Paper presented at the Wits History Workshop:  The TRC; Commissioning the Past, 11-14 June, 199

Mufamadi, Thembeka

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ffflA Reflection on the Process of Research and Writing on HumanRights Violations in VendaWorking paper - Thembeka MufamadiIntroductionThe paper focuses on the process of research and writing on humanrights abuses in Venda. It deals with problems encountered whenconducting research on human rights violations in Venda. It alsoconcentrates on the challenges faced in writing up a history of repressionand resistance which led to the perpetration of those human rights abusesthere.An attempt is made to look among other things at questions of timeframe; the level of readiness and openness by South Africans to comeforward to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Moreimportantly, the paper tries to interrogate the nature of sources ofinformation in reconstructing that past.The TRC was mandated to investigate and document gross human rightsviolations which occurred in and outside the country, over a period ofthirty-four years. The commission had to complete such an enormoustask within a limited space of about two and a half years. It set up variousdepartments such as statement taking; data capturing; investigation,research and so on, with specific functions which were performed inorder to report and record that past. The TRC's final report providesaccounts of the functions of these departments.1 This paper focusesspecifically on constraints with regard to the proceedings of research andwriting of human rights in Venda.Time ConstraintsIn places such as Venda which were covered by the commission, theresearcher had approximately about four to six weeks in which to collectdata and produce research documents. The researcher had to research andproduce a very short (one or two page) document outlining key localpolitical events such as:' Check Volume One Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report, chapter 11 & I 2The primary functions of the researchers are outlined in pp 374-381• the 1979 Venda independence:• the 1981 Bomb blast at Sibasa ;• the 1989 Ritual or medicine killings and so on .The purpose of the outline document was to assist the commissioners;committee members, statement takers,; investigators and others to havesome idea about the political history of the area. This was a critical initialproceeding of the commission. The outline document was therefore anextremely important piece of information particularly to commissionersand committee members who had to go and introduce the work of thecommission to various stake holders.The outline was equally important to statement takers who had to go toVenda and obtain submissions reflecting violations from variousgroupings such as supporters of the liberation movements, the Vendagovernment, and official Venda opposition. Pressed with time, it took acouple of days to a week to look, find relevant data and compile such acritical piece of information. This consequently affected the quality ofresearch and writing on human rights violations to be elaborated uponlater.The second major research document produced, contained relativelydetailed information. It had a Venda chronology, specific events andthemes such as :• the Formation of Venda Students Association;• the Role of the Church;• Venda independence in 1979• The role of the Church• Underground Operations;• Ritual Killings and so on.These events and themes dealt with the historical and political contextwithin which human rights violations took place. This documentprovided the commissioners with a 'fuller', chronological and thematicpolitical history of the area. It helped to contextualise the statementswhich were received from the victims of human rights violations.The role played by the Lutheran Church in politics in Venda is oneexample. It was gathered that around 1976-1977, politically consciousChristians in Venda formed the Bold and Evangelical ChristianOrganisation (BECO). BECO was aimed at furthering the struggleagainst Apartheid. Pastors and members claimed to have worked closelywith student movements and other structures, to fight for politicalliberation from the old South African and later Venda regimes. Churchessuch as the Beuster Centre were used as venues for political meetings. Asa result, the old regimes saw the church serving as a front for theliberation organisations.2The TRC received a number of submissions from former members of theLutheran Church. Tshifiwa Isaac Muofhe who was the president ofBECO, a member of the Lutheran Church and allegedly an undergroundagent of the ANC, was arrested and detained several times by both theSouth African and Venda police in 1977 and 1978.3When a bomb exploded at Sibasa police station in October 1981, theVenda police received information that the MK cadres who planted thebomb had been accommodated at Beuster Centre. Beuster is locatedwithin five kilometres from Thohoyandou. Several people includingMuofhe and three pastors Simon Farisani, Petrus Phaswane4 and PhineasPhosiwa5 were arrested and detained for this event.Muofhe was severely tortured and he eventually died in police custody.His corpse was found in a sitting position in a toilet. A post mortemperformed indicated that his death was caused from internal bleeding.Members of the Venda security force, Captain Ramaligela and ConstableManaga were subsequently charged for his murder. They were found notguilty and were discharged after an inquest which was held at the Sibasamagistrate court in August 1982.6 The TRC however found themresponsible for Muofhe's death and for gross violations of human rights.7Yet the credibility of the above historical account was largely influencedby the sources employed during the process of research and writing onhuman rights abuses in Venda. The nature of sources is the pertinentquestion to be explored in the following section.2 Interview with Z. Nevhutalu, 26/8/2996Interview with S. Farisani, 30/10/1996' Matamela Annah Dladlama, IIRV statement, (JB/00S40 NPVEN)4For their submissions, See TRC of South Africa Report, Volume 3, pp 586 -588' Phineas Phosiwa, HRV statement, (JB/0IS0/02NPVEN)TRC Human Rights Violation Transcript, Venda Hearing, 4/10/19966 Ibid.7 TRC of South African Report, Volume 3, p588NATURE OF SOURCESLimited Media CoverageReflecting on the actual process of researching and writing on humanrights abuses, there was very little media coverage on Venda.Newspapers such as The Star, the Sowetan and so on did not have anoffice or representatives in Venda. This is possibly becausegeographically, Venda is a peripheral and predominantly rural area.The level of high repression particularly after the Venda independence in1979, is another possible explanation of limited media coverage.Journalists from outside homelands were often restricted from coveringso-called independent homeland news. This was the case certainly inBophuthatswana under Lucas Mangope's rule. Perhaps it was a similarcase in Venda under Patrick Mphephu.The lack of media coverage in Venda compared with other placeselsewhere explains why the country and the world new little aboutpolitical developments of that area. For example cases of people such asAlfred Denga, Samuel Radamba, Samuel Mugivhela and others didnot receive much if any media coverage. Yet they reflected extremelyimportant political events in Venda.These people were black farmers who owned orchards that producedfruits, vegetables and tobacco. It was gathered that the farmers wererecruited to the ANC underground operation network. The large pieces oflands the farmers owned enabled the freedom fighters to hide and toestablish arms caches with minimal detection, in those orchards. Thesefarmers also assisted in transporting the freedom fighters to cross theborders. These farmers sold their products to other farmers in areas suchas the then Rhodesia and Botswana. Behind this trade, the Venda farmerscommunicated with the liberation movement representatives in exile.They passed on information on what was happening inside the country.They also received banned literature to bring back in the country.8Denga and others were arrested by the Venda police in 1983. They weredetained and accused of assisting ANC 'terrorists' and were charged' Interview with Rashaka Ratshitanga, 14/011997under section 3 of the Terrorism Act. Others were charged under InternalSecurity Act of 1982. Some were found guilty of treason.9The commission received a statement from Denga's wife. Denga himselfis presently mentally handicapped as a result of severe torture by theVenda security members. He was arrested because he helped intransporting three ANC cadres from Thohoyandou to Tshihwadza, up inthe mountains, where they were to be taken to cross to Zimbabwe. Dengawas taken by police officers Managa and Nemakonde to Masisi PoliceStation in Mutale. His wife reported that Denga was locked up, keptalone in a dirty cell and was given food mixed with faeces. For thatreason he refused to eat for several weeks. When he was released thefollowing year (1984) in March, he came back permanently mentallyderanged. l0Samuel Mugivhela was also arrested by the Venda and the South AfricanPolice, for harbouring and feeding "terrorists" in his orchard. Thesubmission was made to the commission by his wives and brother. Theytold the commission how police, including white police came to searchthe orchard for weaponry and machines. They described how they(wives) were interrogated to find out whether they were cooking for the"terrorists"." Mugivhela died in detention on the 20 January 1984. TheVenda National Force refused to take responsibility for his death. Theyclaimed that he died from diabetes or typhoid.12 His brother howeverbelieves that he was beaten up as his neck seemed to have been strangledbefore he died.13It is possible that if these incidents had taken place elsewhere in the oldRepublic of South Africa, they would have been covered prominently.Also important and peculiar about these historical accounts, is thepersons providing the information. This is the subject of the next section.Constraints with Primary sourcesIn the case of Alfred Denga, we got to know that he was involved inclandestine operations with the ANC. It is unlikely that he informed his" Race Relations Survey, 1984, pp 549-55210 Tshinane Denga, HRV statement, (JB/OI4I4/02VEN)TRC Human Right Violation transcript, 3/10/1996" Tshivhase Nlsundeni Sophia, HRV statement, (JB/0I361/02NPVEN)12 Race Relations Surveys, 1984, pp 549-55211 Edward Mugivhela, HRV statement, (JB/02024/02NPVEN)wife Tshinane about such activities. Notwithstanding its value,Tshinane's account of events is limited. With Denga mentally disabled,the whole truth of what happened at the time, will possibly never beknown.With Samuel Mugivhela's case as well, it is from his wives and brotherthat we hear more about his death in police custody. Similarly to Denga,we can only speculate whether Mugivhela's family members were awareof his secretive involvement in the ANC underground network. Theaccount the TRC obtained is thus incomplete, even though one couldnever take away its worthiness in reconstructing the past.Gathering information on underground operations unavoidably presenteda number of problems to the process of research and writing on humanrights violations in Venda. The questions of anonymity and reluctance totalk came up.AnonymityAs there was very little written documentation available, oral interviewswere conducted to obtain more information on the political developmentsof the area. One of the key happening was the granting of politicalindependence to Venda in 1979. This posed a serious problem tofreedom fighters as Venda and other homelands located along the borderareas were used as 'springboards' to flee and infiltrate the country. Wegot to know about some black farmers who were involved in the ANCunderground structures.However, information on how the underground cells were set up, howthey functioned, who was involved, accounts of specific events such asthe 1981 bomb blast at Sibasa police station was withheld. Theinterviewees felt that they could talk generally about undergroundoperations without disclosing specific details. They were willing to talkbroadly about the plans of underground operations in Venda: How somepeople left the country and went to countries such as Botswana toinvestigate the possibilities of armed struggle; how such peopleorganised networks and raised funds in order to assist those who wantedto leave the country for military training and or a better education. Theytalked about the recruitment of black farmers because of their particularattractive large pieces of land to hide freedom fighters and arms caches.The researcher was thus faced with the challenge of the information'scredibility. However, at that time (1996-1997) the interviewees feltstrongly that it was not safe yet to talk openly about MK undergroundactivities. They had good reasons to'feel so because the new democracywas still very young and a possibility of a counter-revolution by theright-wing element was not inconceivable. Perhaps now that we arenearly in the second round of a democratic government, those peoplewould be more open and ready to provide the details heeded for a fullerand credible understanding of the history of human right violations inVenda.There was also a deafening silence from those who were on the side ofthe former Venda government, especially members of the security forces.The low number of amnesty applications from former security forcemembers testify to their reluctance to come forward and talk about thatpast.Reluctance to talkIt is not known how the supporters of the old South African and Vendaregime understood and thought about the political developments of thatarea during 1960-1994. It is also not known how the official oppositionof the Venda regime interpreted the political events of that time.Yet it became known that the old South African government saw Vendaas a 'buffer state'. South Africa took particular care to keep thehomeland security under its control. A strip of land at Madimbo, alongthe Limpopo River was placed under the jurisdiction of the SouthAfrican Defence Force (SADF).14 Lieutenant Colonel Mulaudzi who wasa former South African policeman, was appointed commander of theVenda National Force in 1979. He announced that Venda would nothesitate to call on assistance of the SADF as insurgents from the borderswere threatening their so-called independence.15Chief M.B. Rambuda who was the Minister of Justice also called for theenactment of Proclamation R276, which placed restrictions on theholding of meetings unless authorised by the magistrate. An antiinsurgence unit was added to the Venda National Force which waso" R Si,,'i!imill & G. Wood , Control and Contestation: State Security in South Africa'sHomelands, unpublished paper prepared for the TRC, September 1997IS Race Relations Survey, 1980, p90already engaging in anti guerrilla duties by 1980.16 These were allattempts to limit potential strategic dangers to Venda independence.Where is the voice of these personalities, from the former SADF andVenda National Force?In a statistical analysis done on the various forms of human rightsviolations in Venda, a graph showed a peak in levels of torture from1979. This could be attributed to threats from insurgents across thoseborders, when Venda was granted its political independence. Tortureparticularly peaked around 1987, possibly because of the intensificationof underground operations by the liberation movements. A number ofsubmissions were made by victims who were severely tortured by theVenda police because they were alleged to have been either hiding armscaches, recruiting or harbouring "terrorists'.The names of police officers such as Ramaligela, Nesamari, Managaconsistently came up as the perpetrators of gross human rights abuses, inthe submissions. Yet information obtained from their joint Amnestyapplication is very brief and vague. The applicants sought amnesty forassaulting several people when they were executing their duty. No oneapplied for killing Muofhe who died in police custody. Perhaps when theAmnesty committee gives them a hearing, more information will comeout.Other constraintsJudging from the limited amount of references in the narrative document,there was clearly a lack of records, especially from the police. The TRCreport has a chapter focusing on the destruction of records. 17 Alsoevident in the thin bibliography is a lack of academic work on Venda." Race Relations Survey, 1980, pp2l2, 399-400" See TRC of South Africa Report, Volume 1, chapter 8ConclusionThis exercise was to highlight some of the problems that wereencountered during the experience of researching and writing on humanrights violations in Venda. These were problems essentially to do withpresenting a potentially biased perspective on the historical account ofhuman rights violations in that area. Some of the constrains had to dowith reluctance or and the fact that some people were or still are notready or willing to disclose their past activities to the whole world.The intention of this exercise is in no way to take away the worthiness,usefulness and invaluable work achieved by the TRG This paper hashopefully exposed the gaps which need to tilled to reconstruct a balancedpast of our country, by all scholars. The TRC report is pointing out directrelevant areas of research which hopefully, research departments atuniversities and other research institutions will take up.

A reflection on the process of research and writing on human rights violations in Venda

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