Hollander, H.W.

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SeparatumORIENTALIALOVANIENSIAPERIODICA91978DEPARTEMENT ORIËNTAUSTIEKBlijde Inkomststraat 21B-3000 LEUVENTHE INFLUENCE OF THE TESTAMENTS OF THETWELVE PATRIARCHS IN THE EARLY CHURCH:JOSEPH AS MODEL IN PROCHORUS' ACTS OF JOHNIt is remarkable that the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs,a writing which in our opinion could have been used for severalpurposes by early Christian writers, in fact seems to have playeda very small role. Of course, it is mentioned in some lists of writingssuch as the Stichometry of Nicephorus ', but Origen and Jerome seemto have been the only early Christian authors who have really readand used the Testaments2. For we read in Origen, In Librum lesuNave Homilia XV 6, "Sed et in aliquo quodam libello, qui appellaturtestamentum duodecim patriarcharum, quamvis non habetur in canone,talem tantum quendam invenimus sensum, quod per singulos peccantessinguli satanae intelligi debeant"3—comp. T. Reub. 2f.—, and Jeromewrites in his Horn, in Pss., "In libro quoque Patriarcharum licet interapocryphos computetur, ita inueni, ut quomodo fel ad iracundiam,sic renes ad calliditatem et ad astutiam sint creati"4—comp. T. Napht.2. 8. But these two are the only texts known to us that make explicitreference to passages of the Testaments.Because the oldest (Greek) manuscript dates from the Xth century(b), there is a big gap of time from Jerome until the Xth century,in which we do not find any trace of the Testaments at all5. The1 See R.H. CHARLES. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, London. 1908.p. Lxxvill ; E. SCHÜRER, Geschickle des jüdischen Volkes im Zeilaller Jesu Chris:!'.Ill, Hildesheim, 1964. p. 353. On the Slichomelry of Nicephorus, see also H. J. DE JONGE.The earliest traceable stage of the textual tradition of the Testaments of the TwelvePatriarchs, in Studies on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. Text and Inter-pretation, ed. by M. DE JONGE, Leiden, 1975. p. 66, n. 7.1 See R. H. CHARLES, op. cii., p. LXXV-LXXVIII. The other instances that he giveshere are not convincing.3 Ed. BAEHRENS, C.C.S., Origenes. VII, 2, p. 392. See also M. DE JONOE, TheTestaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. A Study of their Text, Composition and Origin,Assen. 1953, p. 121.4 In 'Anecdota Maredsol.' HI. 3 (ed. by G. MORIN, 1903), p. 22f. See R. H. CHARLES,op. cit., p. Lxxvn.5 On the problem of the Armenian version and its date, see M. DE JONGE,The Greek Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Armenian version, in Studieson the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. Tf-xt and Interpretation, ed. by M. DE JONGE,Leiden, 1975, p. 120-139. esp. p. 135-139.76 H. W. HOLLANDERproblem, what happened to the Testaments from the beginning ofthe Vth century until the Xth seems to be a difficult one and almostunsolvable.In this article, I shall investigate another passage in an earlyChristian writing, which seems to be influenced by the Testamentsof the Twelve Patriarchs, although it does not mention its sourceexplicitly.One of the stories about John the apostle that are found inProchorus' Acts of John" is that of Procliane and her son Sosipatros(p. 135-150). Here it is told that Procliane, a rich widow, falls inlove with her own son, a handsome boy of twenty-four years old(p. 135f.). This young man meets John, who is preaching the gospelin his town (Karos) on the island of Patmos. After John has toldhim a parable which is in fact an illustration of Sosipatros' ownsituation, the young man invites John (and Prochorus) for dinnerat home, against his mother's will (p. 136-140). Hereafter, they go out,notwithstanding Procliane, who wants her son to stay with her andto fulfil her desire (p. 140-142). A few days later, she goes out to lookfor her son, and finding him, she seizes him and, in front of theproconsul, accuses him of attempts to sleep with her. John tries todefend him, but in vain : Procliane brings charges against him as well,with the result that both John and Sosipatros are condemned todeath (p. 142-144). Then John prays and asks for an earthquake,which indeed happens, accompanied with other miracles. On theproconsul's request, John prays again and asks for restoration, afterwhich the proconsul believes in the God of John and is baptised(p. 144-147). Finally, it is told that Procliane is full of repentance,asks for remission of her sins, and is baptised together with her son(p. 148-150).It is clear that this story gives a good example of the Phaedra-motif7, a motif that is found in many pieces of literature. M. Braunhas convincingly proved that the so called first story of Joseph in6 Ed. by Th. ZAHN, Ada Joannis, Erlangen, 1880. Reference will be made tothe pages (and lines) of this edition. Prochorus' Acts of John is distinct from the Actsof John which rank among the five major Apocryphal Acts and which are in factused by Prochorus. See HENNECKE-SCHNEEMELCHER, Neutestameniiictie Apokryphen, II,Tubingen, 1971*. p. 402f.7 See also R. SÖDER, Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichlen und die romanhafte LiteralurJtr Antike. Stuttgart, 1932. p. 141 f.•JOSEPH AS MODEL IN PROCHORUS' ACTS OF JOHN 77T. Joseph (3,1-10,4), though it is based on Gen. 39, is influencedby the same motif, showing many elements from the Phaedra-legends.From the following more detailed analysis of the story aboutProcliane and her son Sosipatros it will be demonstrated that thisstory and that about Joseph in the Testaments not only deal withthe same motif, but that Prochorus obviously compared Sosipatroswith Joseph, knew traditions about Joseph, and very probably usedelements that can only be found in the Joseph-story as it is toldin the Testaments9.For we read in the beginning of Prochorus' story that Sosipatros...Tfj . . . ËOXO Èa0f|(ÎEl EÎXEV TT|V <JQXppOOT3vT|V TOÖ ToXTT|(p (p. 136, 2f).On p. 144, 8, he is called rjtbtppcov another time. Joseph's rjoxppoCTUvriis, although it does not occur in the Genesis-story, a well-knownmotif, which we find, among others, in T. Joseph, Philo, Josephusand Joseph et Asenath '°.It seems, therefore, likely that Prochorus went beyond the Genesis-story and was familiar with later Jewish hellenistic traditions aboutJoseph ' ' :a. The woman's action of accusing her son in front of the proconsulis expressed by the word SiapuXXctv (p. 138, 1). The same word8 See M. BRAUN, History and Romance in Graeco-Orienlal Literature, Oxford. 1938,p. 44-95 See further M. DE JONGE, The Testaments..., p. 102ff.; J. BECKER, Unter-suchungen -ur Entstehungsgeschichte der Testamente der zwötf Patriarchen (AGJU, VIII),Leiden. 1970, p. 234ff. ; R.I. PERVO, The Testament of Joseph and Greek Romance,in Studies on the Testament of Joseph (Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 5), ed. byG. NICKELSBURG jr., Montana, 1975. p. 15-28; H. W. HOLLANDER. The Ethical Characterof the Patriarch Joseph, ibidem, p. 47-104, esp. p. 47-68.9 It is interesting that the theme of a young man who is loved by his mother,but remains pure and is finally accused by her. is also found in the Acts of Andrew(see J. A. FAflRlcius, Codex Apocryphus Novi Testament!. Hamburg, 1703. p. 461 ff. =Abdias. Hist, aposl. Ill 6). The story itself, however, is worded completely differentfrom that in the Acts of John, and is, therefore, not important for our thesis.On the relation between these two stories, see R. A. LIPSIUS, Die apokryphen Apostel-geschichlen and Apostellegenden (I; II 1, 2; Erg. Bd.). Braunschweig, 1883-1890. I.p. 401 ; 602 ; Erg. Bd. p. 97. In this connection il is worth mentioning that Prochorusknew and used the older Acts of John, but, "es scheint, dass sein bewusster Gegensatzgegen dieses hétérodoxe Buch ihn veranlasst hat, sich möglichst fern von demselbenund damit von der alten Tradition zu halten, und statt dessen tieber biblische undandere heilige Geschichten nachzubilden... Soviet scheint mir hierdurch bewiesen zusein, dass Prochorus nicht beflissen war, die vorhandenen Traditionen iiber Johanneszu sammeln. sondern einen erbaulichen Roman zu schreiben' (ZAHN, op. cit., p. LVf.).10 See HOLLANDER, op. fit., p. 64f.11 Although the expression KOiun9n.ri UET'euoD (p. 143. 15) obviously reminds ofGen. 39, 14 (and 39, 7.12).! 78 H. W. HOLLANDER(8iapuXXsw or 8ia|k>X.f|) is used in connection with the Egyptianwoman who brought charges against Joseph : see Philo, De Josepho66; 80; Josephus, Ant. II 54; T. Joseph 1,7. It is, however, not foundin Gen. 39.b. The trouble the woman gave to Sosipatros is expressed by theverb èvoxXeïv (p. 137, 16) or ÓX^EÏV (p. 149, I)12 . It is also foundin the story about Joseph: see T. Joseph 3, 6; and Jos. et Asen. 7, 3,but here it describes not the attitude of the Egyptian woman toJoseph, but rather that of 'all the wives and daughters' of importantEgyptians. Again, this term does not occur in the Genesis-story.c. Before Procliane went to the proconsul, she caught her son byhis clothes and did not let him go (p. 142f). This action of catchingSosipatros by his clothes (ÈnEÏMfa-co TÖÏV luaiiiov auioO, p. 142, 13),which has no real function in the story, finds its origin undoubtedlyin the Joseph-story. In Gen. 39, 12, however, another verb is used:ejisajtaaato autov TÖV iuatuov. But we do find the verb eTti^au-Pav£o6ai in this connection in Philo, De Josepho 49'3 and inT.JosephS, 2'4.d. Some other terms used by Prochorus are often found in thiskind of stories, and are, therefore, too general to draw any conclusion,although they do occur in the Jewish hellenistic tradition about Joseph.I mean cucoXaaioc (p. 146, 4)15, àvaiSfiç (p. 144, 13)16, àrtcrtri/àTcaTav(p. 137, l l f f . ) 1 7 ; further, the motif that the seducing woman herselfis beautiful (euuopipoc, p. 136, 10)'8, and that she is driven by uavia(p. 143,7; 149,6)".From all this it is obvious that the writer of the story aboutProcliane and her son Sosipatros was familiar with the Jewish hellenistictradition about Joseph and used elements that belong originally tothis tradition.But did Prochorus know and use elements that are found only inthe Testaments? In other words: is there a special link betweenCf. the use of StevoxUiv in the woman's charges against her son (p. 143, 15).... àTioôiôpdaicEi ta iucma KataXmtiiv èv TOÎ; zepviv ainfiç, &v eiTEi>.r|irto.TÉX.OÇ oùv èïtiXaupâveTai ^oi> TÛV l^aTituv...See Philo, De Josepho 40: SO: 64: cf. T Joseph 7, 1 (cf. 9, 2). See HOLLANDER,»., p. 65.See T. Joseph 2, 2. See HOLLANDER, op. cit., p. 51.See Philo, De Josepho 56: T. Joseph 9, 5 (aitd-nimv)See T. Joseph 9, 5 (tbpaia).See T. Joseph 8, 3 (paivojiéVTï).JOSEPH AS MODEL IN PROCHORUS1 ACTS OF JOHN 79the Joseph-story in the Testaments and Prochorus' story, so thatwe are allowed to suppose influence of the Testaments on Prochorus?First, there are two arguments that are each in itself not veryconclusive, but at least worth mentioning: a. we read that Sosipatrosknew the bad intentions of his mother: rj5£i yap t^v SouuovubSriyvcour|v TT); utitpoc autoO (p. 141, 12). We find something similarin T. Joseph 3, 9: after the Egyptian woman had tried to drawJoseph into fornication, he was no longer ignorant; 'and when Iperceived (vof|aac) it I sorrowed unto death..."; cf. also 7, 4, 'Andwhen I saw (vof|crac) that the spirit of Beliar was troubling her...';b. on p. 140, it is told that when Sosipatros wanted to go out withJohn and Prochorus, his mother followed him in order to persuadehim to come back soon and to fulfil her desire, ... ôncûç ... èiti-TEXéor) Tf|v ÙKÔflapTOv £7ii9uuiav aÙTfjç (14f.). This expression remindsus of T. Joseph 4, 7, where we read that the Egyptian woman heldher peace, jioGouoa èicuEXÉacti tf)v èmôuuiav aUTflc20.Next, I shall add three stronger arguments, which point to influenceof the Testaments on Prochorus :a. The desire of the Egyptian woman is usually expressed by theword eitiGuuia: see, e.g., Philo, De Josepho 41 ; 49; Josephus, Ant. II42f.; 51 ; 55; T. Joseph 4, 7; 7, 6; 9, 1. We also find it in connectionwith Procliane: see p. 136, 5; 137, 17; 140, 15; but the formulationf| novripà èniâuuia is also found here (p. 140, 5; 149, 3f), anexpression that occurs, in this context, only in the Testaments: it isused four times, always in connection with the Egyptian woman andJoseph: T. Reub. 4, 9; T. Joseph 3, 10; 7, 8 (twice)21.b. The intensity of Procliane's attempts to seduce her son is expressedtwice by the word itoXXOKic: ...on JcoXXdiKiç èiteXùpETO uùtoO KctièciavEV aùiov où LUKpàiç (p. 141, 12f), and . . .KCÙ jioXXàKiç ôxXf|-oaaa, aùtôç où CTDYKOTÉOETÓ uoi ovyicaâeuôfJCTai (p. 149, If.). Inspite of the many attempts of his mother, Sosipatros did not fulfilher desire. In T. Joseph, the same use of TtoXXctiac is found. Theword itself occurs in 9, 1, 'often (noXXctKic) has she sent unto mesaying: consent to fulfil my desire...' More often, the cognate word20 Cf. 9. l.21 For the expression f\ novrçpà èmOufiia, which does not occur in, e.g., LXX,NT or Philo at all, see HOLLANDER, op. cit., p. 73 and n. 257 (on p. 98).80 H. W. HOLLANDERis used: see 3, l ; 4, l ; 9, 422. These words, which play suchan important role in the story of Joseph in the Testaments, mayvery probably have influenced Prochorus when he wrote his storyabout Procliane and Sosipatros, the more so, as Prochorus only usedthe word itoXXUKic, but did not specify it in such a way as it isdone in the Testaments.c. On p. 141, we read, after it is told that Procliane did so muchto seduce her son, . . . a\\' ó GEÔÇ Eppixraio OÙTÔV àtiô TOO toû TOÜ9avatr](pópou (13 f.). Comp. p. 142, 2f. ... luxriTtarpoc èppùaGri ànoT.CÜV x£ipâ>v aÙTfjç. This motif of being saved by God in such asituation, which — again — is not specified in this story and does notplay any role at all, but is only mentioned incidentally, is a veryimportant theme in the story about Joseph as it is found in theTestaments: see T. Reub. 4, 10, Sid TOÙTO ó GEÔÇ TÖJV TiatÉptov uouèppóaciTO aùîàv (= Joseph) àitô rravtôç ópatoD xat KEKpuuuévouGavâtou23; T. Joseph 4, 3.8, ... ëSEÓLinv TOÙ 8coC, ÖTCCOC PUCTETUUHE ó KÙpioç EK TTJÇ Aiyujmoc ... ÖTIÜX; puaETai UE lajpioç ait" aÙTT^ç24.Whereas this theme has a specific meaning in the Testaments25),it occurs in Prochorus' story only incidentally26.22 On the use of JTOCTOKIÇ, see HOLLANDER, op. cit., p. 62 and notes 140-142(on p. 92).23 On this verse, see HOLLANDER, op. cit., p. 73. The 'hidden death' probably refersto the special food prepared for Joseph by the Egyptian woman (see T. Joseph 6).Whether this food contained a magic love-philtre or a deadly poison is not clear(see M. DE JONGE, The Testaments..., p. 105; PERVO, op. cit., p. 19f. and n. 28(on p. 26f.)). This motif may have influenced the expression (ó ÖEÓC cppûaaio OÙTOV)ànô TOÙ ioù TOÛ 6avaTr|*Popoi> in Prochorus' Acts of John (p. 141. 14). More likely,however, the 'deadly venom' refers to the cunning talks through which the womantried to seduce her son. For man's lips and tongue are traditionally connected with ioç:see, e.g., Ps. 13. 3 LXX; 140, 3 (139. 4); James 3, 8 (ioD 9avatn.<l>opou). In anycase, reference to the death (by bites of snakes and other animals) to which Sosipatroswas condemned by the proconsul later on in the story is especially in view of thedirect context in which this expression is found, not very probable.24 Other instances, in which God's saving activity (expressed by the verb pueoBai)is mentioned in connection with Joseph, 'are T. Joseph 1, 1; T. Sim. 2, 8; T. Gad 2, 5;see also T. Joseph 10. 3. In T. Sim. 2. 8; T. Gad 2, 5. we read that God ...eppOacTo aÙTÔv (= Joseph) EK T<ÖV xeipöv uou (= Simeon's or Gad's), a formulationthat reminds of Prochorus' Acts of John, p. 142. 2f.. ... èppùoôn, àitô tôv ^eiptuv autfjc.:s It is connected with the genre of the individual thanksgiving; see HOLLANDER,op. cit., p. 48.26 Yet another argument may be mentioned. At the end of Prochorus' story, it istold that Procliane repented, and that she ... old 7Ôp vncrcEtaç KOÀ îïpooeuxflçÈTtiJTEivüxjev éauTiiv, ôeouévn. TOO fleoû... (p. ISO. 9f.). The theme of praying, fastingand humiliation plays a very important part in the Testaments and in T. Joseph inJOSEPH AS MODEL IN PROCHORUS' ACTS OF JOHN 8)In the introduction to his edition, Zahn informs us about theorigin of Prochorus' Acts of John. Although he cannot say with anycertainty when exactly Prochorus wrote his Acts, he is of the opinionthat the date of its origin must be somewhere between 400 and 600(p. LIX). Finally, he sums up his investigations as follows: "Ich denkemir daher Prochorus als einen beweibten Presbyter der westsyrischenKirche um 500, ohne viel dogmatische oder asketische Interessen undohne viel historische und geographische Kenntnisse" (p. LX). If thisis true, it is—after what has been said about the influence of theTestaments on Prochorus—perhaps possible to conclude that theChristian community in West-Syria of about 500 shows familiaritywith the writing of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs.Leiderdorp, NederlandPeppelschans, 74Harm W. HOLLANDERparticular, and. although it is, of course, nol confined to the Testaments and itsfunction in T. Joseph is different from that in Prochorus' Acts of John, influence ofthe Testaments on Prochorus is possible, the more so, as this motif does not occurelsewhere in his Acts of John. On this theme in T. Joseph, see HOLLANDER, op. cit.,p. 60ff.. 65.

The Influence of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs in the Early Church: Joseph as Model in Prochorus’ Acts of John

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The Influence of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs in the Early Church: Joseph as Model in Prochorus’ Acts of John

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