Srinivas, MN

NIAS Repository

1"lMf5 Qp IMDlA ^?^v/ ^ , )^9S" Divide and Rue Counting on Caste in Census THE enumeration of castes and tribes in the decennial census is not a mere numerical exercise for it affects the nature and functioning of the enumerated groups. British administrators learnt this truth the hard way after conducting the first three or four censuses. They also learnt to use the census, along with other measures, to keep Indi-ans divided. For instance, the Scheduled Castes were listed sepa-rately from the other Hindu castes, while the existence of caste distinc-tions among Muslims and Chris-tians did not find mention. As the nationalist movement gained strength, its leaders opposed the census enumeration of castes on the ground that it was divisive. First Census In the first census conducted in independent India, Sardar Patel took a policy decision to drop the enumeration of castes except for the SCs and STs as data regarding their numbers was essential for en-suring their representation in legis-latures and Parliament. But caste had also been omitted in the wartime census of 1941 for reasons of economy, and because the British census commissioner was confronted with innumerable petitions requesting changes in caste name and rank. As far back as 1867-1871, when the first census operations were conducted in India, two peasant castes of Madras Presidency want-ed to be classified as high castes, one as Kshatriya and the other as Vaishya. The tendency to claim Kshatriya or Vaishya status by low status groups increased significantly in 1881 and 1891 censuses. Sir Her-bert Risley, author of the well known book, The People of India and commissioner of the 1901 cen-sus, took a decision to determine, through the census operations, the precise rank of each jati in the local hierarchy, and its correct varna affil-iation. His idea was the result of a colossal misunderstanding of the nature of caste, of confusing varna with jati, and ignorance of the dy-namism inherent in the jati system. Jati ranking, unlike varna, is a fuzzy affair, especially in the middle ranges where disputation regarding mutual rank is the rule and not the exception. Such ambiguity is the essence of the system, for it favours mobility. And historically speaking, the ranks of Kshatriyas Vaishyas, and more rarely, even Brahmins, have been occupied by upwardly By M N SRINIVAS mobile low status groups. It was British rule and the imposition of Pax Britannica that froze that kind of ability. One gets an idea of the wide-spread discontent which Risley's ef-forts caused in the following extract from the report of LSS O'Malley, census commissioner of Bengal and Orissa in 1911: ..."Hundreds of peti-tions were received from different castes requesting that they ought to be known by a new name, be placed higher up in the order of prece-dence, be registered as Kshatriya and Vaishya, etc. Many castes were aggrieved at the positions assigned to them, and complained that it lowered them in public estimation." Risley's efforts also encouraged, over a period of time, the formation ofxaste sabhas which, in turn, be-came extremely active in petition-ing census authorities for assigning their castes a higher status, than that conceived by local opinion. Caste sabhas also became agencies for re-form, of caste custom and ritual which occasionally led to clashes with higher and dominant castes. The point which I wish to stress is that Risley's efforts to determine the rank of each jati had exactly the opposite effect, and led to consider-able unrest among the people. Strident Demands •Since the reservation of seats in educational institutions and jobs in the government started in the 1920s in parts of South India, cognate sub-castes found it advantageous to form alliances if not mergers, in or-der to increase their political clout, and secure a greater share of such scarce resources as education and employment. The size and scope of "reservation" has risen substantial-ly since 1901.The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, constituting 18 and five per cent respectively of the population, are entitled to not only reservation in education and employment, but reservation in all legislatures, state assemblies and Parliament. Reservation for the backward classes is restricted to ed-ucation and employment, though it is as high as 70 per cent in Karnata-ka and 69 per cent in Tamil Nadu. Since August 1990, the OBCs are entitled to reservation of 27 per cent jobs in the central and state governments, following the imple-mentation of the Mandal Commis-sion's recommendations. The Com-mission listed 3,743 jatis as back-ward among Hindus, and referred to the existence of backward castes among Muslims. And as everyone knows, in recent years, Dalits Chris-tians have been demanding that they be treated on par with SCs among Hindus, Sikhs and Bud-dhists. Once the census commission starts its activities in earnest, all de-mands for classification as OBC, SC and ST are going to become stri-dent. Other Complication Groups which are today an inte-gral part of a single backward caste may claim to be distinct in the hope that its claims might get better at-tention. For there is a widespread feeling among backward classes that the more influential and pow-erful sections and families are si-phoning off the benefits at the cost of the poorer and weaker groups. Not many people are aware that there exists a division of castes into right-hand and left-hand — a divi-sion that runs through the hierarchy — in large parts of South India and many groups belonging to the left-hand division think that they are not getting their share of the bene-fits. A fresh census enumeration might result in their demanding a separate listing which will have po-litical repercussions. Another complication is that there are many groups all over the country which think that they have been unjustly denied OBC, SC or ST status. They will seize the census as an opportunity for redressal and will exert tremendous pressure on political parties to push their de-mands through. Counting heads in each caste will also pose problems to the hapless enumerators. There are likely to be complaints that the census figures have underestimated the numerical strength of the caste or other groups, a situation which may lead to litigation. Last but not the least are the middle classes. Not only have their numbers increased significantly during the last two decades, but they are also far more vocal and demanding. They will have visceral objections to the enu-meration of castes in the census. Even more important, educated youth all over the country, hailing largely from the middle classes, will . stage protests, burn effigies ancK even immolate themselves. Wh<a happened in the months following August 1990, might seem utterly in-significant compared to the scale of the disturbances which are likely to materialise. — 

Divide and Rue - Counting on Caste in Census

http://eprints.nias.res.in/1606/1/1998-May7-TOI-Divide-and-Rue.pdf

Divide and Rue - Counting on Caste in Census

Abstract

Similar works

Full text

Available Versions

NIAS Repository