituent otherness, the state, cosmology), contemporary analysisincreasingly calls upon an imagination that imposes the fluid realities of hybridization,crossbreeding or multilingualism. It also seems that the opposition between the lowlandsand the highlands as independent, even antagonistic universes belongs to the past. In thisunprecedented context, lowland anthropology continues to gain ground in the generalistarena, even daring to rebuild some of the ancient comparative bridges with Central America,North America, Melanesia or North Asia. At the same time, it needs to elucidate its owninternal heterogeneity, since Guyana is obviously not the Chaco or Mato Grosso, the Río de laPlata basin or Patagonia. And finally, light remains to be shed on a whole range ofepistemological nuances generated by academic geopolitics: the colonial residue in thedoctrine of the discipline, or the respective weight of national academies and schools,scientific networks, or even the South American languages themselves in shapinganthropological problems.In a world of increasing professionalisation and globalisation, which produces an almostexcessive bibliography, the research theme ’Anthropology of the Lowlands of South America’Encyclopédie internationaledes histoires de l'anthropologie3 / 4seeks to collectively retrace the process of historical formation of disciplinary lineages,thematic axes and their respective heterodoxies, taking as much interest in the life, workand production contexts of renowned authors as in those of other forgotten or little-knownfigures in anthropology. Our desire is to reconstruct the most plural genealogy possible ofthe individuals, networks, trends and institutions that have contributed to shaping ourknowledge and current views of the South American lowlands.Recommended bibliographyAcosta, José de, 1985 [1590]. Historia natural y moral de las Indias, México, Fondo deCultura Económica.Carneiro da Cunha, Manuela (éd.), 1992. História dos Índios no Brasil, São Paulo, Companhiadas Letras.Córdoba, Lorena, Bossert, Federico & Nicolás Richard (éds.), 2015. Capitalismo en las selvas.Enclaves industriales en el Chaco y Amazonía indígenas (1850-1950), San Pedro de Atacama,Ediciones del Desierto.Descola, Philippe & Anne-Christine Taylor, 1993. « Introduction », L’Homme, 126-128 (« LaRemontée de l’Amazone ») : 13-24.Dobrizhoffer, Martín, 1968 [1784]. Historia de los abipones, 3 vols, Resistencia, UniversidadNacional del Nordeste.Gregor, Thomas & Daniel Tuzin (éds.), 2001. Gender in Amazonia and Melanesia : anExploration of the Comparative Method, Berkeley, University of California Press.Hill, Jonathan & Fernando Santos Granero (éds.), 2002. Comparative Arawakan Histories.Rethinking Languages Family and Cultural Area in Amazonia, Urbana, University of IllinoisPress.Hornborg, Alf, 1988. Dualism and Hierarchy in Lowland South America. Trajectories ofIndigenous Social Organization, Stockholm, Almqvist & Wiksell.Hornborg, Alf & Jonathan Hill (éds.), 2011. Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia: ReconstructingPast Identities from Archaeology, Linguistics, and Ethnohistory, Boulder, Colorado UniversityPress.Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 1964-1971. Mythologiques, 4 vols., Paris, Plon.Maybury-Lewis, David (éd.), 1979. Dialectical Societies: the Gê and Bororo of Central Brazil,Cambridge, Harvard University Press.Métraux Alfred, 1928. La religion des Tupinamba et ses rapports avec celle des autres tribustupi-guarani, Paris, E. Leroux.Métraux Alfred, 1946. “Ethnography of the Chaco”, in Julian Steward (dir.), Handbook ofSouth American Indians, Washington, Smithsonian Institution, vol 1 : 197-370.Encyclopédie internationaledes histoires de l'anthropologie4 / 4Nimuendajú, Curt Unkel, 1987 [1914]. As lendas da criação e destruição do mundo comofundamentos da Religião dos Apapocúva-Guaraní, São Paulo, HUCITEC/Universidade de SãoPaulo.Nordenskiöld, Erland, 2001 [1924]. Exploraciones y aventuras en Sudamérica, La Paz,APCOB-Plural.Nordenskiöld, Erland, 2002 [1910]. La vida de los indios. El Gran Chaco (Sudamérica), La Paz,APCOB-Plural.Nordenskiöld, Erland, 2003 [1922]. Indios y blancos en el Nordeste de Bolivia, La Paz,APCOB-Plural.Renard-Casevitz, France-Marie, Saignes, Thierry & Anne-Christine Taylor, 1986. L’Inca,l’Espagnol et les Sauvages. Rapports entre les sociétés amazoniennes et andines du XVº auXVIIº siècle, Paris, Recherches sur les Civilisations.Rivière, Peter, 1984. Individual and Society in Guiana, Cambridge, Cambridge UniversityPress.Salomon, Frank & Stuart Schwartz (éds.), 1999. The Cambridge History of the Native Peoplesof the Americas, vol. 3. Cambridge, Cambridge UP.Steinen, Karl von den, 1894. Unter Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, Berlin, Hofer & Vohsen.Steward, Julian (éd.), 1946-1950. Handbook of South American Indians, 6 vols, Washington,Smithsonian Institution.Steward, Julian & Louis Faron, 1959. Native Peoples of South America, New York, McGraw-Hill.Susnik, Branislava, 1994. Interpretación etnocultural de la complejidad sudamericanaantigua: Formación y dispersión étnica, Asunción, Museo Etnográfico Andrés Barbero.Villar, Diego & Isabelle Combès (éds.), 2012. Las tierras bajas de Bolivia: miradas históricas yantropológicas, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, El País - Museo de Historia de la UniversidadAutónoma Gabriel René Moreno.Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo, 1996. “Images of nature and society in Amazonian ethnology”,Annual Review of Anthropology, 25: 179-200.

Combès, Isabelle, Lorena Córdoba &amp; Diego Villar, 2020. Anthropology of the South American Lowlands - Anthropologie des basses terres de l'Amérique du Sud - Antropología de las tierras bajas sudamericanas (Bérose - Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l ́anthropologie, Paris

CORDOBA, Lorena

Isabelle Combes

Archivio istituzionale della ricerca - Università degli Studi di Venezia Ca' Foscari

1 / 5Anthropology of the South American LowlandsLorena CórdobaCONICET/UCA, ArgentinaCIHA, BoliviaDiego VillarIICS/CONICET-UCA, ArgentinaIsabelle CombèsIFEA, CIHA - Santa Cruz de la Sierra, TEIAA Barcelona2020TO CITE THIS ARTICLECombès, Isabelle, Lorena Córdoba & Diego Villar, 2020. “Anthropology of the South American Lowlands”, inBEROSE International Encyclopaedia of the Histories of Anthropology, Paris.URL BEROSE: article2131.htmlBEROSE Publisher: ISSN 2648-2770© UMR9022 Héritages (CY Cergy Paris Université, CNRS, Ministère de la culture)/DIRI, Direction générale despatrimoines et de l'architecture du Ministère de la culture. (All rights reserved).Your use of this article indicates your acceptance of the Bérose site (www.berose.fr) terms and conditions ofuse, available here.Visited on 7 March 2022 at 15:09Published as part of the research theme “Anthropology of the South American Lowlands”, directed byIsabelle Combès (IIFEA / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra / TEIAA Barcelona), Lorena Cordoba(CONICET/UCA, Buenos Aires / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra) and Diego Villar (CONICET/UCA, BuenosAires / CIHA, Santa Cruz de la Sierra)Since the first contacts, the ’lowlands’ of South America have been defined in a residual way,as the term referred to all the regions that do not belong to the Andes: the immense Amazon,the Chaco, Patagonia and the Atlantic coast. In fact, the lowlands were thought of as a sort ofnegative image of the picture that Andean societies presented to the conquistadores: likeCentral America, with its kings and nobles, its numerous armies, its productive surplusesand its monumental constructions, the Andes and its inhabitants offered an exotic image,certainly. But it was also one that was more understandable or, at the very least, easier toidentify: the image of a consolidated state, of farming and sedentary peoples, with a certaindemographic density, and more familiar to Europeans. Therefore it is not surprising that intrying  to  understand  the  peoples  who  lived  east  of  the  Andes,  beyond  the  Piedmont,European observers most often recycled the prejudices, generic categories and stereotypes ofsavagery or barbarity that were held by the Andean peoples themselves, who thought of thepeoples  of  the lowlands through the reductive prism of  the ’Anti’,  the ’Chuncho’  or  the’Chiriguano’  –  all  generic  and  contemptuous  terms,  equivalent  to  our  ’savages’  or’barbarians’.2 / 5A large part of this imagery of otherness – whose most complete paradigm is perhaps theJesuit proto-ethnography of José de Acosta (1985 [1590]), or that of Martin Dobrizhoffer (1968[1784])  –  has  survived  in  the  observations  accumulated  by  missionaries,  naturalists,government officials, adventurers and explorers. During the colonial era and then in the 19thcentury after the South American Independencies, they entered Native American lands forvarious  reasons  and  recorded  their  experiences  in  writing.  In  doing  so,  consciously  orunconsciously,  these  characters  became  the  ancestors  of  South  American  lowlandanthropology  and  ethnohistory.  However,  the  canonical  opposition  between  Andean’civilization’ (associated en bloc with complexity and social differentiation, centralizationand hierarchy) and lowland ’barbarism’ (associated with simplicity, atomization, autarchy oregalitarianism) is not the only prejudice that marked the colonial exegesis of South Americanotherness. Beyond the recognition of the exuberance of the natural environment and thediversity of the indigenous landscape of the lowlands – linguistic families of a surprisingextent, hundreds of languages and an extremely polychrome cultural heritage – the work ofthe ’classical’  ancestors of South American ethnology, such as Erland Nordenskiöld (2001[1924], 2002 [1910], 2003 [1922]), Karl von den Steinen (1894), Curt Nimuendajú (1987 [1914]) orAlfred Métraux (1930, 1946), shows that other notorious prejudices have persisted to a greateror lesser extent. One thinks of implicit evolutionary theories, explanations by the diffusion ofcultural  traits,  or  a  certain  typological  inclination,  not  to  mention  certain  utopianidealizations: primitive communism, the good savage, the small community, the Natürvolkerand the ecological indigenous peoples.Once the institutional professionalization of the discipline of anthropology was consolidatedduring  the  first  half  of  the  20th  century,  particularly  in  Europe  and  the  United  States,thematic sedimentation continued its singular drift. The icon of canonization is undoubtedlythe grandiose synthesis imposed by the Handbook of South American Indians edited by JulianSteward (1946-1950),  with its cultural  ecology which recycles thematic keys whose origincould be traced to the Jesuit proto-ethnography: the classification of South America into’cultural areas’, the environment considered as a limiting factor of human adaptation, andthe consequent evolutionary levels of social integration. Following the heuristic leap caused,twenty  years  later,  by  the  cryptic  Mythologiques  of  Claude  Lévi-Strauss  (1964-1971),  theconstruction of the anthropological canon gave rise to a kind of exponential explosion ofstudies devoted to the lowlands of South America in the last quarter of the twentieth century:a  new  anthropological  imaginary  of  the  lowlands  emerged,  characterized  by  ecologicaldiversity  but  also  by  the  variability  of  its  history  and  its  social,  linguistic  and  ethniccomplexity, by the search for synergy between structural and historical explanations and bythe preference – more programmatic than real – for interdisciplinary synthesis. In this newlandscape, evolutionary, functionalist or structuralist readings have had to learn to coexistwith  studies  of  ethnogenesis  and  ethnicity,  with  historical  anthropology  and  with  thedeconstructionist critique of postmodern anthropology, gender studies, postcolonial studiesand even the current fashion of the ontological turn, while gradually integrating indigenousscholars  themselves,  who  are  increasingly  successful  in  transcending  the  networks  of3 / 5intercultural intermediation.Far from the monochromatic and insular reason attributed to essentialisms, and seeking toavoid metonymic explanations that reduce social complexity to mono-causal formulas (theenvironment,  constituent  otherness,  the  state,  cosmology),  contemporary  analysisincreasingly  calls  upon an imagination that  imposes the fluid realities  of  hybridization,crossbreeding or multilingualism. It also seems that the opposition between the lowlandsand the highlands as independent, even antagonistic universes belongs to the past. In thisunprecedented context, lowland anthropology continues to gain ground in the generalistarena, even daring to rebuild some of the ancient comparative bridges with Central America,North America, Melanesia or North Asia. At the same time, it needs to elucidate its owninternal heterogeneity, since Guyana is obviously not the Chaco or Mato Grosso, the Río de laPlata  basin  or  Patagonia.  And  finally,  light  remains  to  be  shed  on  a  whole  range  ofepistemological  nuances  generated  by  academic  geopolitics:  the  colonial  residue  in  thedoctrine  of  the  discipline,  or  the  respective  weight  of  national  academies  and  schools,scientific  networks,  or  even  the  South  American  languages  themselves  in  shapinganthropological problems.In a world of increasing professionalisation and globalisation, which produces an almostexcessive bibliography, the research theme ’Anthropology of the Lowlands of South America’seeks  to  collectively  retrace  the  process  of  historical  formation  of  disciplinary  lineages,thematic axes and their respective heterodoxies, taking as much interest in the life, work andproduction contexts of  renowned authors as in those of  other forgotten or little-knownfigures in anthropology. Our desire is to reconstruct the most plural genealogy possible ofthe  individuals,  networks,  trends  and  institutions  that  have  contributed  to  shaping  ourknowledge and current views of the South American lowlands.Recommended bibliographyAcosta, José de, 1985 [1590]. Historia natural y moral de las Indias, México, Fondo de CulturaEconómica.Carneiro da Cunha, Manuela (éd.), 1992. História dos Índios no Brasil, São Paulo, Companhiadas Letras.Córdoba, Lorena, Bossert, Federico & Nicolás Richard (éds.), 2015. Capitalismo en las selvas.Enclaves  industriales  en  el  Chaco  y  Amazonía  indígenas  (1850-1950),  San  Pedro  de  Atacama,Ediciones del Desierto.Descola, Philippe & Anne-Christine Taylor, 1993. « Introduction », L’Homme, 126-128 (« LaRemontée de l’Amazone ») : 13-24.Dobrizhoffer, Martín, 1968 [1784]. Historia de los abipones, 3 vols, Resistencia, UniversidadNacional del Nordeste.Gregor, Thomas & Daniel Tuzin (éds.), 2001. Gender in Amazonia and Melanesia : an Exploration4 / 5of the Comparative Method, Berkeley, University of California Press.Hill,  Jonathan & Fernando Santos Granero (éds.),  2002.  Comparative  Arawakan  Histories.Rethinking  Languages  Family  and  Cultural  Area  in  Amazonia,  Urbana,  University  of  IllinoisPress.Hornborg, Alf, 1988. Dualism and Hierarchy in Lowland South America. Trajectories of IndigenousSocial Organization, Stockholm, Almqvist & Wiksell.Hornborg, Alf & Jonathan Hill (éds.), 2011. Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia: Reconstructing PastIdentities from Archaeology, Linguistics, and Ethnohistory, Boulder, Colorado University Press.Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 1964-1971. Mythologiques, 4 vols., Paris, Plon.Maybury-Lewis,  David  (éd.),  1979.  Dialectical  Societies:  the  Gê  and  Bororo  of  Central  Brazil,Cambridge, Harvard University Press.Métraux Alfred, 1928. La religion des Tupinamba et ses rapports avec celle des autres tribus tupi-guarani, Paris, E. Leroux.Métraux Alfred, 1946. “Ethnography of the Chaco”, in Julian Steward (dir.), Handbook of SouthAmerican Indians, Washington, Smithsonian Institution, vol 1 : 197-370.Nimuendajú,  Curt  Unkel,  1987  [1914].  As  lendas  da  criação  e  destruição  do  mundo  comofundamentos  da  Religião  dos  Apapocúva-Guaraní,  São Paulo,  HUCITEC/Universidade de SãoPaulo.Nordenskiöld, Erland, 2001 [1924]. Exploraciones y aventuras en Sudamérica, La Paz, APCOB-Plural.Nordenskiöld, Erland, 2002 [1910]. La vida de los indios. El Gran Chaco (Sudamérica), La Paz,APCOB-Plural.Nordenskiöld, Erland, 2003 [1922]. Indios y blancos en el Nordeste de Bolivia, La Paz, APCOB-Plural.Renard-Casevitz,  France-Marie,  Saignes,  Thierry  &  Anne-Christine  Taylor,  1986.  L’Inca,l’Espagnol et les Sauvages. Rapports entre les sociétés amazoniennes et andines du XVº au XVIIº siècle,Paris, Recherches sur les Civilisations.Rivière, Peter, 1984. Individual and Society in Guiana, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Salomon, Frank & Stuart Schwartz (éds.), 1999. The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples ofthe Americas, vol. 3. Cambridge, Cambridge UP.Steinen, Karl von den, 1894. Unter Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, Berlin, Hofer & Vohsen.Steward, Julian (éd.),  1946-1950. Handbook  of  South  American  Indians,  6  vols,  Washington,5 / 5Smithsonian Institution.Steward, Julian & Louis Faron, 1959. Native Peoples of South America, New York, McGraw-Hill.Susnik,  Branislava,  1994.  Interpretación  etnocultural  de  la  complejidad  sudamericana  antigua:Formación y dispersión étnica, Asunción, Museo Etnográfico Andrés Barbero.Villar, Diego & Isabelle Combès (éds.), 2012. Las tierras bajas de Bolivia: miradas históricas yantropológicas,  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Sierra,  El  País  -  Museo  de  Historia  de  la  UniversidadAutónoma Gabriel René Moreno.Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo, 1996. “Images of nature and society in Amazonian ethnology”,Annual Review of Anthropology, 25: 179-200.

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